Turkish press: ‘6 Artists in Search of a Precedent’ draws connection between past, present

Fırat Engin,

Akbank Sanat, a creative center that has stimulated the dynamics of contemporary art, promoted studies in this field and supported young artists since its inception, is hosting a new exhibition prepared with a unique concept. Curated by Hasan Bülent Kahraman, “6 Artists in Search of a Precedent” features the works of six artists and the works of those they chose as their predecessors.

In the exhibition, six artists born in or after 1970 establish their places in the art world and then showcase the works of their predecessors. Murat Akagündüz picked Avni Lifij as his predecessor, Alpin Arda Bağcık chose Irfan Önürmen, Ramazan Can selected Şakir Gökçebağ, Fırat Engin chose Sarkis Zabunyan, Güneş Terkol picked Gülsün Karamustafa, and Burcu Yağcıoğlu chose Semiha Berksoy.

The exhibition draws a connection between the six artists and the six predecessors through their iconic works. While the works create a bridge between the past and the present, they also show the bond between the traditional and the contemporary, which remains close and strong.

Describing the exhibition, curator Kahraman said: “There is a misconception brought about by the harsh modernization in Turkey: the new, the modern and finally the contemporary are severed from the past. However, there is no such thing. The modern structure of memory and remembrance keeps the past alive through another understanding.”

Gülsün Karamustafa," Carpet with Horses," 1986, textile collage, 90 by 133 centimeters.

6 artists

Akagündüz, who was born in 1970 in northwestern Kocaeli province, graduated from the Fine Arts Faculty of Mimar Sinan University with a degree in painting. Especially known for his lithography and fresco works, the artist was also a founding member of the Hafriyat Art Initiative between 1995 and 2010. The references to art history in his works are what make them remarkable.

Born in 1988 in western Izmir province, Bağcık graduated from the Painting Department of Dokuz Eylül University in 2007. The artist, who currently lives and works in Istanbul, draws inspiration from defining moments in the history of the 20th century in his photorealist paintings. While revealing his thoughts on authority and the delusion of power in his creations, Bağcık also scrutinizes the notion of reality that photography presents with his oil paintings and pencil drawings.

Can, who was also born in 1988 in western Manisa province, graduated from Gazi University's Fine Arts Education Department in 2011. The artist’s intriguing paintings, installations, sculptures, carpets and weaving offer viewers a chance to discover the old Anatolian tradition of Shamanism, rituals and totems. Therapeutic rituals he underwent to cure an illness he suffered during his childhood were the first inspiration for his works. He, then, researched the rituals and realized that they are based on Shamanism and certain mythological stories. Certain habits that continue today help the artist handle current issues of modern life from a Shamanist perspective. While the artist defines his own identity, memory and time, he bases his inspiration on the land where he was born and people who were once nomads but switched to a settled lifestyle.

Alpin Arda Bağcık, "Perisiazin," 2017, oil on canvas, 105 by 150 centimeters.

Born in 1982 in the capital Ankara, Engin graduated from the Sculpture Department of Hacettepe University. The artist continued his works at Ecole Nationale Superieure D'art De Bourges art school in France and took part in many national and international projects in various cities including New York and Egypt’s Alexandria and Cairo. Focusing on social issues in his creations, Engin utilizes different types of materials such as neon, sound, wood, stone and metal.

Terkol, born in 1981, graduated from the Painting Department of Mimar Sinan University. Drawing inspiration from her surroundings and collecting stories, the artist weaves them into her sewing pieces, videos, sketches and musical compositions. The Istanbul-based artist is also a member of HaZaVuZu artist collective.

Born in 1981 in Istanbul, Yağcıoğlu also graduated from the Painting Department of Mimar Sinan University. Including patterns, video, collages and painting in her practice, the artist focuses on information circulation, nature perceptions and cultural hierarchies in her works. She feeds her productions with visual systems like animations, books and encyclopedias.

İrfan Önürmen, "Archive II Death = Death," 2001, installation, glued newspapers.

