New deal to make Russia visits easier for Tajiks

New deal to make Russia visits easier for Tajiks

Tajik Television first channel, Dushanbe
27 Aug 05

It was earlier reported that Tajik President Emomali Rahmonov had
attended festivities devoted to the 1,000th anniversary of the city of
Kazan, the capital of Russia’s Tatarstan.

The Tajik president, together with other heads of CIS state, attended
a ceremony held at the Musa Dzhalil State Opera and Ballet Theatre in
Tatarstan in the evening on 26 August. As part of the festivities,
Tajik President Emomali Rahmonov met the head of Muslim people in the
city of Kazan today. Then the Tajik president met representatives of
the Tajik diaspora in Tatarstan.

During the meeting Tajik President Emomali Rahmonov said that in line
with agreements reached with Russian President Vladimir Putin, centres
for issuing foreign passports to Tajik citizens would be opened in all
big cities in Russia from 1 September 2005.

Tajik President Emomali Rahmonov also met Russian President Vladimir
Putin, Armenian President Robert Kocharyan, Uzbek President Islom
Karimov and Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko as part of the
festivities devoted to the 1,000th anniversary of the city of
Kazan. The sides discussed the most important aspects of bilateral
cooperation during the meeting.

‘Ottoman Armenians at Decline of the Empire’ workshop postponed

AZG Armenian Daily #152, 27/08/2005

Neighbors

POSTPONED ‘OTTOMAN ARMENIANS AT DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE’ WORKSHOP TO BE HELD
IN SEPTEMBER

Abdullah Gul Accepted the Invitation of Preparatory Committee

On September 23-25, Bosphorus University of Istanbul will hold the “Ottoman
Armenians at Decline of the Empire. Scientific Responsibility and Issues of
Democracy” workshop that was postponed 4 months ago owing to fierce
opposition in Turkey. The Preparatory Committee announced about the workshop
on August 21, and Turkish central newspapers caught it up.

The postponed workshop, that was to take place on May 25-27, was initiated
by Sabanj, Bilgi and Bosphorus universities of Turkey and had in its
Preparatory Committee such scholars as Murad Belge, Halil Berktay, Selim
Deringil, Ethem Eldem, Zaglar Keyder, Haqan Erdem, Aksin Somel and Jalil
Kocak who reject Turkish denialist stance on Armenian Genocide issue and
define the events of 1915 as genocide.

As participants of discussions the Preparatory Committee invited Taner Akcam
and Fatma Myuge Gyocek and other Turkish scientists from Yale, Harvard,
Michigan and Minnesota universities as well as Turkish-Armenian editor of
Akos newspaper, Hrant Dink, and Zaman newspaper columnist, Etienne
Mahtchupian.

A day before the workshop was to start, two oppositional deputies of
Turkey’s parliament condemned the organization of the workshop with
participation of “pro-Armenian” Turkish scholars. The fact that it was to
take place at the state-fund Bosphorus University made the matter even
worse. Justice minister of Turkey, Jemil Cicek, labeled the initiative a
“manifestation of irresponsibility” and stated that it is a “stab at Turkish
people’s back”.

After the minister’s statements the Bosphorus University could do nothing
but inform Turkish public of its decision to postpone the conference. But
the postponement could not curb speculations that raged over the workshop in
Turkey. Not to give room for the West to accuse Turkey of crackdown on
freedom of speech, chairman of the Turkish parliament, Byulent Arinc,
declared, “Dissent should not be impeded in the country. It was certainly
permissible to hold the conference within the frames of freedom of speech”.
Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan joined him. Reminding that the
workshop was the initiative of the country’s higher educational
establishments and scientists, Erdogan said it was meaningless to prescribe
the postponement to justice minister’s speech and added, “Let everyone
speak. We’ll learn at least what they think”.

It’s noteworthy that those circles that most fiercely responded to the
initiative of the workshop, displayed the same opposition to the Preparatory
Committee’s announcement about the September 23-25 conference.

The Union of Civil Society Organizations of Turkey appeared to be the most
aggressive one as it expressed resolution to make the organizers put off the
workshop once again, Terjuman paper informed August 23. A member of the
Union, Ramazan Kerek, threatened to spare no efforts to do that and added,
“No one living in this country can betray Turkey.” Meanwhile, justice
minister Cicek gave an elusive answer to Milliyet newspaper saying, “They
did not ask me while organizing the workshop nor did while postponing it.
We’ll see what they think at the conference”.

