=?utf-8?B?V2lsbCBPYmFtYSByaXNrIFR1cmtleeKAmXMgd3JhdGg/?

The National, UAE
March 9 2009

Will Obama risk Turkey’s wrath?

Thomas Seibert, Foreign Correspondent
Last Updated: March 10. 2009 12:15AM UAE / March 9. 2009 8:15PM GMT

ISTANBUL // Although there are many issues that Turkey would like to
discuss with the new administration in Washington, Ankara’s
politicians and diplomats will be concentrating on one task in the
coming weeks: to prevent Barack Obama from using the word `genocide’
to describe the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Armenians almost
100 years ago.

Attention is focused on the traditional message of the US president on
April 24, the day commemorating the massacres against Armenians in
what was then the Ottoman Empire.

In recent years, presidents have avoided the term `genocide’ to not
offend Turkey, a strategic US ally. But Ankara has been concerned that
Mr Obama may change this, as the new president used the term during
his election campaign and promised to recognise the genocide.

In a statement in January last year when he was a US senator, Mr Obama
talked about his `firmly held conviction that the Armenian genocide is
not an allegation, a personal opinion, or a point of view, but rather
a widely documented fact supported by an overwhelming body of
historical evidence. The facts are undeniable.’

He added: `As president I will recognise the Armenian genocide.’

Turkey’s concerns formed part of the talks between high-ranking
Turkish officials and the US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, in
Ankara last weekend.

Mrs Clinton’s visit was seen as an effort to put US-Turkish relations
on a new footing after a period marked by tensions over the US
invasion in Iraq. Judging by Turkish reactions, Mrs Clinton succeeded.

Turkey’s foreign minister, Ali Babacan, said relations between the two
countries had `entered a new era’.

But despite that positive assessment and a cautious rapprochement
between Turkey and Armenia that started last year, the prospect that
the United States may officially label the events that took place
during the First World War a genocide is still so explosive in Turkey
that Ankara warned of irreparable damage to Turkish-US relations,
should the term be used.

`I see a risk here,’ Mr Babacan told the NTV news channel last
weekend. `Just one word may seem easy for them. But ¦ they have to
understand the consequences, the reaction of our people,’ the minister
said. `We conveyed that message to Clinton as well.’

Armenians and much of the international community say that as many as
1.5 million Armenians were killed in a genocide orchestrated by
Ottoman authorities that started in 1915.

Turkey rejects that term, puts the number of victims much lower and
argues the death of the Armenians was the result of a resettlement
under wartime conditions. Several countries around the world have
passed resolutions recognising the genocide, but the United States has
not done so yet.

Turkish media speculated in recent weeks that the possibility of Mr
Obama’s recognising the genocide had risen after the latest spat
between Turkey’s prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and the Israeli
president, Shimon Peres, over Israel’s attacks in the Gaza Strip.

Other observers think that an announcement, made during Mrs Clinton’s
visit, that Mr Obama plans to travel to Turkey in early April has
taken much of the pressure off Ankara.

`To think of a visit to Turkey would not make sense for an American
president who is going to use the word `genocide’,’ Kadri Gursel wrote
in a column in Milliyet, a daily newspaper.

According to news reports, Mr Obama’s visit is expected around April
7, about two weeks before he is to make his first official statement
on the Armenian question as president.

Mr Obama may also be hesitant to fulfill his campaign pledge on the
Armenian issue because such a step could endanger efforts to make a
new start in relations between Turkey and Armenia.

A joint statement after talks between Mrs Clinton and Mr Babacan in
Ankara underlined `US support for the efforts of Turkey and Armenia to
normalize relations’.

Omer Taspinar, a Washington-based columnist for Sabah, a daily
newspaper, wrote on Monday that Mr Obama would tell Turkey and Armenia
to open a new chapter in their relations. `The time has come to sign
an historic agreement with Armenia.’

Turkey broke new ground in its relations with its neighbour when the
president, Abdullah Gul, visited Yerevan in September. There have been
several high-level contacts since then, and Armenia’s president, Serzh
Sarkisian, is expected in Turkey this year.

Some Turkish observers have predicted an opening of the border between
the two countries, which has been closed for more than 10 years, and
the establishment of diplomatic relations.

Wrapping up a visit to Washington a few days ago, a group of Turkish
lawmakers also expressed their expectation that Mr Obama would not use
the term and that Congress would not pass a resolution recognising the
genocide.

`I do not think that President Obama will use that despicable term,’
said Sukru Elekdag, a deputy and former Turkish diplomat, according to
press reports.

`Congress will look at what the president says.’

But another Turkish lawmaker, Nursuna Memecan, said Armenian groups
were lobbying for recognition of the genocide by Washington. `We
cannot rest peacefully,’ she said.

icle?AID=/20090310/FOREIGN/63319576/1135

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Foreign Minister of Armenia to visit France

Foreign Minister of Armenia to visit France

armradio.am
09.03.2009 17:33

March 10-12 the Foreign Minister of Armenia, Edward Nalbandian, will
pay a working visit to France.

During the visit the Armenian Foreign Minister is expected to have
meetings with his French counterpart Bernard Couchner, and Chief
Diplomatic Adviser to the President of France, Jean David Levitte.

On March 12 the Armenian Foreign Minister and the Mayor of Paris,
Bernard Delanoe will open the Yerevan Square in the center of Paris.

Within the framework of his visit to France Edward Nalbandian will
deliver a report on Armenia’s foreign policy at the International
Diplomatic Academy of France.

Edward Nalbandian is expected to make a speech at the Foreign Relations
Committee of the National assembly of France and have meetings with
members of the National’s Assembly’s Friendship Group with Armenia.

On March 12 Minister Nalbandian will visit the headquarters of the
`France Telecom’ Company, where he will officially launch the
broadcasting of programs of the Armenian Public Television on Orange
network.

Israeli warplanes await S-300 sale to Iran

Israeli warplanes await S-300 sale to Iran
Sat, 07 Mar 2009 19:05:32 GMT

Russia’s transfer of its S-300 air-defense systems to Iran would be the
trigger point for Israel to take Iran to war, says a US think-tank.

