Armenian President condoled on consequences of hurricane in US

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT CONDOLED ON CONSEQUENCES OF HURRICANE IN US

Pan Armenian News
03.09.2005 03:27

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenian President Robert Kocharian has sent a
telegram to US President George Bush, condoling upon the consequences
of Katrina hurricane, reported the Press Service of the Armenian
leader. The message specifically notes, “With a deep pain I got to know
about Katrina destructive hurricane, that swept the US eastern coast,
resulting in destruction and ripping apart many lives.” “Sharing your
pain I condole with the families and friends of the victims on behalf
of the Armenian people and myself,” the telegram says.

Die Turkei Und Ihr Stolz

DIE TURKEI UND IHR STOLZ
von Orhan Pamuk

Die Welt, Deutschland
1 sept. 2005

Als Befurworter des turkischen EU-Beitritts kommt man sich manchmal vor
wie ein Hundebesitzer, der um die Qualitaten seines Tieres weiß und
angstliche Passanten trotzdem immer wieder vor dem Klaffer beruhigen
muß: “Der will nur spielen.”

Vor zwei Monaten erst meinte der turkischstammige deutsche Autor
Feridun Zaimoglu zu den Anfeindungen, denen sich der Schriftsteller
Orhan Pamuk in seinem Land ausgesetzt sieht: “Man muß den Turken Zeit
lassen”, in wenigen Jahren sei “ungeheuer viel in Bewegung” gekommen,
“man sollte einiger durchgeknallter Kreispolitiker wegen die Turkei
nicht an den Pranger stellen.” Er hat recht.

Jener Staatsanwalt, der jetzt Klage gegen Pamuk wegen “Herabsetzung
des Turkentums” eingereicht hat, ist nicht viel mehr als ein
nationalistischer Beitrittsgegner, dem ein bewundernswerter Mediencoup
gelungen ist. “Verunglimpfungsparagraphen” hat jeder Staat (in
Deutschland ist es § 90 des Strafgesetzbuches), ein hoherer Richter
hatte die Klage zuvor abgelehnt, zur Verhandlung wird es auch jetzt
kaum kommen, selbst Pamuk gibt sich gelassen. Und doch: In der Turkei
ist es also moglich, angeklagt zu werden, weil man sagt: “Man hat hier
30 000 Kurden umgebracht. Und eine Million Armenier.” Pamuk ist alles
andere als ein Radikaler, das Wort “Genozid” nimmt er wohlweislich
nicht in den Mund. Er hat nur eine Zahl genannt.

Aber an dieser Zahl hangt ein Jahrzehnte altes, muhsam aufrecht
erhaltenes Konstrukt. Ataturk trennte sein Land mit einem radikalen
Schnitt von der osmanischen Vergangenheit und der islamischen Welt,
indem er den Turken einen Nationalstolz aufoktroyierte, der auf den
festen Glauben an ein einziges, einiges und unfehlbares turkisches
Volk baut. Und so wird das turkische Geschichtsbewußtsein bis heute
nicht vom Verstand gelenkt, sondern von Emotionen, und eine kritische
Geschichtsschreibung steckt noch in den Kinderschuhen. Das ist
eine Erklarung, keine Entschuldigung. Die Turkei bewegt sich zwar,
und einzelne Krafte auf dem Niveau “durchgeknallter Kreispolitiker”
sollten den Marsch gen Westen nicht aufhalten konnen. Aber klingt
dieser Appell nicht langsam wie ein Hundebesitzer, der Passanten
ermutigt, seinen Liebling doch erst einmal besser kennenzulernen?

Nein, erst muß der Koter aufhoren zu klaffen.

–Boundary_(ID_hUuVIjmmDNyngVK0xM3b8Q)–

Acclaimed Turkish writer may face up to 3 years in prison

ACCLAIMED TURKISH WRITER MAY FACE UP TO 3 YEARS IN PRISON

Armenpress
Aug 31, 2005

ISTANBUL, AUGUST 31, ARMENPRESS: The internationally renowned
Turkish novelist, Orhan Pamuk, will stand before a court in Istanbul
on December 16 for saying in an interview with the Swiss daily
Tagesanzeiger that 1 million Armenians were murdered in his country
during World War . “Almost no one dares to speak out this but me,
and the nationalists hate me for that,” he said.

Pamuk may face a prison term from 6 months to 3 years for, as Turkish
prosecutors put it “groundless claims against the Turkish identity,
the Turkish military and Turkey as a whole.”