Those siding with the workshop answered the question of Hurriyet paper.
Hrant Dink greeted the Preparatory Committee’s decision to held the
workshop, called for the Turkish government political circles to contribute
to its holding and pointed out to the interested world community, saying
another postponement will damage Turkey’s reputation. Etienne Mahtchupian
also welcomed the revival of the conference and a columnist of
pro-government Yeni Safak, Ali Bayramoglu, added, “It is a profoundly
positive and not less important workshop. Fierce opposition within the
Turkish society of this unrealized workshop speaks well for holding it”.

Bayramoglu thinks that the workshop was politicized but it does not mean
further politicizing will occur once launched. The latter informed Hurriyet
about their invitation to take part in the conference. If their agreement
was predictable, foreign minister Abdullah Gul’s readiness to take part in
the conference came as a surprise. Yeni Safak paper thinks that Gul’s
participation will mark the beginning of the process of reconciliation with
history and will help acknowledge the fact of the Armenian Issue in Turkey.

By Hakob Chakrian

Azerbaijan-Georgia-Turkey Railway Will Not Isolate Armenia

CONSTRUCTION OF AZERBAIJAN-GEORGIA-TURKEY RAILWAY WILL NOT ISOLATE
ARMENIA

TBILISI. 25 AUGUST. ARMINFO-BSP. The construction of the
Azerbaijan-Georgia-Turkey railway Baku-Tbilisi-Akhalkalaki-Cars will
not isolate Armenia, the Georgian parliament claims.

“By this project Georgia is not going to isolate Armenia. On the
contrary, we believe that the road will make an economic profit to
Armenia,” David Bakradze, the chairman of the parliamentary committee
for Euro Atlantic integration, said to journalists.

In his words, due to bad relations between Armenia and Turkey the
railway doe not work. If Armenia is linked with Turkey and Europe via
Georgia, at this stage it will be a progress for Armenia.

The issue of constructing the railway between Azerbaijan, Georgia and
Turkey has become urgent after seven members of the US Congress sent a
message to Condoleezza Rice asking not to back up the project.

Georgian Foreign Minister Salome Zurabishvili said 24 August to
journalists that she had been unaware of the congressmen’s message.
We have been working on the project and we don not exclude others. We
are aware that Armenia disapproves the project. We are ready to
consider other routes. But we will let nobody to block any decision
particularly via the USA, she added.

According to some unofficial information from the Georgian parliament
the message sent to Condoleezza Rice says that the
Baku-Tbilisi-Akhalkalaki-Cars project had been part of the
anti-Armenian Georgia- Azerbaijani policy aimed at isolation of
Armenia. The US Congressmen ask the Secretary of State to consider the
opportunity to change the railway route and lay it via Armenian town
Gyumri. Meanwhile the working panels of Georgian, Azeri and Turkish
specialists continue working on the Baku- Tbilisi-Akhalkalaki-Cars
project’s feasibility study. Its details are to be discussed this
September in Ankara.

The Baku-Tbilisi-Cars Transport Corridor project provides for
construction of the 98-km railway Cars- Akhalkalaki and rehabilitation
of the available road Akhalkalaki-Tbilisi. The total cost of the
project amounts to about $400 million. Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey
will finance it.

Settlements in Focus – Vol.1, Issue 8: Targeting the Old City’s Musl

Settlements in Focus – Vol.1, Issue 8: Targeting the Old City’s Muslim Quarter

Americans for Peace Now (Press Release)
;cid=1340
August 26, 2005

According to recent news reports, the Israeli government has approved
construction of a new Jewish settlement in the Muslim Quarter of
Jerusalem’s Old City. Is this true?

On July 4, 2005, the Israeli Ministry of Housing and Construction gave
its approval to move forward on a plan (Town Planning Scheme 9870,
or “TPS 9870”) to construct a new Jewish settlement in the Muslim
Quarter of Jerusalem’s Old City, near Herod’s Gate. This approval
is not final and does not mean that the plan will necessarily be
implemented; however, it does allow the plan to proceed on the path
toward final approval, with the official blessing of the Ministry.