Predecessors

Lifij was one of the leading figures of the generation of 1914, who are also known as the Turkish Impressionists. The artists of this group were sent to receive education in Paris and returned to Turkey upon the outbreak of World War I. They brought impressionism back with them to the country. Lifij even played a leading role in the spread of Western-style painting in the Ottoman Empire. The artist’s works covering a wide range of genres such as self-portraits, pochades, landscapes and compositions with figures can be evaluated as the modern pieces of his time.

Önürmen is one of the representatives of Turkish figurative painting. Critically questioning cultural and social change and transformation, the artist created a different language for himself by using diverse materials such as tulle, jeans, lace and shirt collars on his canvases. His work reveals the relationships between personal and public experience through the lens of contemporary media. Önürmen also addresses the impact of mass media on the human experience.

Gökçebağ is a visual artist especially known for his sculptures and installations in which he transforms everyday objects into hybrid entities. While combining different materials, he changes the usual function of objects and alters the position from which people view them.

Fırat Engin, "Frequency series I," 2019, polyester frame, wood, neon, 120 by 130 centimeters.

Turkish-born Armenian artist Zabunyan is simply known as Sarkis in the art world. As a leading conceptual artists, Sarkis uses installation, photography, watercolor and video to bring together the legacies of art and cinema with the intellectual traditions of East and West. His art explores issues of presence and absence, place and identity, and permanence and transience. Drawing on the mystical traditions of the East, he is particularly interested in the relationship between time and memory and emphasizes the temporary nature of matter and experience.

Karamustafa is one of the most celebrated female artists in Turkey. Using historical and personal narratives to create her art, the artist's productions are a response to the modernization period of Turkey. They revolve around sociopolitical themes including gender, exile and migration.

Opera singer and painter Berksoy is one of the most significant figures in Turkey’s modern cultural history. The artist’s paintings reflect her own life, creating a visual diary of both her storied career and her vital and turbulent inner world. While important characters or scenes from operas and plays are depicted in her works, one can see deeply personal and sometimes painful subjects from the artist’s inner world as well.

In the show, the works of the six contemporary artists and their chosen predecessors, placed side by side, talk to each other in a metaphorical sense by proving that all productions feed off of each other like living organisms. The selection can be viewed until Feb. 13. The gallery is free of charge Tuesdays to Fridays.

Armenian cultural heritage in territories under Azerbaijani control is seriously endangered – MFA

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YEREVAN, JANUARY 15, ARMENPRESS. Armenian foreign ministry spokeswoman Anna Naghdalyan commented on the statement made by Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev during the meeting with the Director-General of ICESCO (Islamic World Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization).

Armenpress presents the MFA spokesperson’s comment:

“The statements of the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev made on January 13 during the meeting with Salim bin Mohammed Al-Malik, Director-General of ISESCO, once again demonstrate that the Armenian cultural heritage in the territories under the Azerbaijani control is seriously endangered, and the state of Azerbaijan cannot be the guarantor of the proper protection of cultural and religious heritage. 

The distortion of the identity of the Armenian heritage is an attempt of cultural looting, which is also a gross violation of the relevant international legal instruments.

Thousands of Armenian religious and secular monuments were created centuries before Azerbaijan was established and have no relation to the Azerbaijani identity. The attempts to alienate these monuments from the Armenian people have no historical, religious or moral grounds.

It is noteworthy that in order to justify the destruction of the Armenian cross stones (khachkars) in Nakhijevan Azerbaijan also put forward the “thesis of Albanisation", and this demonstrates the perilousness of the practice of destroying and distorting the identity of the Armenian monuments.

The fake thesis of presenting the Christian heritage of Armenians or other peoples of the region as Caucasian Albanian has no serious circulation outside of Azerbaijan and is not perceived by the international academic community.

Notably, President Aliyev made this statement in the presence of the Director General of the Islamic World Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization thus trying to introduce a religious dimension to the issues of protection of cultural heritage. By undermining the efforts of the international community aimed at preserving Artsakh’s cultural heritage, Azerbaijan continues to hinder the access of the international specialized organizations, primarily UNESCO, to the region by accusing the latter of being biased. Meanwhile in fact, Azerbaijan is the one to speculate irresponsibly on the religious factor while Armenia has always pursued the policy of inter-religious dialogue and cooperation between civilizations, considering cultural heritage as a universal and common value. 