As Iran’s quest to obtain the sophisticated Russian-made anti-aircraft
missile system S-300 continues to spark controversy, a new
"Presidential Task Force" report on Iran by the Washington Institute
for Near East Policy warns about the consequences of Iran acquiring the
weapon.

The report says the potential transfer of the S-300 systems to Iran
"gives rise to the grave risk that Israel could feel compelled to act
before the cost of doing so is too high."

The bi-partisan authors of the document, titled, "Preventing a Cascade
of Instability," propose that the US "should promptly provide Israel
with the capabilities — modern aircraft — to continue to threaten
high-value Iranian targets" once Russia starts the S-300 delivery.

The "Presidential Task Force" report maintains that the US arms offer
to Israel could be used as leverage in pressuring Russia against the
sale of S-300 systems to Iran.

The "rebalance of the strategic equation" would come as a result of an
assessment of the S-300 system by US and Israeli weapons experts which
has described the weapon as an element that can effectively rule out a
successful attack against Iran.

"If Tehran obtained the S-300, it would be a game-changer in military
thinking for tackling Iran," says long-time Pentagon advisor Dan Goure.

The surface-to-air system tracks targets using a mobile radar station,
immune to jamming.

Aside from the modern aircraft the US has been advised to provide for
Israel, Israeli military experts have been on the move to enhance their
offensive capabilities.

Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) is reportedly developing a killer
drone, known as Harop, which can be used against "anti-aircraft systems
and mobile or concealed ballistic missile launchers".

Harop, which is deployed as a "fire and forget" weapon, is designed to
travel over 1,000 kilometers to loiter over suspected locations to spot
and attack targets as they are exposed right before activation.

William Schneider, one of the authors of the report and a former under
secretary of state in the Reagan administration told a news conference
on Wednesday that Iran has ready access to enough fissile material to
produce up to 50 nuclear weapons should they decide to make such bombs.

"The ability to go from low enriched uranium to highly enriched
uranium, especially if [the Iranians] expand the number of centrifuges,
would be a relatively brief period of time, perhaps a year or so,
before they’d be able to produce a nuclear weapon," Schneider said.

In order for Iran to build a nuclear weapon, it needs to reconfigure
its existing centrifuge enrichment plant at Natanz to reprocess LEU
into weapons-grade HEU, or build clandestine facilities without the
knowledge of UN inspectors.

An UN nuclear watchdog official speaking on condition of anonymity
responded later by saying that the nuclear watchdog’s monitors and
surveillance equipment at the Iranian facilities have not detected any
reconfiguration activity on centrifuges, adding that there exists no
evidence that Iran is building a clandestine facility to produce the
highly enriched uranium needed for bomb fuel.

IAEA spokeswoman Melissa Fleming for her part dismissed the possibility
of any such move by Iran explaining that, "No nuclear material could
have been removed from the facility without the agency’s knowledge
since the facility is subject to video surveillance and the nuclear
material has been kept under seal."

The report by the US think-tank adds that any attempt by the US to
hinder the sale of the S-300 systems to Iran should be done while
making clear that "the US objective is to delay an Israeli attack on
Iran’s nuclear facilities while the international community continues
its efforts to convince Iran to abandon its program."

Iran’s Defense Minister Mostafa Mohammad Najjar visited Moscow last
month in what was widely believed to be in pursuit of the finalization
of a deal on the advanced Russian system.

While there was no official confirmation about the controversial
defense systems following the Iranian minister’s return, Evgenia Voiko,
an analyst from the Center for Current Politics — an analytical agency
close to the Kremlin — told Press TV that Russia would not let the
Iranian general return to his country empty-handed.

"The deals would be beneficial for Russia. Iran is one of Russia’s
largest military and technical partners. It would be imprudent to lose
such a promising customer," Voiko added.

Kommersant had earlier reported that while an $800 million contract for
five S-300 systems had already been signed between Iran and Russia,
Moscow has yet to make a decision on whether to deliver them.

Italy Interested In Development Of Relations With Armenia

ITALY INTERESTED IN DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIONS WITH ARMENIA

PanARMENIAN.Net
06.03.2009 14:51 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ "The Armenian-Italian relations have good potential
and such visits are of great importance for their development,"
the Armenian Minister said.

For his part, Mr. Montica said that Italy is interested in developing
relations with Armenia.

The two also exchanged views on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict
settlement process, Armenian-Turkish relations and regional stability
issues, the RA MFA press office reported.

ANCM: Mass. Armenian Community Mourns Passing of George Keverian

Armenian National Committee of Massachusetts
47 Nichols Avenue
Watertown MA 02472
617-926-1918
[email protected]

March 6, 2009

MASSACHUSETTS ARMENIAN COMMUNITY MOURNS PASSING OF GEORGE KEVERIAN

— Former House Speaker was Champion of Free Speech and Government Reform;
Organized First Commonwealth Observance of Armenian Genocide

WATERTOWN, MA – The Armenian National Committee of Massachusetts joined with
Armenian American throughout the commonwealth today in mourning the passing
of former House Speaker and government reform champion George Keverian.

`Speaker Keverian’s commitment to free speech and open government set the
standard for civic reform throughout the Commonwealth – a legacy which has
touched all levels of Massachusetts governance,’ said ANC Eastern
Massachusetts Chairwoman Sharistan Melkonian. `At the same time, his
commitment to proper U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide and devotion
to Armenian American concerns garnered the respect and admiration of our
communities nationwide.’

Keverian grew up in Everett, MA, and attended Everett High School and later
Tufts College and Harvard College. He began his political life in 1953 at
the age of 21, with his election of to the Everett Common Council. He would
later serve 24 years in the Massachusetts House, six of which as Speaker.

During his years in the House, Keverian organized the first Armenian
Genocide observance at the State Capitol – an event which continues annually
to this day.

In addition, Keverian’s commitment to education touched the lives of many.
On the morning of his death he was scheduled to read Dr. Seuss to students
at an elementary school that bears his name in his home town. He had also
served on the boards of directors of vital institutions including the St.
Stephen’s Armenian Elementary school in Watertown, Massachusetts and the
Massachusetts Service Alliance.

Massachusetts House Speaker Robert DeLeo told the Boston Globe earlier today
that `[Speaker Keverian] led the House during a tough fiscal time and was
not afraid to make difficult decisions for the benefit of the entire
commonwealth. On a personal level, Keverian was a kind man, who made a
tremendous contribution to his hometown of Everett, which he loved so much."