Subsequent to the Ministry’s approval, on July 25, 2005, the Local
Planning Committee of the Jerusalem Municipality met to consider
TPS 9870. During that meeting, the Committee amended the plan
(reducing the maximum number of residential units from 30 to 21,
based on concerns of the City Engineer, Uri Shitreet). The Planning
Committee ultimately approved the amended plan by a vote of 5-2,
sending it on for the next stage in the approval process.

The plan will now be sent to the Regional Planning Committee
(part of the Ministry of Interior), where it will be deposited for
public review. The public may file objections within sixty days of
the plan’s publication, and after a hearing process the plan may
be approved, rejected or approved with amendments by the Regional
Planning Committee. Upon approval, a building permit may be issued
and construction can commence.

Why is this one settlement a big deal?

The establishment of a Jewish neighborhood in the Old City’s Muslim
Quarter is another unilateral act that, in combination with others
(like those discussed in Settlements in Focus, Volume 1, Issues 1
& 4, for example), would predetermine the results of final status
negotiations and render a political resolution of the thorny issue
of Jerusalem even more difficult. The plan conflicts with the
fundamental rationale for negotiations (i.e., that competing claims
should be resolved through agreements), undermines the credibility of
pro-peace Palestinian leaders who support negotiations, and strengthens
extremists who argue that the Road Map and disengagement are a pretext
for Israel to strengthen its hold on Jerusalem and the West Bank.

In addition, the plan could be a lightening rod for the kind of
friction and conflict that bodes ill for the stability of Jerusalem
– the one place where Israelis and Palestinians live and work,
cheek-and-jowl – and violates the delicate patterns of life in the
Old City. Moreover, provocative actions in the Old City in the past
have touched a raw nerve and led to significant bloodshed and loss
of life. For example, Israel’s decision in 1996 to open access to an
ancient tunnel in the heart of the Old City (“the Hasmonean Tunnel”)
led to widespread rioting that ended in more than 100 dead and many
injured. This highly controversial new settlement project is likely
to become a similar rallying point, precisely at a time when hesitant
efforts are being made to resume a political process.

Who owns the land?

The site is about 3.8 dunams in size (1 dunam = about .25 acres). The
Israel Land Authority (ILA), the body appointed (by a 1960 Israeli law)
to administer state lands, owns 1.9 dunams – reportedly “absentee
properties” (i.e., property whose owners were in “enemy” territory
at the end of the 1967 War, and whose assets thus reverted, under
Israeli law, to the State of Israel).

Himanuta Ltd., a wholly-owned subsidiary of the Jewish National
Fund (a quasi-governmental body whose lands, under the 1960 law,
are also administered by the ILA), owns 1.3 dunams, reportedly
acquired privately from the White Russian Orthodox Church in the
1980’s. As detailed in a 1992 report issued by the Klugman Committee,
a governmental Board of Inquiry established to investigate covert and
illegal government policies abetting settler activities in Jerusalem
(discussed below), the ILA, Himanuta, and the JNF acted in the past as
a front for extreme settler organizations such as “Ateret Cohanim.” A
January 2005 article in Ha’aretz also noted: “Tens of thousands of
acres on which settlements, industrial zones and roads have been built
were purchased by a subsidiary of the JNF – Himanuta, Ltd. – which
specialized in buying land from Palestinians through ‘straw men.'” The
ownership of the remaining .6 dunam of land in question could not be
definitively established for the purposes of this document.

The plan appears to be a long way from implementation. What is so
urgent about it now?

Experience has shown that inflammatory initiatives – like this
settlement plan – are best stopped in their incipient stages. As
a project of this nature gathers momentum, the “price tag”- i.e.,
Israeli political capital (the political costs to an Israeli government
that has to stop it), U.S. and international political capital (the
efforts that must be put into pressuring Israel to stop it), and
the overall political and diplomatic damage done (to peace efforts
and the credibility of the parties) – increases exponentially, and
the likelihood that the project can actually be halted becomes more
remote. All parties concerned with the stability and viability of
Jerusalem and the resumption of a credible political process between
Israel and the Palestinians should be working now to stop the project,
before the “price” for stopping it increases, or the process passes
the point of no return.

Can the plan be stopped?