Pamuk the author of six novels and the recipient of major Turkish and
international literary awards, has had his work translated into more
than 20 languages. His most recent novel is “My Name Is Red.” Pamuk’s
latest novel, “Kar,” (Snow), translated by Maureen Freely, has been
included in The New York Times’ “100 Notable Books of the Year” list
prepared by the daily’s “Book Review” section. The review, published
every Sunday, has selected 100 notable books from all those it has
reviewed since Dec. 7, 2003.

FAR offers scholarship for fee paying students

FAR OFFERS SCHOLARSHIP FOR FEE PAYING STUDENTS
By Tamar Minasian

AZG Armenian Daily #153, 30/08/2005

Aid

First year students of the Yerevan State University, Yerevan State
Economic Institute and State Polytechnic University can take part in a
contest for “Matevosian Scholarship” organized by the Fund for Armenian
Relief (FAR). FAR will pay the fees of 10 winning applicants, FAR
spokesperson, Levon Lachikian, told daily Azg yesterday. The contest
is available for excellent pupils with high grades at the school
graduation and university admission exams. It is open for students
of departments of applied mathematics, software and informatics,
law, international affairs, philology and journalism. All students
participating in the contest have to be from socially vulnerable
classes and should assume obligation to work at least 5 years
in Armenia or Artsakh after graduation. “We aim at supporting the
educational system on the spot. That’s why we sign an agreement with
students, and if they break it they or their families will have to
reimburse all payment by FAR”, Levon Lachikian said adding that there
was no such case so far.

RAF office informs applicants that the scholarship will be suspended
as soon as the social state of the family improves or the progress
in studies falters. 3 students in 2003/04 years did not get further
funding because of poor results.

All students wishing to take part in the contest have to apply by
August 31. Besides checking documents of the applicants, FAR employees
visit every student at home, speak to the family members and even
neighbors. “A single mistake in our choice can have a negative impact
on the whole program. There were cases when people tried to deceive us
but we used all levers and disclosed the truth”, Lachikian says. After
a preliminary selection, the applicants are invited for interview.

The FAR program has attracted this year two students who entered the
university on conditions of “No Right for Postponement in Studies”. FAR
project coordinator Rita Khachikian says that they have not talked
to Anush Matevosian providing the scholarship whether the young men
can participate in the contest or not.

Yesterday was the first day for applications at the FAR office. There
were already 15 applications by the end of the day. This 9 years
old project enabled more than 80 young people from state educational
establishments to continue their study by receiving the scholarship.

Collapse of Commonwealth begins with break-up of defense structures

THE COLLAPSE OF THE COMMONWEALTH BEGINS WITH THE BREAK-UP OF DEFENSE STRUCTURES
by Vladimir Mukhin

Nezavisimaya Gazeta, August 26, 2005, p. 1

Agency WPS
DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
August 29, 2005, Monday

Although the scheduled summit of the CIS leaders opens today, it’s
obvious that collective defense cooperation between the CIS member
nations comes to grief. The abolition of the Staff for coordinating
military cooperation and other moves linked with the CIS nations’
unwillingness to participate in collective defense of the CIS air
border and conduct anti-terrorist and peacekeeping operations testify
that the end is close…

For instance, there are plans that ten former Soviet republics
would participate in the active phase of the Combat Commonwealt-2005
exercise of the CIS joint anti-aircraft system, which began on the
Ashuluk firing range in Russia on August 22. In reality, only six
nations participate in such exercises (members of the Organization
of the collective security treaty). It seems that this coalition
fails to reach an agreement as well. Only four countries sent
military units, warplanes and anti-aircraft complexes to Ashuluk –
Armenia, Belarus, Tajikistan and Russia. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan
sent observers. Georgia and Turkmenistan ignore the exercise,
and Ukraine and Uzbekistan participate in the maneuvers only on a
bilateral basis. This is a symptomatic fact. Russia’s closest allies
(Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan) refused to participate in the exercise
and organized alternative maneuvers on the Sary-Shagan firing range
in Kazakhstan in early August. Meanwhile, it would be more advisable
if they participate in the exercise in Ashuluk. Vladimir Mikhailov,
Russian Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force, said that the partners
will create a regional group of forces during the exercise. He noted,
“This is what we seek to achieve.”

