EU Criticizes Turkey For Refusing To Host Conference on The Genocide

EU CRITICIZES TURKEY FOR REFUSING TO HOST CONFERENCE ON ARMENIAN
GENOCIDE

YEREVAN, MAY 27. ARMINFO. The European Union has criticized the
refusal of the Turkish authorities to hold in the Istanbul first
conference on the Armenian Genocide by professor-historians of 3 three
universities.

German media report a EU high ranking diplomat as calling this an
authoritarian step actualizing the necessity of reforms in Turkey. The
Turkish government should reconsider its decision as it will hardly
facilitate Turkey’s admission into the EU.

To remind, the May 25 conference by Bosfor, Bilgi and Sabanci
universities was cancelled with Turkish Justice Minister Cemil Cicek
charging the organizers with high treason.

Caspian Sea Pipeline to Be Unveiled

Caspian Sea Pipeline to Be Unveiled

Associated Press
Tuesday, May 24, 2005

By AIDA SULTANOVA, Associated Press Writer

Presidents and oil company executives will inaugurate a 1,100-mile
pipeline Wednesday that will carry millions of gallons of crude from
the landlocked Caspian to the Mediterranean – a much-needed
alternative to Mideast energy resources.

Analysts say the $3.2 billion, U.S.-backed Baku-Ceyhan pipeline could
also help bring stability to the troubled region. The Caspian is
thought to contain the world’s third-largest oil and gas reserves.

“This global project will completely change the economic situation in
Azerbaijan, and in the political sense it will influence the rest of
the Caucasus and Central Asia,” said Vafa Guluzade, a former foreign
affairs adviser to the Azerbaijani government.

Built by a consortium led by BP PLC, the pipeline runs from Azerbaijan
through Georgia to the Turkish port of Ceyhan.

Until now, Caspian states sent almost all their oil through Russian
pipelines to reach world markets. The new route will neutralize any
Russian attempts to use economic levers to bring former Soviet
republics back under its wing, Guluzade said.

The pipeline “will carry a huge volume of oil, and Russia is nervous
that it is being deprived of big money and also the possibility to
dictate its terms to these states,” he said.

Azerbaijan will earn taxes and royalties on the oil, while Georgia and
Turkey are to profit from transit fees.

The presidents of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Georgia and Turkey are to be
on hand – along with U.S. Energy Secretary Samuel Bodman and oil
executives – to watch Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliev open the taps
Wednesday for the first symbolic drops of oil to enter the pipeline at
the Sangachal oil terminal, about 25 miles south of the Azerbaijani
capital, Baku.

Aliev and Kazakhstan President Nursultan Nazarbayev planned to sign an
agreement on transporting Kazakh oil through the new pipeline Tuesday.

“We view this as a significant step forward in the energy security of
that region,” Bodman said Tuesday in Moscow.

The president of the pipeline consortium, Natik Aliev, said it would
take up to a month and a half to fill the Azerbaijani section of the
pipeline. The Georgian part will be ready after that, and then the
Turkish stretch, which Turkish authorities have said should be filled
by Aug. 15. It will take approximately 420 million gallons of crude to
fill the entire pipeline.

Bodman said deliveries would begin in the fall.

“This is a contribution toward … an increase supply in oil in the
world,” he said. “It adds a new supplier of some consequence.”

But experts say the new oil will provide only short-term relief to a
world that is consuming more crude every year. Oil prices, while down
from their recent highs, are still hovering around $49 a barrel.

Four years ago, oil officials spoke of finds that could rival the
Middle East’s production. But experts now say the Caspian should pump
some 168 million to 210 million gallons per day, on a par with Iran.

Eshan Ul-Haq, chief analyst at PVM Oil Associates in Vienna, Austria,
said the pipeline will have an impact – but only for Europe, because
initial volumes will be low.

He also said the pipeline’s oil could bring prices down for sour-grade
crude such as those produced by Iraq and Saudi Arabia, and it could
mean lower prices for Russian Ural oil. The oil most in demand is
light, sweet crude, which most refiners prefer because it is low in
sulfur and easy to process.

Azerbaijan, meanwhile, hopes the pipeline will raise its profile and
swing international support behind Baku in its dispute with Armenia
over the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave, which ethnic Armenian separatists
took control of more than a decade ago. The conflict continues to
simmer, undermining the region’s security.

The pipeline “will bring a certain element of stability in terms of
cooperation,” with big states pressuring both “Armenia and Azerbaijan
to resolve the Karabakh conflict as quickly as possible,” said analyst
Rasim Musabekov.