The State of Israel, in its capacity as landowner (through the Israel
Lands Authority) or in its capacity as plan sponsor (through the
Ministry of Housing and Construction) can withdraw the plan or prevent
it from proceeding to the next phase of approval (i.e., deposit for
public review by the Regional Planning Board). In addition, it is
possible (though unlikely) that if the plan were to proceed to the
next stage it would be rejected by the Regional Planning Committee.

There is also the possibility of stopping the plan in Israeli court,
via a range of legal challenges. However, no court case may be filed
prior to the final approval of the plan (at which time the project
will be close to implementation), and the Israeli Supreme Court
has historically shown reluctance to embroil itself in politically
sensitive cases, even if a compelling legal case can be made.

Future court cases may be based on technical flaws (the plan lacks
the legally-required signatures of the sponsor and the landowner
– problems that led to it being thrown out by the planning board
last time around). The plan also appears to be at odds with policy
changes implemented based on the findings of the Klugman Committee. In
addition, it may conflict with a Supreme Court precedent, in which
the court ruled that in order to preserve the historic patterns of
residence in the Old City a Palestinian resident of Jerusalem could be
denied the right to purchase a home in the Jewish Quarter. Finally,
the plan may conflict with Israeli laws protecting antiquities;
opposition to the plan from the Israel Antiquities Authority, however,
has been muted, with some observers suggesting that political pressure
has been brought to bear.

Where would the settlement be built?

The site of the planned settlement is a vacant area at the northeastern
tip of the Old City, adjacent to the city wall, near Herod’s Gate. One
of the few remaining open spaces, the site is deep inside the Muslim
Quarter, accessible only via pedestrian walkways through residential
areas of the Muslim Quarter. It is in no way connected to or directly
accessible from the Jewish Quarter, which is located in the southern
part of the Old City.

According to the TPS 9870, what would be built?

TPS 9870, as approved by the Local Planning Council, includes 21
residential units and additional public buildings – including a
gold-domed synagogue to tower over the Old City ramparts.

What is the legal (zoning) status of the land?

Consistent with Plan AM/9, which governs all land in the Old City,
all of the open areas adjacent to the internal wall of the Old City
are preserved “…in order to prevent construction near the wall,
protecting its uniqueness and allowing the public at large access to
a site of unparalleled historic and archeological value.” The site of
the settlement is consequently designated as Public Open Space. The
approval of TPS 9870 required over-ruling this ban on construction
close to the Old City walls.

It is worth recalling that even as the Jerusalem municipality is
seeking to change the zoning in this site to permit construction
that will nearly abut the Old City walls, it is still seeking to
raze a Palestinian neighborhood located adjacent to the Old City, on
the ground that the area should be restored to its historical state
(this case is detailed in Settlements in Focus, Vol. 1, Issue 4).

Has Israel previously built any settlements inside the Muslim Quarter?

This is the first time the State of Israel has officially and openly
initiated the construction of a Jewish project in the Old City, outside
the Jewish Quarter. In fact, it is the first time in history that the
State of Israel has officially sought to build a Jewish settlement
within the confines of an existing Palestinian neighborhood anywhere
in East Jerusalem.

Non-governmental settlers groups have taken over, through legal and
illegal means, properties throughout the Muslim quarter. However, these
projects have been of a much smaller scale than the current plan and
were never officially initiated or sponsored by the government. Settler
efforts to target the Old City were dealt a blow by the Klugman
Report, which, for a time, brought to an end surreptitious official
assistance for the settlers groups. Support resumed several years
later when Binyamin Netanyahu took over as Prime Minister, but at a
much diminished level, until now.

What is the population of the Old City like?

Note: All population figures come from the Israeli Central Bureau of
Statistics as of December 31, 2003.

With 35,372 residents and a total area of about 900 dunams, Jerusalem’s
Old City is one of the most densely populated areas in Israel, and
the Muslim Quarter is the most densely populated area of the Old
City. Population density varies dramatically within the Old City;
details for each quarter, and for Jerusalem as a whole, are as follows:

Jerusalem: Jerusalem (not including the Old City) is about 125,398
dunams in size, with 657,845 residents, for a population density of
about 5 persons per dunam. The Jewish Quarter: The Jewish Quarter is
122 dunams in size and has 2,387 inhabitants, for a population density
of around 20 persons per dunam. Of these residents, 1,811 are Jewish,
560 are Muslim, 12 are Christian, and 4 are “unclassified.” According
to a 2002 report by the Jerusalem Institute for Israel studies,
the Muslim population is composed of around 100 families living
mainly on the edge of the Quarter, in homes that were designated for
expropriation after 1967, but never actually taken from their owners.
The Christian Quarter: The Christian Quarter is 192 dunams in size
and has 5,276 residents, for a population density of around 28 persons
per dunam. Of these residents, 3888 are Christian, 1,242 are Muslim,
143 are Jewish, and 3 are “unclassified.” The Armenian Quarter:
The Armenian Quarter is 126 dunams in size and has 2,461 residents,
for a population density of around 20 persons per dunam. Of these
residents, 1205 are Christian, 748 are Jewish, 504 are Muslims,
and 4 are “unclassified.” The Muslim Quarter: The Muslim Quarter
has a population of 25,248 residents and is 461 dunams in size,
of which about 142 dunams is taken up by the Temple Mount/Haram al
Sharif – an area not available for residence. This yields an overall
population density (for the habitable 319 dunams) of about 79 persons
per dunam. Of these residents, 23,461 are Muslim, 431 are Jewish,
1354 are Christian, and 2 are “unclassified.” What is the history
of Israeli attempts to build a settlement at this site?

In 1982, Ariel Sharon was the Minister of Agriculture when he
established a special committee to deal with “government” properties
in the Old City of Jerusalem. The Committee actively worked to help
settler groups like “Ateret Cohanim” gain control of properties in
the Muslim Quarter, including a scheme to allow “Ateret Cohanim” to
build a settlement at the Herod’s Gate site. The plan was eventually
shelved, following an expose in the Israeli press.

In 1991, Ariel Sharon was the Minister of Housing and Construction when
he tried to fast-track an “Ateret Cohanim” plan to develop the Herod’s
Gate site through a special planning committee established to expedite
construction of homes for immigrants from the former Soviet Union. He
was blocked by opposition from professional planning authorities: the
Town Planner determined that use of the accelerated track was illegal;
the plan was found to conflict with the patterns of life in the Old
City; and the plan was found to violate all of the of the principles
geared to preserve the Old City as a site of unique historical and
cultural value. The plan was never brought before the committee.

In October 1991, following the takeover by settlers of several
Palestinian homes in Silwan, Member of Knesset Haim Oron and
lawyer Daniel Seidemann exposed the existence of policies which
covertly handed Palestinian properties to settler groups. Following
protracted legal proceedings, the Israeli government established an
official Board of Inquiry, headed by Haim Klugman, then-Director
General of the Ministry of Justice. On September 13th, 1992, the
Klugman Committee submitted its findings to the Israeli Government
(the report was and remains classified). The Committee determined
that the policies implemented by Minister Sharon in East Jerusalem
were tainted by systematic and blatant illegality, from illegally
funneling government assets to settler groups, to using falsified
documents to seize Palestinian properties as “absentee properties”
and then handing them over to settlers.

In May 1998, Ariel Sharon was the Minister of Infrastructure (a
position that gave him control over the ILA) when “Ateret Cohanim”
submitted to the Local Planning Committee a planning scheme for the
Herod’s Gate site. Minister Sharon attempted to intervene on the
settlers’ behalf when, after the plan was rejected by the Local
Planning Committee, the settlers began to build illegally on the
site. Then-Jerusalem Mayor Ehud Olmert, under threat of legal action,
issued a demolition order (which caused the settlers to demolish
the structures). At the same time, in an unprecedented act that both
exceeded his official mandate and conflicted with the authority of
the municipality, then-Minister Sharon attempted to prevent the
demolition and grant official sanction to the settlers’ claim to
the site, issuing a press release stating: “Ateret Cohanim has legal
possession of the site adjacent to Herod’s Gate since it was leased
to them by the ILA for various purposes… [no such lease existed].
In the event that they lack any required approval it will be issued
forthwith, thereby nullifying the excuse used by the Municipality to
justify such a drastic measure as issuing an administrative demolition
order… ” [under Israeli law, no such “approval” could be issued,
since the area lacked an approved town plan].

In July 2005, Ariel Sharon is the Prime Minister of Israel, and
the plan to build a Jewish settlement at the Herod’s Gate site has
resurfaced, in the form of TPS 9870.