Mikhailov said that this group of forces will be controlled
automatically, and all anti-aircraft units will be coordinated by
one command post. He noted, “This has a very important strategic
significance.” Is it strategic if Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan do not
participate in the active phase of the exercise in Ashuluk?

Their decision has military-political reasons. It’s no secret that
Astana seeks to become the leader among the post-Soviet republics
and carries out an alternative military cooperation policy. It’s
no coincidence that President Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan
initiated the abolition of the Staff for coordinating military
cooperation and some other CIS structures. At present Kazakhstan
proposes to conduct all joint exercises on the Sary-Shagan firing
range. The republic states that it’s larger, which would minimize
the possibility of losing missiles deviating from the course. As is
known, a range of such incidents have happened on the Ashuluk firing
range. Missiles launched from this firing range often fell near
Kazakh settlements. Russia agreed with these arguments and discussed
the possibility of testing the S-400 anti-aircraft complex on the
Sary-Shagan firing range. However, Russia has forgotten about it.
Testing of the S-400 complex has been postponed due to financial
problems. All exercises are conducted in Ashuluk.

It should be noted the closest allies’ attitude to Russia changes.
Kyrgyzstan supported the idea of withdrawing the US bases from Central
Asia at the summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Astana
but agreed to deploy the US air group withdrawn from Uzbekistan on
its territory after Donald Ramsfeld’s visit.

Moscow has repeatedly emphasized the necessity of demilitarizing
the Caspian region. In the meantime, Astana supports Washington’s
initiatives to strengthen the Pentagon’s influence in this oil
region. (…)

In other words, the collapse of the CIS has begun. The CIS nations’
attitude to Russia, which previously determined military policy in
the post-Soviet republics, has changed. Russia’s influence goes down
along with the increase of the CIS nations’ desire to realize their
own defense interests. Unfortunately, Moscow does not manage to awake
the CIS nations’ interest in constructive defense cooperation.

Public TV to air parliament session August 29

Armenpress

PUBLIC TV TO AIR PARLIAMENT SESSION AUGUST 29

YEREVAN, AUGUST 26, ARMENPRESS: An ad hoc parliamentary commission on
European integration, headed by deputy parliament chairman Tigran Torosian,
approved today a special procedure for debating a package of constitutional
reforms that will be put on discussions at an August 20 extraordinary
parliament session.
Under this procedure the two key speakers will be given 30 minutes each
and as much time will be given to a representative of the Council of Europe
Venice Commission monitoring this process. The commission decided to
continue the debates next day if the parliament fails to approve the package
in the second reading by 6 pm on August 29. It also suggests that the
session be aired live by Public TV.

Speaker of RA Parliament meets with Hungarian delegation

SPEAKER OF RA PARLIAMENT MEETS WITH HUNGARIAN DELEGATION

YEREVAN, August 25. /ARKA/. Speaker of the RA Parliament Artur
Baghdasaryan has held a meeting with a Hungarian parliamentary
delegation led by the Parliament members Pal Shteiner and Laslo
Meshter. Speaker Baghdasaryan pointed out the importance of
developing bilateral relations and conveyed his greetings to the
Speaker of the Hungarian Parliament. Baghdasaryan confirmed the
invitation to visit Armenia, saying that a visit of the Speaker of
Hungarian Parliament to Armenia may give an important impetus to the
development of Armenian-Hungarian relations. The sides pointed out
the Armenian community’s important role in Hungary, particularly in
Budapest. The sides also discussed issues of establishing regional
ties and implementing specific programs.
P. Shteiner and L.Medhner pointed out positive trends in the
development of Armenian-Hungarian relations, expressing the opinion
that the cooperation agreement between the two countries’ capitals
can also serve as a basis for the implementation of mutually
advantageous programs, particularly in the tourist sphere. A non-stop
Budapest-Yerevan flight can also greatly contribute to this process.
P.T. -0–

Armenians of Turkey (part 3/7A) – Kars to open borders with Caucasus

La Croix , France
24 août 2005

Un été dans La Croix.
Les arméniens de turquie (3/7).