Associated Press writer George Jahn in Vienna contributed to this
report.

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20050524/ap_on_re_eu/azerbaijan_pipeline

Yerevan Authorities Demand Completion of Unfinished Constructions

YEREVAN AUTHORITIES DEMAND COMPLETION OF UNFINISHED CONSTRUCTIONS

YEREVAN, MAY 23. ARMINFO. Yerevan Municipality demands construction
companies to finish all the construction works within the nearest
future.

Head of the Department for Town Planning and Architecture of Yerevan
Municipality, Chief Architect of Yerevan Samvel Danielyan informed
journalists that last year the authorities cooperated with ten
companies. Part of these companies has resumed construction works. In
particular, the company “Sahakyanshin” is in question, which is
engaged in construction in Hanrapetutyan street near the Town Planning
Ministry. The works have been resumed and are continued in conformity
with the schedule fixed. Besides, the buildings in Pushkin and Teryan
streets are to be put into exploitation in July. Design works of the
buildings of former Palace of Pioneers in Khorenatsi. The building
belongs to Elite Project construction company, Denielyan says.

The residential building in the crossroad of Teryan and Koryun streets
will be completed soon. It is the former building of Polytechnic
Institute. As regards the remaining construction companies, the
architect says that the Municipality keeps working with them. First of
all, it demand a new project of the unfinished hotel in the area
nearing the railway station. Danielyan thinks the former project old
enough. In his words, the design and schedule works of construction of
Sevan Hotel have been protracted. These works are to be submitted to
the municipal department for discussion within the nearest future.

NKR: Repetitia Mater Studiorum Est. Who is The Father Then?

REPETITIA MATER STUDIORUM EST. WHO IS THE FATHER THEN?