The preservation of many Armenian historical-cultural and religious monuments that fell under Azerbaijani control must be an important part of the peace process, taking into account the numerous facts of systematic destruction of the Armenian cultural and religious heritage in the past. In this context, the Azerbaijani leadership and state propaganda machine must immediately put an end to the deplorable approach of misappropriation, distortion of the identity of Armenian churches, and at least demonstrate due respect towards cultural and religious monuments.

The misappropriation and distortion of the cultural values of the Armenian people, the violation of the rights of the Armenian people do not contribute to regional peace. In this regard the proper protection of religious sites, both from the physical and spiritual perspectives, can create preconditions for peace in the region”.

FM Aivazian presented the situation around the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in a letter sent to UN Secretary-General

Panorama, Armenia
Jan 13 2021
 
 
Armenia's Foreign Minister Ara Aivazian sent on Wednesday a letter to the UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres comprehensively presenting the situation over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict following the large-scale military aggression launched by Azerbaijan on September 27, 2020, the press department at the ministry reported.
 
In his letter, FM Aivazian notes that amid the unprecedented global health crisis, the violation of the decades-long ceasefire in the region has led to numerous casualties, large-scale ethnic cleansing of the indigenous people of Artsakh, deliberate destruction, desecration and vandalism of the Armenian religious and cultural monuments.
 
In the letter, the minister touched upon the cases of violations of the November 9 trilateral statement's provisions by Azerbaijan, noting that more than a month after the ceasefire was established, Azerbaijan carried out military operations in Hin Tagher and Khtsaberd villages in Hadrut region of Artsakh. It was noted that during the military attack, the Azerbaijani armed forces captured 64 Armenian servicemen, violating Azerbaijan's commitments to maintain the ceasefire established by the trilateral statement.
 
The incomplete implementation of the Article 8 of the trilateral statement by Azerbaijan was emphasized in the letter, which mandates the “exchange of prisoners of war, hostages, and other detained persons and dead bodies''. It was stressed that Azerbaijan, in fact, refuses to implement its commitment which is a blatant violation of international humanitarian law.
 
Minister Aivazian drew the attention of the UN Secretary General to the reluctance of Azerbaijan regarding the cooperation with international organizations in cultural heritage protection. “Lasting and sustainable peace in the region could be achieved only through the comprehensive resolution of the conflict that will include the status of Nagorno-Karabakh based on the realization of the right of self-determination of the people of Artsakh,” concluded the FM.
 

Armenian, Azerbaijani leaders in Russia for talks

Associated Press
Jan 11 2021
By VLADIMIR ISACHENKOV
MOSCOW (AP) — Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday hosted his counterparts from Armenia and Azerbaijan to discuss reopening transport routes in the region that have been paralyzed for nearly three decades amid a conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh.
 
The talks came two months after a Russia-brokered truce ended weeks of fierce fighting between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces that left more than 6,000 people dead.
 
Greeting Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in the Kremlin, Putin said that the peace agreement has been successfully implemented, “creating the necessary basis for a long-term and full-format settlement of the old conflict.”
 
The Nov. 10 peace deal ended 44 days of hostilities in which the Azerbaijani army routed Armenian forces and reclaimed control over large parts of Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding areas.
Nagorno-Karabakh lies within Azerbaijan but had been under the control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia since a separatist war there ended in 1994. That war left Nagorno-Karabakh itself and substantial surrounding territory in Armenian hands.
 
Hostilities flared up in late September and the Azerbaijani military pushed deep into Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding areas, forcing Armenia to relinquish control over a significant part of Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding areas.
 
Under the peace deal, Russia has deployed about 2,000 peacekeepers to Nagorno-Karabakh for at least five years.
 
The peace agreement was celebrated in Azerbaijan as a major triumph, but sparked outrage and mass protests in Armenia, where thousands repeatedly took to the streets demanding Pashinyan’s resignation. Scores of protesters on Monday tried to block a highway linking the Armenian capital with the airport to prevent Pashinyan from traveling to Moscow, but police dispersed them.
 
The Armenian prime minister has defended the deal as a painful but necessary move that prevented Azerbaijan from overrunning the entire Nagorno-Karabakh region.
 
Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey have shut their borders with Armenia ever since the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict erupted decades ago, a blockade that has crippled the economy of the landlocked country.
 