Dossier. Kars veut rouvrir sa frontière sur le Caucase. À moins de
cinquante kilomètres de la République d’Arménie, la ville de Kars est
dans un cul-de-sac depuis que la Turquie a fermé la frontière. Son
maire tente par tous les moyens de faire bouger les choses. KARS,
reportage de notre envoyé spécial.

par PLOQUIN Jean-Christophe

Pour quelques mois, John Hurd a posé son sac à Kars, ville de 120 000
habitants à l’extrémité nord-est de la Turquie. Après une mission en
Afghanistan et avant une autre en Chine, cet archéologue baroudeur,
sujet de sa Très Gracieuse Majesté, veille sur un projet de
développement touristique et urbain soutenu par une fondation
californienne, le Global Heritage Fund. Le site s’étendra au bord de
la rivière que surplombe la puissante citadelle qui symbolise la
ville et son caractère stratégique de porte du Caucase. Du Xe au XXe
siècle, du royaume arménien des Bagratides à l’empire russe de
Nicolas II, l’éperon rocheux s’avançant dans une boucle de la rivière
a été sans cesse renforcé. Ses fortifications massives, au matériau
sombre, jette une ombre guerrière sur le vieux quartier ottoman.

Nayif Alibeyoglu, le maire de Kars, soutient fermement le projet. Cet
homme dynamique, qui amorce son deuxième mandat, mise sur le tourisme
pour sortir sa ville du cul-de-sac où la diplomatie l’a enfermée.
Ouvertement, dans les médias turcs, il appelle à l’ouverture de la
frontière avec l’Arménie, distante d’à peine 40 kilomètres à vol
d’oiseau. Erevan, la capitale arménienne, n’est qu’à 200 kilomètres
par la route, Gumri, l’ancienne Leninakan, à 100 kilomètres. Mais la
Turquie a décrété un blocus de l’Arménie depuis que celle-ci a occupé
des territoires de l’Azerbaïdjan, république turcophone du Caucase,
lors de la guerre du Haut-Karabakh. “Depuis dix ans, la Turquie suit
une mauvaise politique”, peste le maire.

L’ambition est de transformer l’ancien centre historique de Kars,
excentré depuis la construction d’une ville nouvelle par les Russes à
la fin du XIXe siècle, en un site de villégiature mêlant populations
locales et visiteurs adeptes du tourisme culturel. De grandes maisons
ottomanes à un étage seront réaménagées. Un hammam de 1595 sera
rénové. Le pont construit en 1650 sera dégagé. Les masures bties ces
vingt dernières années seront rasées et leurs populations relogées.

Le projet de rénovation englobera aussi l’église des Saints-Apôtres.
L’édifice, de petite taille, a été érigé entre 930 et 937.
Caractéristique de l’architecture arménienne médiévale, elle est
surmontée d’une coupole reposant sur un tambour orné de 12 reliefs
évoquant les Apôtres, un chef-d’oeuvre où se sent l’influence
persane. L’église a été transformée en mosquée, mais l’imam du lieu
n’hésite pas à l’ouvrir aux visiteurs.

“Nous voulons faire de Kars une plaque tournante du tourisme pour la
Turquie de l’Est”, explique John Hurd. Si la dynamique est
enclenchée, de nombreux sites archéologiques des environs regagneront
alors de l’intérêt et pourront être sauvés des assauts du temps et de
la négligence des hommes. Parmi eux figurent des vestiges arméniens
de première importance, notamment le site d’Ani, une ancienne
capitale arménienne.

Avec un peu de chance, si la paix s’instaure d’ici là, la
restauration pourra même se faire avec l’aide d’experts venus de
République d’Arménie. “J’aime cette idée des dividendes de la paix”,
sourit John Hurd.

Pour accélérer le rapprochement, Nayif Alibeyoglu a, lui, pris le
chemin… de la Scandinavie. En février, il s’est rendu à Kirkenes,
sur la mer de Barents, où une coopération a été mise en place depuis
1993 par la Norvège, la Suède, la Finlande et la Russie, entre des
régions tournant jusqu’alors chacune le dos à leurs frontières.
Aujourd’hui, les échanges culturels et les mariages mixtes sont
nombreux. Et les Norvégiens sont prêts à apporter leur expérience de
désenclavement régional dans le Caucase.

En juin dernier, un vice-ministre des affaires étrangères, Kim
Traavik, s’est rendu à Ankara, à Kars puis à Tbilissi, en Géorgie,
pour apprécier la bonne volonté des différents acteurs. La
coopération commencerait d’abord entre quatre provinces frontalières
de Géorgie et de Turquie, dont Kars, distante de 150 kilomètres de la
frontière. Il faudrait améliorer les formalités pour l’octroi de
visas, raccourcir les procédures de passage aux postes frontières,
refaire les routes, amorcer des partenariats en matière de tourisme
et d’agriculture… Si une dynamique se dessine, l’initiative
pourrait être progressivement étendue à l’Azerbaïdjan et à l’Arménie.
Voire à la Russie et à l’Iran, rêve tout haut le maire, qui voit déjà
Kars en capitale du Caucase.