Could TPS 9870 have moved without high-level approval?

Given the political sensitivity of all things related to Jerusalem,
it is improbable that a plan of this nature could have proceeded
without high-level approval, including the approval of Prime Minister
Sharon. Moreover, this is not the first attempt to establish a
settlement at this particular site, and Ariel Sharon (who himself owns
a home in the heart of the Muslim Quarter), in his various roles in
government, played a central role in each previous attempt.

Produced by Lara Friedman, Government Relations Director, Americans
for Peace Now (USA), with the assistance of Daniel Seidemann, Ir
Amim, Jerusalem

http://www.peacenow.org/features.asp?rid=&amp

Press-Secretary Of Opposition Bloc Became Only Candidate To Prefect

PRESS-SECRETARY OF OPPOSITION BLOC BECAME ONLY CANDIDATE TO PREFECT OF CENTRAL COMMUNITY

YEREVAN, AUGUST 25. ARMINFO. Press-secretary of the opposition
“Justice” bloc Ruzan Khachatryan has been elected the only candidate
from the bloc to the post of the prefect of central community of
Yerevan. Such a decision was made unanimously at today’s sitting
of the bloc. Leader of “Justice” Aram Sargssyan assured that the
participation of Khachatryan in the elections will help to reveal
once again the defects of Armenia’s apparatus.

To note, the elections in the Center community will be held on Sept
25. Registration of candidates to the prefect will take place on Aug
26-31. Besides Khachatryan, the acting prefect of the community Gagik
Beglaryan also will stand for this post.

Pace Chairman Satisfied With Process Of Peaceful Settlement

PACE CHAIRMAN SATISFIED WITH PROCESS OF PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT OF KARABAKH CONFLICT

YEREVAN, AUGUST 23. ARMINFO.

PACE Chairman Rene van der Linden expressed satisfaction with the steps
taken in direction of peaceful settlement of Karabakh conflict. He made
this statement during his meeting with Azerbaijani President Ilham
Aliyev, APA reports referring to the press-service of Azerbaijani
President.

According to the source, PACE Chairman pointed out that resolution
of the conflict is the most important issue for Azerbaijan. He stated
that while in Yerevan he discussed the given issue with the leadership
of Armenia. PACE Chairman expressed hope for the conflict resolution
within the nearest future. – M-

Visa cul-de-sac: Tbilisi denies Russian servicemen visas

Agency WPS
DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
August 24, 2005, Wednesday

VISA CUL-DE-SAC

SOURCE: Krasnaya Zvezda, No 151, August 20, 2005, p. 3

by Oleg Gorupai

TBILISI DENIES RUSSIAN SERVICEMEN VISAS

Visas become more and more of a problem for servicemen of the Russian
Army Group in the Caucasus with each passing day. Military bases (the
12th in Batumi and 62nd in Akhalkalaki) are more than 50% under
complement. Unless urgent measures are taken, a critical situation
will arise with availability of low-rank officers of the platoon,
company, and battalion (battery) levels. Officers drafted into the
Armed Forces for two years after military departments in civilian
colleges and universities have served their army stint. Almost 350
officers like that are to be retired from the Army (from the Russian
Army Group in the Caucasus, that is) by the end of the year. They are
supposed to be replaced with new graduates from civilian colleges and
universities. Russian Embassy in Georgia submitted appropriate
documents for 96 replacements well in advance.

The Georgian authorities, however, deny servicemen of the Russian
Army Group in the Caucasus both one-time and multiple entry and exit
visas. Their motives are impeccable: there will be no visas for the
Russian military before the official signing of the accord on
withdrawal of the Russian bases from Georgia. Exceptions are made
only for the servicemen directly involved in withdrawal of the
military hardware and not all of them at that.

Almost 197 graduates from civilian colleges and universities have
already come to the 102nd Military Base of the Russian Army Group in
the Caucasus quartered in Armenia. All of them were put up in
barracks, all of them are eager to serve in the Russian army. Some of
them will undergo a three-week refresher course, others two-month
courses. And what then?

The visa situation being what it is, command of the Russian Army
Group in the Caucasus is left to its own devices. After two months of
kicking their heels in Armenia, the unemployed officers are offered
vacancies in Armenia. The rest will be assigned to the 12th and 62nd
bases in Georgia but remain in Armenia pending solution to the
problem of visas.