The Russia-brokered peace deal envisaged the reopening of transport routes, including a corridor linking Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan exclave that borders Armenia, Turkey and Iran. Armenia, in its turn, will be able to use transit routes to Russia and Iran via Azerbaijan’s territory.
 
Putin noted Monday that senior officials from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia will set up a working group to discuss specific moves related to the restoration of transport routes in the region.
 
“The implementation of those agreements will benefit both the Armenian and Azerbaijani people and the entire region,” Putin said after four hours of talks in the Kremlin before sitting down for separate meetings with Aliyev and Pashinyan.
 
Aliyev hailed the importance of reopening transport links, saying it will help bolster regional stability.
 
“It opens completely new perspectives that we couldn’t even imagine in the past,” he said, adding that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has become history.
 
Pashinyan contested that claim, arguing that the status of Nagorno-Karabakh is yet to be determined, but he also hailed the plans to restore transit routes.

The ARPA Institute presents: Yervant Zoryan and Raffi Kassarjian on Saturday, January 16 at 10:00 AM PST, on ZOOM

Dear Friends and Compatriots,

 
Please join the ARPA Institute‘s upcoming discussion with the esteemed technologists Yervant Zoryan and Raffi Kassarjian. They will discuss the war and the big picture of what technologies should be developed in Armenia?”The event will be moderated by ARPA Board member Dr. Ani Shabazian.
 
Saturday, January 16, 2021 at 10:00AM, PST (EST 1:00pm, Yerevan 22:00):
 
ZOOM Link and login credentials:
 
https://us02web.zoom.us/j/ 5388322794?pwd= MWJVSU5oTHFnWHJHclcrbDcxMXJiQT 09 
Meeting ID:         538 832 2794
Password:           381750 
 
Or you can join via Facebook Live!
 
https://www.facebook.com/ ARPAInstitute 
 
Thank you for your continued support of the ARPA Institute and we hope that you will join the webcast!
Prior ARPA Lectures (Just click on the title):

1. Consequences of the War in Artsakh and its Implications , Eric Hacopian

2 Արցախիպատերազմը եւ հետեւանքները, Արման Գրիգորեան

3. Armenia in 2600 Years of World Cartographic Heritage, by Rouben Galchian
4. Assessment of the Military Offensive by Azerbaijan and Turkey , Anna Ohanyan, Nerses Kopalyan and Arman Grigoryan, Moderator Hon. Armen Baibourtian, Consul General of Armenia.

Warm regards,
The ARPA Institute Board
 

Aliyev’s speech included open threats against Armenia – Ombudsman

Public Radio of Armenia
Jan 8 2021

Yesterday, on January 7, 2021, the President of Azerbaijan, in his speech summarizing 2020, used statements, which are part of Azerbaijan’s anti-Armenian policy and organized propaganda of hostility towards the Armenian people, Human Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan says.

In particular, he says, the speech included open threats against Armenia and the Armenian society, expressions threatening the entire Armenian people and insulting their dignity.

“The speech also referred to the isolation of Artsakh, and to the disruption of humanitarian aid to Artsakh. This, as a matter of law, violates the internationally recognized principle that no one should be left behind and no human right ignored, regardless of the political status of the territory in which one is present or resides therein,” the Ombudsman said in a Facebook post.

The Ombudsman of Armenia says speech of the President of Azerbaijan should be viewed in the context that the entirety of the war of September-November 2020 was accompanied by the Azerbaijani armed forces’ onslaught onto internationally recognized rights to life, health, property, and other internationally protected rights of Armenians. These gross violations of rights were carried out and caused mass destruction of peaceful Armenian residential towns, villages and communities. Similar violations were also recorded at different times and instances which predated this war.

“The wording and emphasis of this speech should be viewed in the context of the condemnable actions committed by the Azerbaijani military in recent days against the border residents of our country and, in general, our people,” she said.

Here are just two such examples, which are based on alarming complaints addressed to Armenia’s Human Rights Defender from civilians of bordering regions, as well as on monitoring of the Defender’s Office:

1) placing a sign with “Welcome to Azerbaijan” and a map covering the territory of the Republic of Armenia in the middle of the road connecting the two communities of Syunik region of Armenia, Goris and Vorotan, and doing it in a way that intimidates civilians;

2) placing Azerbaijani flags on civilian houses in peaceful communities of Syunik region and posting videos that clearly offend civilians in order to blatantly intimidate them and much more.