Nayif Alibeyoglu imagine des événements sportifs transfrontaliers,
des échanges de jeunes, un partage d’expériences entre organisations
de femmes… Il suggère la création d’une zone franche commune avec
l’Arménie. Il a déjà lancé, l’an dernier, un festival culturel où se
sont produites des troupes de Géorgie, d’Azerbaïdjan et d’Arménie. La
deuxième édition de ce “Festival du Caucase” est prévue le mois
prochain. Ces événements visent à créer une opinion favorable. “Il y
a encore beaucoup de nationalistes en ville, prévient un
fonctionnaire municipal. Des racistes qui sont hostiles à tout
rapprochement avec l’Arménie.”

Sous l’impulsion du maire, Kars se promeut aujourd’hui comme une
ville mosaïque et met fortement en avant l’identité particulière que
lui ont donnée les urbanistes russes à la fin du XIXe siècle. Des
rues coupées au cordeau, des fontaines aux élégantes caryatides, de
larges trottoirs plantés d’arbres, des édifices publics aux façades
ouvragées à chaque grand carrefour…

Le regard positif jeté sur cette période vaut en quelque sorte
réhabilitation des Arméniens, tant ceux-ci se mêlaient aux Russes à
l’époque. Kars, qui a vécu sous la férule de Moscou de 1878 à 1921,
n’a pas vécu de pogroms. Elle a, au contraire, servi de base arrière
aux milices arméniennes qui appuyaient parfois les troupes russes
face à l’armée ottomane et qui perpétrèrent des exactions contre des
populations civiles turques et kurdes. Avec le retrait russe, des
milliers d’Arméniens prirent à leur tour le chemin de l’exil.

Aujourd’hui, à Kars, les Arméniens ne sont plus qu’un souvenir. Rifat
Hancioglu, 77 ans, toujours tiré à quatre épingles dans son magasin
de tissus, se souvient de quelques camarades de classe partis depuis
aux États-Unis. Ali Ercan, qui tient un restaurant sur l’une des rues
passantes de Kars, est, lui, l’un des rares a s’être rendus en
Arménie. C’était en 1979, au temps de l’Union soviétique. Il
s’agissait de transporter de la viande et du poisson de rivière. Le
voyage avait duré deux jours et, la nuit, il avait dû revenir dormir
à la frontière.

Nayif Alibeyoglu est d’autant plus convaincu de l’absurdité de la
situation que les relations commerciales se développent à grande
vitesse entre la Turquie et l’Arménie, mais en passant par des canaux
détournés, via la Géorgie, l’Iran ou Istamboul. Kars, elle, reste
prisonnière de la raison d’État.

JEAN-CHRISTOPHE PLOQUIN

DEMAIN

Un dimanche à Vakiflar, au pied du Musa Dagh.

Le conflit du Haut-Karabakh

Sur les ruines de l’Empire ottoman et des anciennes conquêtes russes,
la République d’Arménie est proclamée en 1918, et reconnue par le
traité de Sèvres en 1920. Mais les troupes turques d’une part, et
l’Armée rouge d’autre part, occupent le pays. En 1922, la République
d’Arménie est intégrée à l’URSS. L’année suivante, Staline rattache à
l’Azerbaïdjan la région à majorité arménienne du Haut-Karabakh. En
1988, les Arméniens se soulèvent et réclament le rattachement de
cette enclave à l’Arménie. En 1991, celle-ci obtient son
indépendance. De 1988 à 1994, une guerre oppose l’Azerbaïdjan aux
Arméniens du Haut-Karabakh, soutenus par l’Arménie. En 1994, les
Arméniens contrôlent l’enclave et s’emparent de sept régions
d’Azerbaïdjan. Un cessez-le-feu est alors signé, qui prévaut
toujours. Le conflit a fait plus de 26 000 morts et un million de
personnes déplacées, dont 750 000 Azerbaïdjanais.

La Turquie n’a jamais été impliquée militairement dans le conflit du
Haut-Karabakh, mais elle a décrété un blocus de l’Arménie. On évalue
néanmoins aujourd’hui le montant du commerce entre l’Arménie et la
Turquie à 100 millions d’euros par an. Trois vols hebdomadaires
relient Erevan à Istamboul et plus de 30 000 ressortissants de la
République d’Arménie vivent dans une semi-clandestinité sur les bords
du Bosphore.