#####

From East To West

FROM EAST TO WEST

By Metro Ã~Iireann
Thursday, February 26, 2009, 17:55

Armenia’s Ambassador to Ireland, Dr Vahe Gabrielyan, speaks to Metro
Ã~Iireann about his country’s links with Ireland, conflict in the
Nagorno-Karabakh region, and reconciling Armenia’s close Russian ties
with its European aspirations

Dr Vahe Gabrielyan was appointed Ar-menia’s Ambassador to the United
Kingdom in March 2003 and to Ireland in December 2005, becoming the
first ever Ambassador of the Republic of Armenia to this country.

Before his ambassadorial tenure he was press secretary for the
President of Armenia from 1998 to 2003. At the same time he served as
the president’s interpreter, and previously worked at the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs of Armenia in various capacities from 1994 to
1998. He has held positions at the UN, OSCE and later Unesco desks
of the Depar-tment of International Organ-isations of the Ministry,
and he has also worked at the Consti-tutional Court of Armenia.

Dr Gabrielyan took the time to answer our questions on various
topics, from the links between Ireland and Armenia to the conflict
in Nagorno-Karabakh, and his country’s future in Europe.

Metro Ã~Iireann: You are the first ever Ambassador of Armenia to the
UK with an added brief in Ireland. Can you give your impression of
Ireland during your visits?

Dr Vahe Gabrielyan: I had special feelings for Ireland, the Irish p
eople and their history even before I was considered for the job and
felt really privileged and proud to be appointed Armenia’s Ambassador
to Ireland, moreover the first ever one.

All my visits to Dublin have been enjoyable, whether on my own or
accompanied with my family. Of course, the most memorable day was
the one when I presented my credentials. All the officials from the
Foreign Ministry and the President’s office were very welcoming and
helpful but I was most impressed when I met President Mary McAleese.

The ceremony was very solemn and inspiring and the inspecting of
the guard was an obliging experience, however I was touched by the
President’s warm welcome to myself and my family and her knowledge of
Armenia and our history. I was very pleased for her assessment of the
resemblance between our two nations’ histories, fate and character
and her offer of assistance in my mission was indeed encouraging.

These were words every diplomat wants to hear. I just hope we will
see her visit Armenia before long and share this mood with the
Armenian people.

ME: What is the exact nature of Armenian-Irish relations? On what
cultural, political and trade matters do we co-operate?

VG: We should realise that Armenian-Irish relations on a
government-to-government level are in their very young days. We have
had contacts earlier, of course, but on an official level we are in
the initial stages, although I20must mention with satisfaction that
we have already had high-level contact.

Not long after my appointment, the then Foreign Minister Mr Dermot
Ahern TD invited our Foreign Minister of that time, Mr Vartan Oskanian,
to visit Dublin in the beginning of 2007. This was the first ever
visit of an Armenian Foreign Minister and we covered a lot of ground,
[including] ways of developing co-operation bet-ween the two nations.

There are indeed many areas where we can closely co-operate. We are
interested in Ireland’s experience of European integration, economic
achievement and conflict resolution, in regulating relations with a
large diaspora, etc.

Apart from the political dimension, which we intend to expand on, we
are very keen on developing comprehensive economic co-operation. From
my very first visits I had meetings at the Chambers of Commerce of
Ireland and we started a process of establishing co-operation between
them and the chamber of commerce in Armenia. The process has stalled
for a while but we plan to rejuvenate it.

Being small countries quite far apart geographically obviously
causes some difficulties, and having no embassies in each other’s
capital cities does not help either, therefore we have nominated
one of our compatriots, a successful Armenian-Irish businessman,
to be our honorary consul who, being a Dubliner for decades, can
pursue trade issues on a much more regular basis. We have received
the consent of the Irish authorities and hopefully, pending some
legislative amendments to our respective procedures in Armenia,
will appoint him before long.

We are also in the process of finalising an agreement on avoiding
double taxation which will be a good start, encouraging the business
communities on both sides to more seriously look into doing business
with each other.

ME: In what areas do you see prospects for economic relations between
our two countries?

VG: Apart from the traditional branches of economy such as mining,
heavy industry, chemical industry, textiles and agriculture, Armenians
have always been good, like the Irish, in spheres of economy requiring
high-standard education, advanced skills and brainpower, spheres
such as information technologies, hi-tech software development,
re-search, banking as well as industries for which geographical
barriers and transportation costs are not important – diamond cutting
and refining, jewellery making, etc. Tourism is one of those with the
highest potential, as are organic food production, food processing
and intellectual services.

I would like to go back to the previous question for a moment and add
that cultural relations of course are not at the bottom of our list. It
is not by chance that the first thing we did in Ireland was organise an
exhibition of photographs in the Central Library in Dublin, depicting
the beautiful scenery, history, architectural and cultural monuments
and everyda y life of Armenia as seen by 15 professional photographers.

And while we are on the subject of culture, I would like to mention
with pride the Armenian collection at the Chester Beatty Library
in Dublin. This is said to be the largest collection of medieval
illustrated Armenian manuscripts not in Armenian hands. We Armenians
– who invented our alphabet in 406 and put it into uninterrupted use
since – have a special reverence for the written word, the books and
the spiritual in general and boast a unique collection of over 17,000
medieval manuscripts in the Matenadaran, the depositary of ancient
manuscripts in Yerevan. The second, hugely important collection is
maintained and researched at the Mekhitarist Abbey in Venice, while
another unique collection is kept in the Armenian Quarter in Jerusalem.

The one in the Chester Beatty is unique in being not in Armenian
hands. I would like to take this opportunity to sincerely thank the
director of the library, the curator of the exhibition and all Chester
Beatty staff for the wonderful work they are doing by preserving this
important cultural heritage.

ME: How many Armenians are in Ireland, and in general, what types of
experiences – good and bad – do they report to the embassy as regards
life here?

VG: As for probably any community, speaking of precise numbers
is not realistic; exact statistics simply do not exist. However,
we know that there are not many Armenians in Ireland by any count,
and those who are known do not live concentrated in one place.