And all these activities provoking civilians are done against the background of the crimes against humanity and war crimes committed by the Azerbaijani armed forces during this war.

“Therefore, I draw the attention of the international community to the fact that the distortions and emphases of the speech of the President of Azerbaijan on January 7, 2021 violate international humanitarian law and international human rights law in general,” Tatoyan said.

“These sentiments are absolutely reprehensible and continue to serve to encourage anti-Armenian policies and hostility towards the Armenian people at the highest state level,” the Ombudsman said.


On Orthodox Christmas, somber Armenians look back on ‘the worst year’

Rudaw, Kurdistan Province, Iraq
Jan 5 2021

                                                                                                                                                                                              
Dilan Sirwan

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region  It’s Christmas for some Orthodox Christians on January 6, but Armenians in the region of Nagorno-Karabakh are not in the mood to celebrate.

The disputed region, known by Armenians as Artsakh, was just the scene of a deadly six-week battle between Armenia and Azerbaijan. A Russian-brokered ceasefire was struck in November, but not before over 100 civilians were killed and tens of thousands of people were displaced.

The streets of Yerevan, Armenia’s capital, are devoid of their usual festive sparkle, funds for New Year and Christmas decorations reportedly redirected towards relief for areas worst hit by  the war.“The lights will be brighter next year”, Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan promised in his New Year’s Eve message. In the Karabakh capital of Stepanakert, Christmas decorations put up by a charity organisation founded by the prime minister’s wife were taken down after complaints by locals, reported the privately-owned News Armenia outlet.

Among Stepanakert residents who aren’t celebrating Christmas this year is Irina Safaryan, a 28-year-old social activist originally from Hadrout, a city taken by Azerbaijan in the recent war.

Christmas celebrations would not be fitting for what was “the worst year for Armenia”, Irina told Rudaw English.

“Some families are celebrating it at home for the sake of their small kids, but generally speaking,  no one is in a festive mood,” she said.

Control of Karabakh has been a matter of dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan for decades. With the slow dissolution of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s, the Armenian population of the region asked that it be put under control of Armenia. War between Armenia and Azerbaijan broke out in the early 1990s; by 1994, Armenia had taken control over a swath of the region, forcing Azerbaijan to enter negotiations and give up the land in a ceasefire brokered by Russia. The area was then administered by an Armenia-backed local government.

Ever-present tensions between the two countries escalated to an untenable level, and a fresh war over Karabakh broke out on September 27, 2020. Baku sent thousands of troops into the territory, looking to take back land many Azerbaijanis believe to be theirs. Stepanakert was among the towns subject to shelling by Azerbaijani forces.

Control of Nagorno-Karabakh as of January 5, 2021. Graphic: Maps4news, Sarkawt Mohammed / Rudaw

 

“We woke up early in the morning, around 7:15 am, and we were filled with uncertainty when we knew we were being attacked,” Irina recalled of the shelling.

Over the course of the six-week war, Armenia conceded much of Karabakh to Azerbaijan. Civilian death toll estimates say that 65 Armenians and 100 Azerbaijanis were killed. Armenia said 2,425 of its soldiers died in the war; Azerbaijan announced on December 3 that it had lost 2,783 of its soldiers. 

Irina believes that locals are still in “shock” over what happened.

“There are families who have no idea where their men are, or even if they are alive – the whole country is mourning”, she said. “I myself have lost lots of friends”.

There is one thing that Irina has been able to hold on to as Christmas approaches – visits to the ancient Armenian monastery of Dadivank, just north of Karabakh. The monastery is in territory under Azerbaijani control; Armenians can visit just once a week,  with permission from Russian peacekeepers deployed to Karabakh as part of the November ceasefire.

The fighting saw international human rights organizations report violations of war conventions by both sides. Human Rights Watch alleged that both Armenian and Azerbaijani used cluster munitions. Baku committed ‘apparently indiscriminate’ attacks on Karabakh, and a ‘possible war crime’ by bombing an Armenian church in October. 