Azat Artsakh – Nagorno Karabakh Republic [NKR]
23 May 05

The peace talks on Karabakh – Azerbaijan conflict lasting for over a
decade have not brought about any tangible results. And no positive
changes are expected at least in the several upcoming months, judging
by the stiff, non-constructive standpoint of the conflict parties,
especially Azerbaijan.This state of things will perpetuate, for
Azerbaijan keeps maneuvering around the effective ways of resolution
of the conflict, and putting forward secondary problems, which will
practically prejudice the activity of the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs
and the importance of the talks on the whole. Not very long ago the
top officials of Azerbaijan used to put forward an argument at
pertinent or impertinent occasions, especially at international
meetings and different European organizations. The argument was `the
occupation of 20 per cent of the territory of Azerbaijan’, as they
used to put it. 20 per cent itself is already a significant figure,
and it would not but form certain associations among diplomats, as
well as heads of different countries, in brief, the international
community. Assuming the role of a victim, all in tears, not only did
Azerbaijan strivefor arousing pity in the world powers but also tryed
to get rid of the mantle of aggressor and then wait for a convenient
occasion to cast it on the shoulders of Armenia. It would not be
difficult to guess the tendencies of shaping and bringing into being
the idea, as well as the following steps. In every epoch the cause of
the war is forgotten unlike the actuality resulting from the war,
which is fixed in the memory of people. The result of the Karabakh –
Azerbaijan armed conflict was the proclamation of Nagorno Karabakh as
an independent state. The defence army was formed as the guarantee for
its security and due to the armed forces a reliable area of security
was created around its territory. For Azerbaijan the consequence of
the war was the loss of 20 per cent of its territory, and refugees. It
does not matter much that 20 per cent is greatly exaggerated, for 20
is more impressive than 12, or 13, for example. The first declarations
on the loss of territories looked like preparations for an airraid.
In reality, becoming convinced that the international community and
the European organizations had comprehended and swallowed the
information about20 per cent, Azerbaijan took the next step. They had
to have any of the European organizations officially recognize Armenia
as an aggressor. Azerbaijan spends enormous efforts and means to
achieve this aim but all in vain. The plan, thoroughly worked out and
launched in the course of years, proved uneffective. Practically, the
diplomacy of the neighbour state lost again, this time theimaginary
battle with the international organizations. However, it is necessary
to appreciate the foreign ministry of this country for which the
fossilized principles of the peculiar resolution of the Karabakh
conflict remain primary. Additional steps have been planned to
disguise the failure of the foreign ministry. The militaristic
statements of the Azerbaijani statesmen at the end of the past year
and at the beginning of this year had been planned. The contents of
these statements can be summed up in a single sentence: if the
Karabakh problem is not solved by the scenario of official Baku, the
resumption of military actions is inevitable. No sophisticated surveys
are needed to find out the results of these irresponsible
declarations. On those days over twenty visitors of the website of the
newspaper Azat Artsakh, among them also Azerbaijanis, gave us the same
question, `Is it true that military actions are expected? If not, why
are the Azerbajiani young men leaving Azerbaijan in large
numbers?’This is what the populist declarations may result in in the
society. The same method has been used in reference to the refugees
and the people resettled by force. That is to say, the recipe of
resolution of the Karabakh conflict of official Baku remains
unchanged. It is not accidental that at the summit in Warsaw the
president of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliev declaired that Azerbaijan was
willing to give Nagorno Karabakh sovereignty in return for territory
and restoration of the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. And
sticking to the tradition, as in all his other addresses abroad, once
again he reminded about the 20 per cent ofte rritory and `1 million’
refugees. In answer the foreign minister of Armenia Vardan Oskanian
declared at the summit that Armenia turned down the proposal of
sovereignty characterizing it as a past stage. The speech of Aliev
Jr. did not contain anything new. Naturally, the answer of Vardan
Oskanian could not contain new principles either. Perhaps, it is
appropriate to recall the well-known proverb here: `Repetition is
mother of cognition.’ Who is the father then?’ Once again we became
convinced that official Baku is not ready for an effective dialogue,
and in order to hide its inability to solve the conflict through peace
talks, it often resorts to falsification in the home consumer market
of information, forms the impression that the problem of returning
territoriesis a matter of days. In order to impart disinformation with
a realistic shade the government adopts `weighty’ decisions on
reconstruction of the regions to be returned, and even the time limits
and names of building companies and their addresses are pointed
out. Nevertheless, the top officials of Azerbaijan are well aware that
the public is always suspicious about similar statements, therefore,
in order to relieve the distrust of the community, neglecting the role
of the local mass media, they turned to the authoritative newspaper
`Milliet’ and the public television of brotherly Turkey. The latter
unanimously presented the false information, first to the Turkish
community, then to the international community through the Internet,
that Armenia allegedly gave asignal to return the occupied territories
of Azerbaijan and extended a resolution of coming out of Nagorno
Karabakh to Baku. If the idea of this disinformation had occurred in
Turkey, we might suppose that it was aimed to justify the meeting of
presidents Erdoghan and Kocharian in Warsaw before the Turkish
community. However, since the source of the disinformation is
Azerbaijani, and the author is Azimov, it should be concluded that it
is first of all directed at instilling the belief in the Azerbaijani
community that the present authorities of Azerbaijan, particularly the
foreign ministry, work conscientiously and efficiently, and there is
no reason to doubt of their patriotism. However, one circumstance is
overlooked; are there statesmen in Turkey who will realize that the
Azerbaijani diplomat and his behavious damage the reputation of
`Milliet’ and the public television of a country striving for
Europe. Anyway, let us be patient and wait for new dilettante
`dimplomatic’ performance of official Baku until the election to Milli
Mejlis.

MARCEL PETROSSIAN.
23-05-2005

Diplomas of Armenian Institutes of Higher Ed. to be valid in Europe

Pan Armenian News

DIPLOMAS OF ARMENIAN INSTITUTES OF HIGHER EDUCATION TO BE VALID IN EUROPE

23.05.2005 02:44

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The diplomas issued upon graduation from the Armenian
institutes of higher education will be valid in 45 European states,
FrancePress Agency (Oslo) reports. The Ministers of Education of 45 European
states agreed on mutual acknowledging of diplomas during a 2-day conference
held in Norway. The process that was launched in 1999 provides for the
unification if diplomas of the European High Schools till 2010. In part the
matter concerns the implementation of equal criteria for the bachelor’s,
master’s and doctor’s degrees. Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova and
Ukraine have been included in the program as well.

Humanities Scholars Debate Whether Anyone Is Listening to Them

Humanities Scholars Debate Whether Anyone Is Listening to Them
by RICHARD BYRNE

The Chronicle of Higher Education
May 20, 2005, Friday

Philadelphia — In recent years, concerns raised by humanities scholars
in the United States about the dire state of academic publishing have
deepened into an even more basic re-examination of the mission of
the disciplines themselves: Are the humanities — via publishing or
pedagogy — attempting to reach a wider public? Is anyone listening
when they do speak?