Turkey and the Kurds – Peace be unto you

Turkey and the Kurds

Peace be unto you

Aug 18th 2005 | ANKARA AND DIYARBAKIR
The Economist print edition

The Turkish prime minister paves the way for a deal with the Kurds

WHEN Turkey’s prime minister came to power some 30 months ago, few
expected his mildly Islamic government to resolve the country’s knotty
Kurdish question. But last week, in a landmark speech in Diyarbakir,
Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the first Turkish leader ever to admit
that Turkey had mishandled its rebellious Kurds. Like all great
nations, declared Mr Erdogan, Turkey needed to face up to its past. He
added that more democracy, not more repression, was the answer to the
Kurds’ long-running grievances.

Mr Erdogan’s visit to the largest city in the mostly Kurdish
south-east followed ground-breaking talks with a group of Turkish
intellectuals, seen by some as mouthpieces for rebels of the outlawed
PKK terrorist group. In these talks, Mr Erdogan pledged that, despite
a renewed spasm of rebel violence, there would be no going back on his
reforms. The Kurdish problem, he said, could not be solved through
purely military means.

The opposition is crying treason. “This will inevitably lead to
bargaining with the PKK,” fumed Deniz Baykal, leader of the Republican
People’s Party. Nationalists within Mr Erdogan’s own Justice and
Development party have also made angry noises. The army has so far
kept silent, even though some retired generals have called for the
reintroduction of emergency rule in the Kurdish provinces.

The Kurds have been only a little less provocative. Embarrassingly few
showed up at Mr Erdogan’s rally. Diyarbakir’s mayor, Osman Baydemir,
later boasted that “we could have bused in a million people had we
wanted.” Orhan Dogan, another Kurdish leader, stoked nationalist fury
when he told a newspaper that Turkey would have to negotiate with the
PKK and that the group’s imprisoned leader, Abdullah Ocalan, would
walk free one day. Some Kurds saluted Mr Erdogan for his courage, but
even they insisted that he must match his words with deeds.

There are encouraging signs that he will. Within hours of returning
from Diyarbakir, Mr Erdogan urged media supervisors to allow regional
radio and television stations to broadcast in Kurdish. But more needs
to be done if Turkey’s Kurds are not to be infected by calls for
independence by Iraq’s powerful Kurds next door. Measures to stimulate
the economy of the impoverished Kurdish provinces must be a priority,
as Mr Erdogan has acknowledged. That will necessitate also the return
of hundreds of thousands of Kurds expelled from their villages by the
army during its scorched-earth campaign against the PKK.

Mr Erdogan’s call to put right past mistakes will ring hollow unless
the state compensates the Kurds for their losses. The interior
ministry revealed this week that only 5,239 of a total 104,734 victims
who had applied under a new law for such compensation had been
considered, and only 1,190 were to be paid anything. With the deadline
for applications past, the programme “is a complete fiasco”, declared
Mesut Deger, an opposition Kurdish deputy, who is pressing for an
extension.

Lastly, Mr Erdogan must find a way of giving an amnesty to 5,000
rebels, entrenched in the mountains of south-east Turkey and northern
Iraq, that is acceptable to Turks and Kurds alike. The PKK was
expected this week to announce a suspension of hostilities, to allow
such a deal to be done. Should Mr Erdogan come up with a workable
pardon, vowed Naci Aslan, another opposition Kurdish deputy, “I will
erect his statue, kiss his feet

Is there a place for Islam in Michael Saakashvili’s Christian Georgi

Caucaz.com, Georgia
Aug 18 2005

Is there a place for Islam in Michael Saakashvili’s Christian Georgia?
[2/3] [INVESTIGATION]
By Bayram BALCI in Tbilisi, Batumi, Marneuli, Pankisi
On 18/08/2005
(Translated by Geraldine RING and Victoria BRYAN)

Second part: Georgian Azeris adopt a policy of openness towards Iran

There are 300,000 Georgian Azeris. Mainly living in Kvemo
Kartli, particularly in the towns of Bolnisi, Marneuli and
Dmanisi, they inhabit what is a highly strategic region on the
Armenian-Azerbaijan border. Situated today at the crossroads
of important hydrocarbon transportation axes on the Caspian Sea,
especially the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, Kvemo Kartli has already
forgotten its peaceful existence during the Soviet era. In 1992-93,
it even witnessed several clashes between Armenians and Azeris,
as part of the Nagorno-Karabakh war.