Turkey played a vital supporting role to Azerbaijan, supporting its army with drones equipped with Canadian WESCAM sensors. Photos and videos showing Turkish-backed Syrian fighters in Karabakh sent to fight on behalf of Azerbaijan made international news. On December 10, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey arrived in Baku to attend nationwide celebrations marking Azerbaijan's military triumph over Armenia.

Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan in the Azerbaijani capital of Baku on December 10, 2020. Photo: AFP

Irina and other Armenians say Turkey brought “mercenaries” and “terrorists” to Karabakh, and are now using them to instigate long term demographic change.

“Turks, Azeris, and Syrian mercenaries are now settling in Hadrout and areas around it,” she said. “Artsakh has been made a center for terror.” 

Irina said that “voice recordings of Azerbaijani officials and commanders offering $100 for each Armenian head the mercenaries managed to cut” were circulating on Armenian social media groups. After an examination of gruesome videos that included the decapitation and torture of captives  posted online, Amnesty International said both sides had committed war crimes. 

Some Armenian soldiers are still in hospital receiving physical treatment for war-inflicted wounds – among them 18-year-old Arthur Harutyunyan. 

Three months before the war began, Arthur, from Mertakert – one of the few cities given to Armenia in the peace deal – had begun his compulsory military training, which Armenians must undertake for  two years upon graduating high school. On September 27, when the Azerbaijani military began its attack on Karabakh, he and his comrades were called to duty, at the border city of Jabrayil.

Arthur Harutyunyan (center) with two other young men undertaking military training in the summer of 2020. Photo: submitted

 

The war started “alright” for Armenia, Arthur told Rudaw English from a hospital in Yerevan. But on October 10, he and around 20 other soldiers were attacked and surrounded by Azerbaijani soldiers. In an attempt to save their own lives, Arthur and five of his comrades sought hideout in a forest  the start of a 70-day flight for survival.

The six soldiers took to the roof of an abandoned house in a village near Hadrout. “At night when the soldiers would leave, we would sneak into the abandoned village and try to get food and drinks, there was no water so we would rely on juice we found,” Arthur said.

They spent almost three weeks on the roof, before deciding to find a way out.

“On December 6, we decided to try to cross the Aras lake into Iran,” he said, from where they would  try to enter Armenia on the other side. “On the way, we would stop on every mountain and every hill to see if we could get Armenian signal.”

“We had travelled almost 60 kilometers, when we finally got signal on December 17,” he said. “By that time, walking had become really hard for us because we were all suffering from frostbite.”

The six were rescued on December 20 and taken to Stepanakert hospital, then transferred to Yerevan on December 24. There, Arthur had all five of the toes on his left foot amputated  four partially, and one completely. He has been in hospital since then and looks back on what he witnessed during the war.  

“When we were being attacked on the mountains, we would hear a call of “Allahu Akbar” (God is the greatest) with every bomb thrown at us,” he said. “They would attack us with weapons much more advanced than ours. It felt like we were fighting against many countries.

Recovery from the trauma of war will take a long time, Arthur said.

“Armenia has wounds that need to heal… My family are now in Yerevan and we do not know if we can go back to our own city, because our safety is not ensured.”

Arthur Harutyunyan recovers at a hospital in the Armenian capital of Yerevan on January 5, 2021. Photo: submitted

 

From afar, members of Armenia’s diaspora say they too have felt the effects of the war  particularly Turkey’s involvement.

Ellada Ghukasyan, a 35-year-old Armenian journalist, moved from Yerevan 13 years ago to Paris,  a city home to a sizeable Armenian community. She is married to an Armenian man, with whom she has a five-year-old son. They want their child to maintain a strong bond with home, and visit Armenia often.

“When the war started, we found it unbearable, and we took to the streets to express solidarity,” Ellada told Rudaw English. “But when we blocked the streets in Lyon, Turkish nationalists came and attacked us.” 

When Armenians in France took to the streets of Paris and other French cities in a show of support for their country during the war, marches were met with resistance from members of the Grey Wolves, a Turkish ultranationalist group. 