The Armenian community in Ireland has not been, until very recently,
formally organised around any structures. They have recently started
talking about establishing some sort of a community centre, possibly
also a Sunday school and having organised Sunday Mass. The embassy
undoubtedly encourages such activity and we hope to see a coherent
community that can contribute to Armenian-Irish bilateral relations.

>From whatever contacts we have had, we have no reports of any bad
experience. On the contrary – and I want to specially mention this –
in 1988, in the aftermath of the devastating earthquake in Armenia,
the Irish people showed their warmth and generosity and were of great
assistance both morally and materially. That attitude means a lot to
us and will not be forgotten.

ME: Can you explain the current status of the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict, and whether those involved in the Northern Ireland peace
process have offered any advice to the government of Armenia in
solving this?

VG: The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is one of the most intricate
conflicts of our time because of several factors: it has a long
history; has claimed a terrible number of lives; and is in a very
complex region where many powers have interests.

Let me explain its roots as briefly as possible. After the Bolshevik
revolution in Russia, countries of the south Caucasus, Armenia and
Georgia – formerly part of the Russian Empire – became independent
in 1918 and a new country, Azerbaijan, was also formed. The latter
had claims for Karabakh, part of the ancient Armenian province of
Artsakh, but these claims were considered so unfounded by the League
of Nations that it did not grant Azerbaijan membership.

When the three countries where sovietised by the Red Army in 1920,
the authorities of Soviet Azerbaijan formally acknowledged that
Karabakh was part of Armenia. However, a year later the Communist
authorities in Moscow decided to re-draw the borders in the Caucasus
at their own whim and thus cut two big chunks of indigenous Armenian
lands, Nakhichevan and Karabakh, and ‘presented’ them to Azerbaijan,
albeit with some degree of formal autonomy.

Armenians never reconciled with this fact and kept protesting, but not
much was possible under either the Leninist ‘internationalist’ dogma or
Stalinist repression. Consequently, under continuing oppression from
Azeri authorities, all the Armenian population of Nakhichevan were
ousted, and some demographic change was forced in Nagorno-Karabakh
through various means of discrimination and violation of human rights.

When Gorbachev’s ‘perestroika’ offered hopes for democracy and justice,
Armenians in Karabakh raised their voice through legislative procedures
and demanded a restoration of justice.20Repressions and organised
pogroms of Armenians followed, and when the Soviet Union collapsed,
these attacks grew into full-scale outright military aggression
against the civilian population.

A bigger part of Karabakh came under Azeri occupation, the population
was killed or fled, towns and villages were destroyed, while the rest –
the still unoccupied parts – were bombed and shelled around the clock.

Karabakh was able to organise self-defence and ultimately beat
the Azeris against the odds, liberating most of the territory and
establishing control over some adjacent lands. Almost all Karabakhi
men went to fight to protect their families and homes.

A formal ceasefire was established in 1994 and still holds, although
shootings are still frequent. A negotiating format, co-chaired by
the US, Russia and France and including about another 10 countries
was put together by the OSCE in the early 1990s and has since been
working on finding a resolution acceptable to all parties. Several
proposals have been put on the table since then and rejected by one or
more of the three parties (Azerbaijan, Nagorno Karabakh and Armenia),
the last three of them by Azerbaijan.

Meanwhile, Karabakh has managed to hold a referendum, declare
independence, conduct three presidential, parliamentary and local
elections, and is successfully building a democratic independent state,
working hard to improve the welfare of its people and eliminate the
consequences of the war imposed on them.

One major impediment to the peace process is that Azerbaijan refuses
to directly talk to the Nagorno-Karabakh authorities, which is counter
to logic, because the conflict is in the first place between Azerbaijan
and Karabakh.

Most recently, on 2 November 2008, a declaration on the prospects of
a political settlement for the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was signed
by the presidents of Armenia, Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation,
committing the parties to the non-use of force and resolution of the
conflict by peaceful means only. We think that the signing of such
a declaration is quite an important development.

Being involved in such an intricate conflict and lengthy negotiations,
we are of course interested in other nations’ experience in conflict
resolution and carefully study all available sources. We are impressed
with the progress in the Northern Ireland talks and genuinely happy
that this long-standing conflict is finally coming to an end.

ME: Like Ireland, Armenia has a massive diaspora. What does the
government of Armenia do, through its embassies, to ensure that the
culture and traditions of Armenians are maintained when abroad?

VG: At least two-thirds of Armenians live outside Armenia – or the
Republic of Armenia, for the bigger part of Armenia, or western
Armenia, is now part of Turkey. The reason for the existence of such
a massive diaspora is not the free choice to live where20one wishes.

There has certainly been economic emigration since independence was
restored in 1991. With the demise of the Soviet Union, the economy –
already under big strain because of the 1988 earthquake that destroyed
a third of the country, and because of the hundreds of thousands of
Armenian refugees fleeing pogroms in Azerbaijan – deteriorated to an
unprecedented low.

The blockades imposed by Azerbaijan and Turkey further aggravated
the situation and a considerable number of people left Armenia to
find jobs and security.

The diaspora, however, was not formed by these people. It came into
existence when hundreds of thousands were deported from their homes
in western Armenia, then part of the Ottoman Empire (now Turkey)
at the beginning of the 20th century. In a centrally planned,
government-executed annihilation campaign of Armenians that started
under Sultan Hamid at the end of the 19th century and culminated,
under the Young Turks, in 1915 in the first genocide of the 20th
century, all the population of western Armenia was exterminated. At
least 1.5 million perished in the slaughter or died of hunger and
exhaustion in the deportation through the deserts, while the rest
fled for other countries.

When one speaks of the Armenian diaspora – a generic name for the
now confident, prospering, respected, and increasingly influential
communities all over the globe – the history of how it came about
should20always be borne in mind because this historic memory is a
defining feature of their psychology and activities.

Today, apart from maintaining their identity and their well-being,
the Armenian diaspora pursues two major issues: the international
recognition and condemnation of the 1915 genocide of Armenians –
which Turkey still refuses – and the strengthening of the Republic
of Armenia.