© Bayram Balci (Marneuli)

The leaders of the community remain firm that the Azeri minority in
Georgia today has to face up to the new nationalistic policy adopted
by Tbilisi towards the non-Georgian population. In reality, Tbilisi
authorities, who were traumatised by the conflicts that broke out
following the collapse of the Soviet Union, particularly those in
Abkhazia and South Ossetia, are inclined to consider the minorities
as an obstacle to national construction.

Georgian cultural policy in general suffers from the host/guest
dialectic. In reality, the government considers the Azeri minority as
guests being received by their Georgian hosts, and because of this
they are expected to conform to the way of living followed by the
Georgian majority.

This has the result that Georgian Azeris feel strongly marginalised
when in fact they aren’t, especially with regard to the privatisation
of land, a process about which Azeris feel wronged.

Yet, because these Azeris live in the border zones, the land they
inhabit has not been privatised as Tbilisi authorities fear that
its occupation by a ‘foreign minority’ encourages this minority to
undertake separatist actions that pose a threat to the entire country.

Lack of religious guidance

This region, which for many years was part of the Iranian Safavid
Empire, was under the direct influence of Shiite Islam Imamism, the
official religion of the empire since the reign of Shah Esma’il. The
expansion of Safavid territory in the Caucasian region, under Shah
Abbas in the 17th century, led to the spread of Shiitism in the
region. Under the Safavid Empire, Islam had a strict hierarchy and
the clergy was closely linked to the government.

However, from 1828 onwards, when Russia took over the entire Caucasian
region and defined its border with Iran on the border of the Arax,
this resulted in Shiite Islam in modern day Azerbaijan and Georgia
being cut off from the important Shiite theological centres in Iran
and Iraq. Soviet domination accentuated this rupture between the
Shiite Islam in the Caucasian region and that in Iran, especially
by making the borders with the Soviet Union totally impermeable,
thus making pilgrimages to the Shiite towns of Karbala, Mashad,
Najaf and Qom impossible.

On the eve of Azerbaijan’s and Georgia’s independence, Islam was in a
weak position. Poorly structured and badly organised, it had little
control over those who had been strongly affected by the secularism
imposed by the Soviets. This includes Islam tradition, which did
nevertheless exist in the region but was wiped out by the Soviet’s
policy of atheism.

In 1991, it could be seen to what point local Islam suffered from a
lack of guidance and theologians that were capable of giving sense
to the religious preoccupations of the people. This lack of religious
guidance and the idealistic and organisational weakness of Islam were
nevertheless rapidly made up for by the reestablishment of links with
Muslim countries near the Caucasian region.

As for Shiite Muslims in Georgia, as was the case for their brothers
in Azerbaijan, the first and most important influence came from Iran;
quite expectedly one could say, given the community of past and faith
that exists on either side of the Arax.

Towards a reconquest of souls

In concrete terms, the Iranian missionaries landed in the Caucasian
region at the end of the Soviet Union to “re-Islamise” the Shiite
population, who had been subjected to decades of atheist propaganda.

Very quickly mosques were reopened, new informal madrasas (religious
schools) were opened and an abundant body of literature was translated
from Persian into Azeri and spread throughout all the Azeri-speaking
regions of Azerbaijan and Georgia. Moreover, there was a rapid rise in
the number of pilgrimages to the holy Shiite towns of Karbala and Najaf
(before the US invasion of Iraq) and also to Qom and Mashad in Iran.

Moreover, while throughout the Soviet era, Islam was studied in the
Soviet madrasas of Tashkent or Bukara, from 1991 young Caucasians
began to study in universities in the Arab world, Iran and Turkey.

As for the Shiites of Azerbaijan and Georgia, hundreds of young people
took the initiative by going to Qom and Mashdad, and, to a lesser
extent, to Tehran and Qazwin, to study theology. In the hawza of Qom,
a type of Islamic campus, two madrasas, Imam al Khomeiny and Madrasatul
Hujja welcomed some dozen Azeri Shiite students from Georgia.

This reestablishment of links allowed Shiites in the Caucasian region
to gradually see themselves being reintegrated into the international
Shiite community.

Religious Iranians in Tbilisi

Very few people within the Shiite community in Georgia (and in
Azerbaijan) were aware of this Shiite reality before 1991.