Pro-Armenia demonstrators blocked a motorway near Lyon in solidarity with Armenians in Karabakh in October, members of the Grey Wolves headed to the scene and attacked protestors using hammers and knives. One of the injured had to be taken to hospital as a result. That night, supporters of Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan roamed the streets of Decines, chanting “This is Turkey!” and “Where are the Armenians?”

A few days later, the Armenian genocide memorial center in Lyon was vandalized with anti-Armenian, pro-Turkey graffiti  the fourth time it had been vandalised in its 15-year existence.

Armenians protest in Paris in October 2020. Photo: Ellada Ghukasyan

 

Tensions between France’s Armenians, who number anywhere between 250,000-750,000, and parts of the one million-strong Turkish community had already been simmering before the conflict in Karabakh, and the Grey Wolves were among the main agitators. In July, a pro-Armenia protest in Decines against escalating tension in Karabakh turned violent, with four people of Turkish descent arrested.
  
The Grey Wolves were banned in France by the country’s interior ministry on November 4, a few days before the Armenia-Azerbaijan ceasefire, and the organization's leader Ahmet Cetin was handed a four-month prison sentence for inciting violence towards Armenians and Kurds on social media.

But the move came too late for people like Ellada, who said she can no longer live in peace in France “because of Turkey.” 

“When the war ended, my five year old son came up to me and said, ‘are the Turkish people kind now?’ and I didn't know what to say,” she said.

Ellada feels especially let down by the French government. French President Emmanuel Macron initially expressed strong support for Armenia, but over the course of the conflict, he tempered his statements until they matched  the ‘neutral’ stance of his government’s foreign ministry. 

Ellada said she was disappointed at “France and the world” for their lack of solidarity with Armenia.

“I did not see the value of humanity that France and many other countries claim to have”, she said.

With the majority of Karabakh now controlled by Azerbaijan, Ellada too will skip Christmas celebrations this year  the least she could do in solidarity with Armenians in Karabakh, she said.

“It was not an equal fight”, she said, her voice weary. With Turkey steadfastly supporting Azerbaijan, “we were fighting two countries all alone”. 

Armenian winemakers work toward recovery after war

The Week
Jan 2 2021
Andrew Connelly
onveyor belts rattle at the Stepanakert Brandy Factory while technicians in white coats peer into flasks and workers pack bottles into cases. It's the first day of business in Nagorno-Karabakh's de-facto capital since war erupted on Sept. 27, and operations director Vladik Alibabayan is seeing what can be salvaged.

"We managed to collect 1,700 tons of grapes before the war and then everything shut down," Alibabayan explained. "Some of our fields near the frontlines where we grew grapes and pomegranates are now under the control of Azerbaijani forces, so we don't know what will happen next. The loss for the industry will be significant."

It could have been worse.

A shaft of sunlight beams through a small hole in the roof of a warehouse next door to the brandy factory. Underneath, protruding from the bottom of a cylindrical tank is a gigantic unexploded rocket, one of the thousands that rained down on the city during Armenia's 44-day war with Azerbaijan.

The rocket hit an empty tank, narrowly missing a vat full of 15-year-old Madatoff cognac. A lucky escape for the factory but for the country's nascent wine industry in general, the war has been a huge setback. The latest conflict flared up in the middle of the harvest season.

.

But some people were able to adapt. At a small farm on the other side of the city, artisan winemaker David Astsatryan makes brandy from grape residue on a rattling homemade stove.

On the first day of shelling on the city of Stepanakert, Astsatryan's son headed for the frontline. Astsatryan joined him days later with a few hundred bottles from the cellar to boost the troops' morale.

Winemaker David Astsatryan on his farm in Stepanakert, Nagorno-Karabakh. | (Andrew Connelly/Courtesy The World)

Astsatryan produces tangy, orange-colored wines in clay amphoras submerged in soil, and full-bodied, inky reds using khndoghni — a grape native to the Nagorno-Karabakh area.

"Khndoghni is our local grape, there's no sense to use any others," Astsatryan said, holding up a bottle to the light. "…This is a trademark of Karabakh, and it's been growing here for centuries with this soil, air, and sunshine. If you grow the same grape in Armenia, it tastes totally different."

Khndoghni is derived from the word "laughter" in Armenian, though there has been little to laugh about this year. Astsatryan's land, bathed in early December sunshine, looks out across the valley and up to the mountaintop city of Shushi.