We co-operate with the diaspora in all possible directions, including
the strengthening and deepening of our bilateral relations with the
countries where we have communities. Armenians are always loyal,
law-abiding and hard-working citizens of the countries where
they reside and act as a useful bridge for furthering bilateral
relations. The Armenian diaspora is an important part of the nation and
a valuable asset, and we do our best to help the people and enhance
their ties with their homeland. In this light, we are very keen to
learn from the Irish experience of developing the relations between
the homeland and the diaspora.

As for embassies, working with the communities is an important part of
our job. We work very closely with both structures and individuals of
respective communities on a multitude of issues – political, trade,
cultural, educational, tourism, investments, etc. We have already
achieved a lot and intend to constantly build on that.

ME: There is confusion among onlookers as to whether Armenia wishes
to eventually join the EU. Some say that popular opinion backs such a
move, but that the government’s foreign policy favours the continuation
of close ties with Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS). What is the reality of the situation from your perspective?

VG:â~@~HLet me start with the CIS and Russia. As one would appreciate,
Armenia – at least eastern Armenia – was for a long time part of the
Russian Empire and, for over 70 years, of the Soviet Union. Throughout
these years, we have built not only deep economic ties but also
cultural, educational, historic people-to-people relations with
others with whom we were part of the same country. We should maintain
these ties of friendship and co-operation and build on them for our
own benefit.

A lot of Armenians live in the CIS countries and our community in
Russia is the largest among all our communities in the diaspora. In
addition, many families in Armenia have someone working in these
countries on a seasonal basis as well.

Russia is also a strategic partner and a very significant economic
partner and investor in our economy. All these ties are in our own
interest.

Having said this, I must make it clear that integration into the
European community, structures and economy is a government priority
policy that we have announced since the early years of independence,
as well an express wish of the public.

As the first country in the world to adopt Christianity as a state
religion in 301, we believe that we are bearers of European values
and Europe is where we belong.

The policies of European integration that we have pursued consistently
are by no means contradictory to our maintaining of good relations
with Russia or the CIS countries. The two can successfully complement
each other and there is no disagreement – well at least on this issue –
between public opinion and the Government’s foreign policy.

We do see ourselves in Europe but understand well that we still have
much work to do to achieve the way of life that we aspire.

We also believe that once our aims and declared direction of
development are clear, they will be reached not by making loud
statements and claims, but through consistency of action, hard work
and determination.

We hope that Ireland will stand by a friendly nation once or when
the need to assist on this road arises.

Agallamh le hAmbasadóir na hAirméine chun na hÃ~Iireann

Ceapadh Vahe Gabri-elyan mar Ambasadóir na hAirméine chun na
Ríochta Aontaithe i mí an Mhárta 2003 agus mar Ambasadóir na
hAirméine chun na hÃ~Iireann i mí na Nollag 2005, agus é ina
chéad Ambasadóir riamh de Poblacht na hAirméine in Ã~Iirinn. Sula
raibh sé ina Ambasadóir bhí sé ina Phreasrúnaí d’Uachtarán
na hAirméine don tréimhse idir 1998 ag us 2003. Ag an am céanna,
d’oibrigh sé mar ateangaire don Uachtarán agus d’oibrigh sé i
Roinn Gnóthaí Eachtracha na hAirméine i róil éagsúla ón mbliain
1994 go dtí 1998. Bhí post aige sna Náisiúin Aontaithe (UN), in
Eagraíocht na Náisiún Aontaithe um Shlándáil agus Chomhoibriú
san Eoraip (OSCE) agus, ina dhiaidh sin san Eagraíocht Oideachais,
Eolaíochta agus Chultúir na Náisiún Aontaithe (UNESCO) i Rannóg
na nEagraíochtaí Idirnáisiúnta sa Roinn sin. D’oibrigh sé chomh
maith i gCúirt Bhunreacht na hAirméine.

Is tusa céad Ambasadóir na hAirméine riamh chun na Ríochta
Aontaithe agus chun na hÃ~Iireann. Conas a chuaigh Ã~Iire i bhfeidhm
ort le linn do chuairte?

Bhí mothúcháin speisialta agam d’Ã~Iirinn, do mhuintir na hÃ~Iireann
agus do stair an tíre fiú sula a smaoiníodh orm don phost agus
bhí sé de phribhléid agam, agus bhí mé thar a bheith bródúil,
nuair a ceapadh mé mar Ambasadóir na hAirméine chun na hÃ~Iireann,
an chéad Ambasadóir riamh chun na tíre seo.

Bhain mé taitneamh as gach cuairt a thug mé ar Bhaile Ã~Atha
Cliath, na cinn nuair a bhí mé i m’aonar agus na cinn nuair a
bhí mo chlann liom. Is cinnte, áfach, gurb í an chuimhne is b
uaine atá agam ná an lá a bhain mé na dintiúir amach. Chuir
feidhmeannaigh ón Roinn Gnóthaí Eachtracha agus ó oifig an
Uachtaráin fearadh na fáilte romham agus bhí siad an-chabhrach
go deo liom, ach an rud is mó a chuaigh i bhfeidhm orm ar an lá
ná nuair a bhuail mé leis an Uachtarán Mary McAleese. Searmanas
an-sollúnta agus inspioráideach a bhí ann agus ba thaithí ar leith
a bhí i gcigireacht na ngardaí. Chuaigh an fháilte ó chroí a
chuir an tUachtarán romhainn, mé féin agus mo chlann, i bhfeidhm
go mór orainn go léir mar aon leis an méid a bhí ar eolas aici
faoin Airméin agus faoi stair na tíre. Bhí mé an-sásta leis
na cosúlachtaí ar labhair sí fúthu idir stair, cinniúint agus
carachtar an dá thír agus thairg sí tacaíocht dom le linn mo
mhisean a chomhlíonadh, rud a chuir ardú meanman ionam. Teastaíonn
ó chuile thaidhleoir beo na focail sin a chloisteáil. Tá súil
agam go dtabharfaidh sí cuairt ar an Airméin sula i bhfad agus go
scaipfidh sí an dea-spin seo ar mhuintir na hAirméine.

Cén caidreamh go díreach atá idir an Airméin agus Ã~Iire maidir
le cúrsaí cultúir, polaitíochta agus trádála?