Such questions were raised again this month at the annual meeting
here of the American Council of Learned Societies, in a panel on “The
Humanities and Its Publics” organized by Pauline Yu, the organization’s
president. The discussion enlarged the debate by bringing in the
perspectives of scholars embroiled in public debates elsewhere in the
world and representatives of organizations that straddle academe and
the public sphere.

David Marshall, a professor of English and dean of the humanities
and fine arts at the University of California at Santa Barbara, gave
a brief survey of what he deemed to be a “misalignment” between the
humanities and the public. Mr. Marshall noted that increased public
interest in cable-television channels such as the History Channel and
the Discovery Channel signaled an “appetite” for humanistic discourse
that remained generally unsatisfied by academics. He also said that
the unexpected re-emergence of religious belief as “a central issue
of our time” had posed a conundrum for the humanities.

The first presenter was Ivo Banac, a professor of history at Yale
University and a member of Croatia’s Parliament. Mr. Banac focused on
the very close attention that various audiences in the Balkans had
paid to his own scholarship on the former Yugoslavia. Mr. Banac’s
1984 book, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History,
Politics (Cornell University Press), was used as a political football
in the years preceding the disintegration of that nation, where it
was championed, attacked, or ignored by various political and ethnic
factions.

“Debates connected with history and culture are a significant moving
force in southeastern Europe,” Mr. Banac observed. Scholars involved
in such debates, he noted, “have a tremendous responsibility not to
capitulate to nationalist pressures … idealizations, or populism.”

Jean Bethke Elshtain, a professor of social and political ethics in the
Divinity School at the University of Chicago, placed responsibility
for the “perceived public deficit in the humanities” squarely on the
academy’s side of the fence.

Decrying an academic culture that proffers mainly “critique” to the
public, Ms. Elshtain offered a model of scholarly public engagement
as practiced by figures such as the 19th-century social activist
Jane Addams as an alternative to the status quo. Among the services
provided to working-class Chicago residents by Addams’s central
project, Hull-House, were night classes, an art gallery, and a library.

“If we speak clearly and honestly,” said Ms. Elshtain of the public,
“they will listen. They are out there.”

Robert Weisbuch, president of the Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship
Foundation, urged the audience to grasp opportunities “to move from
the pastoral grove to the cities of urgent events.” Mr. Weisbuch,
who will become president of Drew University in July, argued that
the United States was undergoing “a cultural boom and academic bust
simultaneously,” and that “it is not the world that has refused the
humanities; it is the humanities that have refused the world.”

“Reconsidering that choice,” he concluded, “should be the chief duty
of a new generation of scholars.”

In the discussion period following the presentations, one questioner
wondered if the “idea that things are complex” was being lost in the
rush to clarify and amplify the voice of the humanities in public
debate. Ms. Elshtain acknowledged that much of the “moral nature of
art” resided in “moral dilemmas” that “are not solved at all.” But
Mr. Banac cautioned that “there are certain terribly important
controversies that cannot be left to ambiguity.” Citing the Armenian
genocide of the early 20th century as an example, Mr. Banac said that
“we have to be able to say that certain things happened, and assign
a certain responsibility.”

Russian Minister, Armenian leaders discuss coop prospects

RUSSIAN MINISTER, ARMENIAN LEADERS DISCUSS COOPERATION PROSPECTS

RIA Novosti, Russia
May 21 2005

14:59

YEREVAN, May 21 (RIA Novosti) – Russian Regional Development Minister
Vladimir Yakovlev discussed with Armenian leaders prospects for
bilateral trade and economic cooperation, as well as reforms in city
planning, housing and communal spheres.

Vladimir Yakovlev met with Armenian President Robert Kocharyan on
Friday, Kocharyan’s press service told RIA Novosti.

They discussed regional and local self-government reforms in Armenia
and Russia. Kocharyan and Yakovlev also spoke about city planning,
housing and communal reforms.

The sides believe that the key city development problems on
the post-Soviet space can be can be jointly resolved by mutually
beneficial means.

Vladimir Yakovlev also met with Armenian Prime Minister Andranik
Markaryan.

They discussed prospects for bilateral trade and economic cooperation,
the Armenian government’s staff told RIA Novosti.

The sides pointed out achievements in trade and economic and
interregional relations and the need of their further development.

According to Markaryan, the visits to Armenia by the governors of
the Sverdlovsk and Perm regions (Urals) in early 2005 have promoted
economic and trade contacts with these regions. Armenia is also
developing contacts with Moscow.