But, as of 1992, the main mujtahid and marja’i taqlid, religious
scholars capable of teaching and interpreting sacred texts, started
to appear in Caucasian territories to such as extent that today
in Georgia it is possible to come across vekil, representatives of
several of the top-level Shiite personalities.

In Tbilisi, in the street where the sole mosque can be found in the
Georgian capital, a district where the majority of the 10,000 Azeris
in the town live, the Iman Foundation (FOI) is situated. This is run
by an Iranian monk and his assistant, an Azeri from Georgia. With its
completely legal status, the foundation offers followers religious
lessons, a small library mostly containing Shiite literature translated
from the Persian and a small conference room where religious debates
often take place.

As all believing and practising Shiites, the person in charge of the
foundation follows the instructions of a mujtahid. In this case, the
instructions of Mohammed Khamenei, the leader of the revolution in
the Islamic republic of Iran. This is therefore an institution that
has undergone influence from the Iranian state and which, through its
embassies in Azerbaijan and Georgia, does not hesitate in controlling
Islamic cooperation with its neighbours.

In Marneuli, one of the most prestigious mujtahid in the Shiite world

In the town of Marneuli, where the population is mainly Azeri, there
is another, similar foundation that is named ‘Ahli Beyt’, an Arabic
term meaning the family of the prophet and his direct descendants.

Better structured and more popular than the Iman foundation because
its is found in an Azeri-Shiite town, the foundation is fairly
active. Aside from Arabic lessons and Shiite theology, it offers
lessons in English, IT and Georgian in order to help young people to
integrate into independent Georgia.

This foundation is run by another mujtahid (also a marja’i taqlid,
in order to imitate the other foundation), who is without doubt, the
most prestigious mujtahid in the Shiite world today. We’re talking
here of Sistani, whose works, translated from Arabic into Azeri, can
be easily found in the market or in the town mosque, not to mention
the foundation’s own library, of course.

One of the responsibilities of the marja’i taqlid is to collect the
khamsa, the Shiite tax. This is equivalent to one-fifth of what the
follower has left once they have covered their clothing and food
requirements.

Difficult to put in place as the theological debate surrounding it is
so complex, this tax is not collected by the vekil, the representatives
of the marja’i taqlid. In actual fact, in contradiction to the
(secular) laws of this country and taking into consideration the fact
that the local population finds itself in a very difficult economic
situation, it’s impossible to conceive that taxes could be demanded
from the Shiites of Azerbaijan and Georgia.

The Caucasian influence of Lenkerani, the Qom religious leader

Without either vekil or offices in the Shiite towns of Georgia,
another marja’i taqlid, Fazil Lenkerani, seems to have gained much
authority amongst the Shiites of Marneuli, Bolnisi, Dmanisi and
Tbilisi. Well-respected in Azerbaijan, this scholar, who is over
75 years old, gains his prestige and reputation from the fact that
he descends from an Azeri family originally from Lenkeran and which
immigrated to Iran in the 1920s.

Placed among the most prominent religious leaders in the hawza of
Qom in Iran, Lenkerani has a group of followers in Azerbaijan and
Georgia thanks to hundreds of students from the Caucasus who came,
and who continue to come each year, to Qom for theology studies.

On-the-spot research carried out in Qom shows the extent of his
influence on young students, who, after their studies in Qom, spread
his ideas in the Shiite regions of the Caucasus.

Baku fails to retain control over Islam in Georgia

All the mosques and religious associations in the Azeri towns
of Georgia are, in theory, under the control of the Department
of Spiritual Affairs in Baku which is headed by Sheikh ul Islam
Allahshukur Pachazadeh. It is up to him to name the young akhund in
Tbilisi, who is responsible for Islam in Georgia. In reality, however,
Baku’s control of local Islam is relative.

Not all of the mosques and religious associations, although they
are required to be, are registered with the Department of Spiritual
Affairs in Baku. Local initiatives, sometimes supported by foreign
aid are set up by mosques without first seeking the opinion of Baku.

The theoretical supervision that Baku carries out over Islam in
Georgia comes from the good relations between Georgia and Azerbaijan,
but its control is far from being complete, especially concerning
Islam in Ajaria, which is geographically and religiously distanced
from Azeri Islam.

Next week: Ajaria, a new land of preaching for Turkish missionaries
[3/3]

–Boundary_(ID_CR5TGw2cqUu8FYwJ+844Vg)–