Ba chóir dúinn tabhairt faoi deara nach bhfuil ach tús curtha
leis an gcaidreamh idir an Airméin agus Ã~Iire ar leibhéal na
rialtas. Bhí teagmháil idir an dá thír roimhe seo cinnte ach ar
leibhéal oifigiúil, táimid sa chead chéim den phróiseas, ach
cuireann sé áthas orm mé a lua go raibh teagmháil ardleibhéal ar
siúl eadrainn go dtí seo. Seal beag i ndiaidh dom a bheith ceaptha,
thug Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha na hÃ~Iireann, an tUasal Dermot
Ahern TD, cuireadh dár nAire Gnóthaí Eachtracha, an tUasal Vartan
Oskanian, teacht go hÃ~Iirinn ag tús 2007. Ba í seo an chéad uair
a thug Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha na hAirméine cuairt ar Ã~Iirinn agus
pléadh an-chuid rudaí… ina measc, slite le comhoibriú a fhorbairt
idir an dá thír. Is fíor a rá go bhfuil go leor réimsí inar
féidir linn comhoibriú go dlúth: tá suim againn sa taithí atá
ag Ã~Iirinn maidir le comhtháthú san Eoraip, maidir le héachtaí
eacnamaí ochta agus le réiteach coimhlinte, agus maidir le caidreamh
a rialú le Diaspóra mór srl.

Taobh amuigh den réimse polaitíochta, réimse ina bhfuiltear ag
súil le fás agus forbairt, tá an-spéis againn i gcomhoibriú
eacnamaíochta cuimsitheach a fhorbairt. Ã" na chéad chuairteanna a
thug mise ar Ã~Iirinn, bhí cruinnithe agam ag Cumann Lucht Tr chtála
na hÃ~Iireann agus chuireamar tús le próiseas chun comhoibriú a
bhunú idir Cumann Lucht Tráchtála na hÃ~Iireann agus Cumann Lucht
Tráchtála na hAirméine. Cuireadh moill ar an bpróiseas ar feadh
tamaill ach tá sé ar intinn againn é a chur faoi lánseol arís.

Tá deacrachtaí ag baint le bheith i do thír bheag agus a bheith
suite i bhfad óna chéile, agus is dúshlán eile é nach bhfuil
ambasáid againn i bpríomhchathracha a chéile. Ainmníodh, mar sin,
duine dár muintir féin, fear gnó idir an Airméin agus Ã~Iire mar
Chonsal Oinigh. Is Baile Ã~Atha Cliathach é le blianta anuas agus
is féidir leis a choinneáil leis an gcúram maidir le cúrsaí
trádà ¡la ar bhonn níos rialta.

Tá cead faighte againn ó údaráis na hÃ~Iireann agus le cúnamh
Dé, ceapfar é sula i bhfad nuair a chuirfear roinnt leasuithe
reachtaíochta i bhfeidhm, leasuithe a bhaineann leis na nósanna
imeachta san Airméin.

Faoi láthair, táimid ag cur críche le comhaontú maidir le cáin
dhúbailte a sheachaint agus is tús maith é sin mar spreagfaidh sé
na pobail ghnó sa dá thír aghaidh a thabhairt ar ghnó a dhéanamh
lena chéile.

Armenian Copper Concentrate Production Plummets 45% In Jan

ARMENIAN COPPER CONCENTRATE PRODUCTION PLUMMETS 45% IN JAN

Interfax
March 2 2009
Russia

Armenia reduced copper concentrate production 45.2% year-on-year in
January to 6,250 tonnes, the National Statistics Service said.

Converter copper production fell 5.6% to 433 tonnes and aluminum foil
was down 22.7% to 1,255 tonnes.

However molybdenum concentrate production rose 16.4% to 732 tonnes
and ferromolybdenum rose 15% to 467 tonnes.

Amb. Gabrielyan On Armenia-Ireland Relations, Karabakh Conflict, Rus

AMB. GABRIELYAN ON ARMENIA-IRELAND RELATIONS, KARABAKH CONFLICT, RUSSIA AND EU TIES

armradio.am
04.03.2009 14:14

In an interview with the Irish Metro Ã~Iireann newspaper Armenia’s
Ambassador to the United Kingdom,Dr Vahe Gabrielyan, spoke about
Armenia’s links with Ireland, the conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh
region, and reconciling Armenia’s close Russian ties with its European
aspirations.

Mr. Gabrielyan said the Armenian-Irish relations on a
government-to-government level are in their very young days. "However,
there are indeed many areas where we can closely co-operate.

We are interested in Ireland’s experience of European integration,
economic achievement and conflict resolution, in regulating relations
with a large diaspora, etc. Apart from the political dimension, which
we intend to expand on, we are very keen on developing comprehensive
economic co-operation," the Ambassador noted. He added that "we
are also in the process of finalizing an agreement on avoiding
double taxation which will be a good start, encouraging the business
communities on both sides to more seriously look into doing business
with each other."

Asked in what areas he sees prospects for economic relations between
the two countries, Ambassador Gabrielyan responded: "Apart from
the traditional ranches of economy such as mining, heavy industry,
chemical industry, textiles and agriculture, Armenians have always been
good, like the Irish, in spheres of economy requiring high-standard
education, advanced skills and brainpower, spheres such as information
technologies, hi-tech software development, research, banking as well
as industries for which geographical barriers and transportation costs
are not important – diamond cutting and refining, jewellery making,
etc. Tourism is one of those with the highest potential, as are
organic food production, food processing and intellectual services."

Vahe Gabrielyan mentioned with pride the Armenian collection at the
Chester Beatty Library in Dublin, which is said to be the largest
collection of medieval illustrated Armenian manuscripts not in
Armenian hands.

The Ambassador recalled that in 1988, in the aftermath of the
devastating earthquake in Armenia, the Irish people showed their
warmth and generosity and were of great assistance both morally and
materially and that attitude means a lot to us’

Vahe Gabrielyan presented in detail the roots of the Karabakh conflict
and the negotiation process, as well as the Armenian genocide in
the Ottoman Empire in 1915 and the relations between Armenia and the
Armenian Diaspora shaped as a result of the genocide. He also gave
clarifications about Armenia’s Foreign policy priorities, particularly
issues of cooperation with the CIS, Russia and the European Union.