As the highest and most strategic settlement in Karabakh, the war was effectively finished when Azerbaijan captured it, ending over three decades of Armenian control. And now, though people displaced during the war are coming back home to Stepanakert, many feel vulnerable to attack from the new Azerbaijani positions above them.

"I see the people coming back," he said cautiously, casting an eye up to the hills, "but I don't see life returning to normal. We'll have to wait and see."

A wine-drinking renaissance

Vahe Keushguerian is one of the top winemakers and entrepreneurs in Armenia. For him, encouraging investment in the vineyards of an unrecognized country in a warzone has never been easy. Under most international law, Nagorno-Karabakh is considered part of Azerbaijan.

"Institutions, by their charter, would not touch Karabakh, because of the status. And vineyards are a very long-term investment, it's at least 10 years until you can even see something let alone get a return." Keushguerian explained. "So, I see two ways out for Karabakh; it is formally acknowledged as a region of Armenia, or as an independent country, then there might be funding opportunities available."

International recognition of the territory seems like a pipe dream but, despite the ruins of war, Keushguerian said he wants to start a cooperative winery, "as a symbol." "Regardless of whatever calamity happened, we need to go on forward," he said.

Armenia has one of the world's oldest wine industries — archaeologists have unearthed fragments of jugs and presses dating back more than 6,000 years. But the country's turbulent history has held it back from becoming a Napa Valley of the Caucasus.

For 70 years, the Soviet economy demanded that Armenia prioritize brandy production instead of wine, and occasionally experimented with prohibition. Poverty in the 1980s and conflict with Azerbaijan also stymied business.

But in the last decade, Armenia has experienced a wine-drinking renaissance. In Vino, on Yerevan's Martiros Saryan street, was the city's first modern wine bar. Opening in 2012, with just 10 Armenian wines, it now sells over 180, with numbers from the Nagorno-Karabakh among the bestselling.

"By drinking wine from Karabakh I feel that people are connecting with the situation," said Mariam Saghatelyan, a partner at the business. "Every single bottle of wine has the philosophy and ideology of that certain producer and the region. You feel the terroir in your glass — especially now."

Just as the business was in full bloom, the war came to Armenia once again and some of the country's most notable vineyards had to be urgently evacuated and are now behind enemy lines. Within days, bottles from the lost territories flew off the shelves to be resold by speculators and, Saghatelyan said, decades-old family businesses evaporated overnight.

"The industry is just about to bloom, then this happens. It's heart-breaking and there are all these unanswered questions. What will be the fate of those wineries?"

Saghatelyan hopes that the conflict will encourage outsiders, including Armenia's huge global diaspora, to support the struggling region even more.

"We have to treasure what we have, and then other people might be interested, as well. … Making wine here, you always wonder what if another war breaks out? But if you keep thinking 'what if,' you never really do anything. Life is short, it really is."

War and the COVID-19 pandemic have wrecked the Armenian economy. The same attachment to the land of Nagorno-Karabakh that has produced such fine wines has also cost thousands of lives.

But against all the odds, Armenia's winemakers are defiant and hope that by invigorating the country's ancient tradition and boosting local businesses, the region one day might have something to celebrate.

This article originally appeared at The World. Follow them on Twitter.

Bright Armenia Party to ruling power: When you talk about early election, know that it is fraught with

News.am, Armenia
Dec 28 2020
 
 
 
 
bloodshed
13:54, 28.12.2020
 
 
YEREVAN. – Our parliamentary delegation visited Syunik Province a week ago, studied in detail all the issues related to the situation. Edmon Marukyan, chairman of the opposition Bright Armenia Party (BAP) and head of its parliamentary faction, said about this in the National Assembly Monday, and he added that they did not wait for the majority My Step faction to propose to them to visit Syunik.
 
And referring to the ruling power’s proposal to hold snap parliamentary elections, Marukyan said: "You [i.e. My Step] proved today that you cannot organize early elections. You cannot go out to campaign, and the safety of no one—including our own—can be secure (…). I condemn any manifestation of violence, and call on all to exercise restraint. When you talk about an early election, know that it is fraught with bloodshed.”