There can be no doubts that the command of the Russian Army Group in
the Caucasus and 102nd Base will find something to do for the
officers but that is hardly a solution as far as bases in Georgia are
concerned. They need officers – at least in order to withdraw from Georgia.

Karen Aristakesian: No bribe was offered to jury

AZG Armenian Daily #149, 24/08/2005

Refutation

KAREN ARISTAKESIAN: NO BRIBE WAS OFFERED TO JURY

Daily Azg published an article about disqualification of Anush Grigorian on
August 20. The article also said that Karen Aristakesian, chairman of “Miss
Armenia” national agency, offered bribes to the jury. Our article was based
on the press release send by the Beauty International Organization from
Panama to our newspaper. Learning about the accusation from our article, Mr.
Aristakesian came to our office and handed his refutation to Azg. Below we
present it as it was:

As a jury member at the final round of Miss Intercontinental, I defended my
country and its representative at the contest. I see this precedent as the
result of clashes of interests (no matter between states or individuals).

I bribed no one and had no negotiation with any jury member on this subject
before the contest and after it. Anyone aware of the technology of beauty
contests will immediately understand what has happened. A beauty contest is
a peculiar game. The contest organizers have taken back from “Miss Armenia”
national agency the only thing they gave – the contest licenses. (Anush
Grigorian being forth in the contest did not even receive $1.000 and the
ribbon indicated the place she won).

That’s their right and no one can take it from them as no one can grab our
national beauty and dignity. Even if they did not demand the licenses back,
the agency would not participate in any further contests organized by the
World Beauty Organization. It was only this year that Armenian beauties
achieved such great results in international contests. Frankly speaking,
this precedent speaks well for the victory of our country and its
representative. The beauties of Armenia, as well as Anush Grigorian, will
take part in other international contests.

FMs of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan to discuss Karabakh conflict

Foreign ministers of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan to discuss
Karabakh conflict in Moscow

.c The Associated Press

MOSCOW (AP) – The foreign ministers of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan
were slated to meet in Moscow on Wednesday for discussions of the
conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave and a planned meeting this
week between the two Caucasus nations’ presidents, the Interfax news
agency reported.

“Negotiations have intensified noticeably over the past six months,”
Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov was quoted as saying
Tuesday, referring to talks on Nagorno-Karabakh that have been
mediated by Russia, the United States and France.

The bloodshed began after the legislature of the ethnic
Armenian-dominated enclave in Azerbaijan called in 1988 for the region
to be incorporated into Armenia, which like Azerbaijan was then still
a Soviet republic. Full-scale military offensives broke out in 1991;
thousands were killed and a million displaced.

A tense cease-fire has held since 1994 but efforts to finally resolve
Nagorno-Karabakh’s status have repeatedly failed.

Armenian President Robert Kocharian and his Azerbaijani counterpart
Ilham Aliev are scheduled to meet on the sidelines of a summit of the
Commonwealth of Independent States in Russia’s Volga River city of
Kazan on Friday, Interfax said.

08/24/05 02:26 EDT

Armenia Attracts Most Resources and Investment to Banking Sys in CIS

AMONG CIS COUNTRIES, ARMENIA HAS BIGGEST MARGIN BETWEEN INTEREST RATES
OF RESOURCES ATTRACTED TO AND INVESTED IN ITS BANKING SYSTEM

YEREVAN, AUGUST 22, NOYAN TAPAN. Chairman of the Central Bank of
Armenia (CBA) Tigran Sargsian said at the August 22 presentation of
BTA Invest Bank that among the CIS countries, Armenia has the biggest
difference between the interest rates of the resources attracted to an
invested in its banking system. He pointed out the necessity of
creating a fair competition field for all the Armenian commercial
banks, which will in turn lead to the reduction of this margin. “The
bank customers will benefit most,” T. Sargsian noted. According to CBA
Chairman, there is no restriction on investments in the RA banking
capital. Moreover, the more regulated the banking system, the more
interest foreign investors show in it. It was also noted that recently
the CBA conducted negotiations with the European Bank of
Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) in order to introduce the
concept of corporate management in the banking system. According to
EBRD experts, the concept’s introduction will sharply increase the
interest in the Armenian banking system.