"Russia is our strategic partner and a very significant economic
partner and investor in our economy. All these ties are in our own
interest. I must make it clear, however, that integration into the
European community, structures and economy is a government priority
policy that we have announced since the early years of independence,
as well an express wish of the public. As the first country in the
world to adopt Christianity as a state religion in 301, we believe that
we are bearers of European values and Europe is where we belong. The
policies of European integration that we have pursued consistently are
by no means contradictory to our maintaining of good relations with
Russia or the CIS countries. The two can successfully complement each
other and there is no disagreement – well at least on this issue –
between public opinion and the Government’s foreign policy. We do
see ourselves in Europe but understand well that we still have much
work to do to achieve the way of life that we aspire. We also believe
that once our aims and declared direction of development are clear,
they will be reached not by making loud statements and claims, but
through consistency of action, hard work and determination. We hope
that Ireland will stand by a friendly nation once or when the need
to assist on this road arises," Armenia’s Ambassador to the United
Kingdom.

Killing With Kindness

KILLING WITH KINDNESS
By David Bromwich

American Conservative Magazine
09/00029/
March 4 2009

The Clinton administration believed in the good of humanitarian
intervention, and the Kosovo War aimed to set a pattern for such
efforts. The 11 weeks of bombing and the 12,000 killed on the ground
seemed to its architects a fair price for so clear a demonstration
of enlightened resolve. That false rumors of massacre were used to
incite the war, that the ethnic killings turned out to be mainly
a consequence and not a cause of the bombing–these were seen as
side-effects of a humane exuberance.

By contrast, the Bush administration chose to revert from cold war
to war, and defined its enemy by analogy with metaphysical evil. The
"war on terror" was a rubric that could support many tributary wars
with a minimum of definitional fuss.

Let us say that the neoliberal wants humanitarian interventions that
may uneasily shade into wars, while the neoconservative wants wars that
sooner or later find a justification to satisfy humanitarian goals. How
great is the difference? Our rival schools of empire have in common
their commitment to preserve a standing military establishment that
every year spends almost as much as the rest of the world combined,
and they agree that violence is permissible against other countries in
a cause unconnected with national self-preservation. The bare appeal to
self-preservation is more often made by the neoconservatives, but this
appeal goes along lines where hyperbolic fear becomes indistinguishable
from fantasy. As late as 2007, Vice President Cheney warned that any
withdrawal of troops in the Middle East would plant the green crescent
flag inside the White House.

Gary Bass has written Freedom’s Battle to defend the idealism of
humanitarian wars. But rather than speak directly of Kosovo, for
example, Bass has gone back to three 19th-century interventions by
Great Powers, and one failure of humane intervention in the early 20th
century. The episodic narrative is framed by the opening 40 pages
and the final 50 pages, which argue that there is such a thing as a
good and generous intervention: a military action by a great against
a lesser power that is neither brutal nor selfish and that promotes
the good of humanity.

Inside that frame are Bass’s four case studies. He starts with the
defense of Greek independence by the London Greek Committee and other
philhellenic persons and groups in the early 1820s that reached its
climax in the British destruction of the Ottoman fleet in Navarino Bay
in 1827. A more acute provocation drove Napoleon III in 1860 to stop
the Druze massacres of Maronite Christians in Syria. In a parallel
episode, British popular opinion was rallied by Gladstone in 1876
to combat the "Bulgarian Horrors," massacres that sprang from the
Serbian wing of pan-Slavism. Gladstone, in the process, advanced the
broader cause of liberal internationalism against the conservative
realism of Disraeli and incidentally "faced down" the Russians in
Constantinople. Finally, Bass recounts the Turkish slaughter of
Armenians in the First World War, when Theodore Roosevelt, out of
office and a decade away from his advocacy of war on the Philippines,
wrote eloquently to rouse an intervention President Wilson would
not perform.

Bass is a journalist turned academic, with a fast and readable style
that tends toward glibness. He makes Byron the hero of his opening
section on the Greek-Ottoman war and comes around to Byron again at
the end–not failing to note that he died in Missolonghi a casualty of
fever not battle. The later sections of the book are similarly lent a
high gloss by personalities–most of all by the contest of Disraeli the
passive realist with Gladstone the active humanitarian (whose Balkan
policy would become a model for Tony Blair). In the Armenian case,
Roosevelt emerges as the hero and Wilson as the prudential leader
whose subsequent internationalism seems a kind of expiation. It is
perhaps a coincidence of Bass’s plotting that the antagonists in
three of his four chosen interventions are Ottoman Turks.

Bass writes with judicious irony about the "complications" of
these episodes, but it is fair to say that he takes a romantic
view. Practically speaking, he wrote this book to overcome our
prejudice against the use of force where self-preservation is not at
stake. He knows that the prejudice comes partly from common prudence
and partly from revulsion against the war in Iraq—a war Bass thinks
could have turned out well had it been fought in 1988. (A sure test
of the interventionist instinct is the belief that Iraq should have
worked out better: the fault is said to lie in tactics or timing or
leadership.) More particularly, the function of Freedom’s Battle is
to supply the Kosovo War with an honorable pedigree. Bass thinks it
fitting that great-souled men of the advanced nations should seek to
act on behalf of oppressed peoples.

In all the stories he recounts, selfish motives preceded intervention,
and unintended consequences followed the violence of the war. French
support for Maronite Christians in the forming of modern Lebanon
is only the most obvious instance. Often, too, unselfish motives
were mixed with selfish or ordinary motives in a way that Bass,
though he does not suppress, consistently pushes to the side. Thus
Freedom’s Battle tells of the attack in October 1827 by the "Allied
squadron"–the British navy under Admiral Codrington accompanied
by a few Russian and French ships–on Ottoman and Egyptian forces
massed in Navarino Bay. The Allies did not lose a ship, while every
Ottoman and Egyptian ship was "either burned, sunk, or driven on shore
[and] totally annihilated" (in the words of Codrington as quoted by
Bass). The Allies lost 174 sailors, the Ottoman forces 6,000. Bass
writes, "The battle of Navarino spelled Greek independence." Compare
Ã~Ilie Halévy in the second volume of his History of the English
People in the Nineteenth Century, who remarks that "at first sight the
student might be tempted to regard" Navarino as "the crowning victory
of that policy of national liberation to which Canning had willingly
seen his name attached." Yet the battle in reality, says Halévy,
was "a defeat of the policy which Canning had secretly pursued–the
policy of the Balance of Power–for it provoked the Russian war which,
ever since 1822, he had endeavoured to prevent by every means at
his disposal."

Passing, then, from interested journalism to serious history,
we find that in the wake of the good war lay a war less good and
less desired. This is a fact about humanitarian interventions
generally. Party advantage enters the calculations in a democratic
system; charismatic aggrandizement may play a part elsewhere;
"a successful humanitarian mission in Syria," Bass concedes, was a
"welcome opportunity" for Napoleon III and a decision that "suited
French imperial interests." Why reserve this sort of detail for
subordinate clauses and parenthetical sentences?

Gladstone, who denounced in writing and campaigned against the
"Bulgarian Horrors," felt chagrin that the Russians came first to
liberate the Balkans from the Ottoman yoke. Here is another clue that
Bass does not follow but might have. Competitive humanitarianism may
simply augment the ordinary rivalry of great powers. Gladstone, too,
was keen to outbid Disraeli for the honor of inheriting the mantle of
Lord Byron. It is hard to know quite what to make of such a motive. It
may be more high-minded but is scarcely more moral than the realism
of Metternich. Yet Bass makes much of the Byronic succession: he
enjoys the surface poetry of politics, as he enjoys the occasional
politics of poetry. His own prose ought to have concerned itself more
with surface. He speaks of "vociferous voices," and people who are
"vocally shocked." We catch a glimpse of Byron before his conversion to
politics, "mooning about in Italy." Disraeli is described as "Byron’s
fan" and a "flashy imperialist," and Gladstone as "a very weird man."

Freedom’s Battle aims to contribute to a tendency more than to
impress by the close articulations of an argument. Central to
that tendency is the need to sustain the distinction between good
"hegemonic" influence and bad "imperialist" domination. Yet where,
in both cases, it is violent force that is justified, one’s view of
the distinction will depend on the nature of one’s sympathy and not
on a weighing of the facts. Does a democracy that kills more than
a million in its mission to crush an internationally nonthreatening
tyranny deserve more admiration than, say, a dictatorship that kills
10,000 and imprisons political enemies to evict the foreign investors
that have subsidized a guerrilla opposition? Does the greater become
the lesser crime when the criminal is a democracy? This is a question
Bass does not bring himself to ask, but it lies at the heart of the
doubts that entangle his subject. And it seems closely linked to the
more compelling question: is a military state compatible with justice?

The big democracies, which Bass looks on as natural bringers of
political justice to victim countries, must, in order to perform such
services, first have been thoroughly militarized. On Bass’s view,
it is their duty to stay militarized until they have made the world
a place where democratic justice is at home. Yet the most candid
sentence in his book strikes an oddly discordant note: "the strength
of democracies today has made the violation of weaker dictatorships
an opportunity too great to resist."

This book jauntily and entertainingly asks us to yield to the
temptation. What it does not consider is the cost to the morale of
democracy of giving in to the temptation repeatedly. It is possible
for selfless vindicators of the rights of the oppressed to become
brutal overseers who happen to speak the language of natural rights.

In a characteristic touch, Bass tells us that the "scariest" risk of
humanitarian intervention is not the mass destruction of civilian lives
but rather, "that two great powers will clash." Maybe he has not come
such a long way from Metternich after all. A peculiarity of Freedom’s
Battle, indeed, is that it scatters, among its facts and fancies, so
rational a quantum of realistic knowledge and psychological insight
(though the latter is too sparingly used). Bass knows that the form
of intervention he desires can only stay free of the imperialist
poison if placed in the hands of an international body. Yet he does
not propose reliance on an existing body or the devising of a new
one. Rather he worries that "multilateralism can be paralyzing." Fast,
clean results are what he wants–a very American point of view. Or
as he says, in a more judicial tone: "The challenge is finding the
right middle ground: a mission big and lengthy enough to be effective,
but small and swift enough not to be mistaken for imperialism."

Gary Bass means well. He is young and eager for a fight, provided it
is a good fight. But to justify the violence of the state in any cause
besides self-preservation is an intricate and troubling enterprise. He
has not thought it through.

________________________________________ __

David Bromwich is the editor of a selection of Edmund Burke’s speeches
and letters, On Empire, Liberty, and Reform (Yale University Press).

http://www.amconmag.com/article/2009/mar/

BAKU: U.S. congressman discusses Khojali tragedy in Congress

Trend, Azerbaijan
Feb 28 2009

U.S. congressman discusses Khojali tragedy in Congress
28.02.09 13:46

Azerbaijan, Baku, Feb. 28 / Trend News E. Rustamov /

An U.S. congressman made a statement about the Khojali tragedy in
Congress.

"On Feb. 26, 1992, Armenian armed forces attacked Khojali,
Azerbaijan. Approximately 2,000 people – mostly women, children and
the elderly – were killed, wounded or taken prisoner," Congressman Ed
Whitfield said at the House of Representatives, the Azerbaijani
Embassy in the U.S. told Trend News.

On the night of Feb. 25-26, 1992, Armenian armed units, with the
support of former armed forces’ motorized fusiliers regiment No 366
located in Khankandi, attacked unarmed and defenseless Khojali
town. The Armenian troops surrounded the town and opened a ruthless
fire from artillery and heavy military equipment. Fire broke out in
the town. Defenders and local population had to leave the blazing
Khojali. Armenian invaders occupied the town by 5 o’clock in the
morning on Feb. 26.

As a result of the massacre, 613 Azerbaijani citizens were killed. A
total of 487 people were left disabled and 1,275 civilians were taken
prisoner, tortured and insulted. The fate of 150 people remains
unknown.

Whitfield’s speech was made as part of the international "Justice for
Khojali" campaign.

The campaign was launched by Leyla Aliyeva, OIC Youth Forum general
coordinator for intercultural dialogue.

Appealing to U.S. Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Whitfield delivered a detailed
speech about the events in Khojali.

These were the bloodiest events in the modern history of the Caucasus
and Caspian region, he said.

ml

http://news-en.trend.az/karabakh/1432673.ht