The sides believe that mutually beneficial trade and economic
cooperation between the two countries has a substantial potential,
particularly, in the spheres of business contacts, increase of
bilateral investments and establishment of joint ventures.

Speaking about promotion of bilateral economic relations, the sides
pointed to the need of arranging transport communications.

Moreover, at issue was cooperation in the spheres of tourism,
education, science and culture. The sides believe that the Armenian
community in Russia can play a significant role in these fields.

The Russian regional development minister arrived in Armenia to attend
the 21st session of the intergovernmental council for construction
cooperation of the Commonwealth of Independent States.

There is no place like Armenia

THERE IS NO PLACE LIKE ARMENIA

A1plus
| 20:48:00 | 20-05-2005 | Economy |

Asked a question by “A1+”, economist Gagik Minasyan said he does not
know another country in the world where there are 50-60 currency
exchange points in one part in the street. He brought the example
of the civilized countries where, for example, there are exchange
points in limited places only, for example, in airports or hotels,
but not in every step.

Gagik Minasyan shares the opinion of the Central Bank about
restrictions of the work of the exchange points and thinks that thus
the combat against shadow economy is enhanced.

According to the NA Standing Committee on Financial-Credit, Budgetary
and Economic Affairs head Gagik Minasyan, the latest disbalance of
the currency rate is the result of the increase of the cash in the
financial turnover.

Armenia Signed The UN Anti-Corruption Convention

Permanent Mission of the Republic of Armenia
to the United Nations
119E 36th street, New York, NY 10016
Tel.: 1-212-686-9079
Fax: 1-212-686-3934
E-mail: [email protected]
Web:

May 20, 2005

PRESS RELEASE

ARMENIA SIGNED THE UN ANTI-CORRUPTION CONVENTION

On May 19, 2005 Ambassador Armen Martirosyan, Permanent Representative
of the Republic of Armenia to the United Nations, signed the United
Nations Convention against Corruption. Armenia became 122nd signatory
to the Convention, and would become a party to it upon ratification
by the National Assembly.

The Convention is aimed at strengthening measures to prevent and
combat corruption, and promoting integrity, accountability and
proper management of public affairs and public property. It also
envisages promotion of active participation by the civil society in
the fulfilment of its goals.

An Anti-Corruption Strategy, elaborated by the Government together
with the civil society, was adopted in Armenia in 2003. Becoming a
party to the United Nations Convention will be another step in the
efforts of the Government of Armenia to uproot corruption.

###

http://www.un.int/armenia/

The way of the Kurd

Al-Ahram Weekly, Egypt
May 19-25, 2005

The way of the Kurd

Notwithstanding his ambivalent response, Samir Farid, in Cannes,
believes the Kurdish offering stands to reap one of the festival’s
awards

This year the 58th Cannes film festival (11-21 May) started on an
unusually low key with Lemming, the third feature by French filmmaker
Dominik Moll. On the second day Woody Allen’s last film — according
to some critics, no more than a third-rate update of The Talented Mr
Ripley, in which the drama is played out among the moneyed beau monde
of modern London — nonetheless commanded a full house. It was on the
second day, too, that Hiner Saleem’s Kilometre Zero, also known as
Degree Zero — a joint France-Kurdistan TV production shot in Iraqi
Kurdistan — was screened. This is the first Iraqi feature to deal
with post- Saddam Iraq, though an earlier film about Kurds, Bahman
Ghobadi’s ICA production, Turtles Can Fly, came out of Iran last year.

Saleem is a gifted filmmaker whose Vodka Lemon won the San Marco
prize in the 2003 Venice film festival. Set in a snowbound Kurdish
Armenian village where the villagers are selling themselves to
survive, Vodka Lemon — a sensitive, poignant film dealing with the
ordeal of Kurds in the formerly Soviet republic of Armenia — seem to
echo Chekhov’s curt portrayals of the human condition. It tells of
a Kurdish émigré’s efforts to transform the snows of Armenia into a
desert like Kurdistan. As a jury member I was personally vindicated
by its winning the San Marco prize, faring better than the work of
both Lars Von Trier and Sophie Coppola.

Born in 1964, Saleem was implicated in a failed attempt on the life
of a security officer and fled Iraq at the start of the Iraq-Iran
war (1980-1988); he was only 16 at the time. He crossed the border
to Syria, whence he proceeded to Italy where he scratched a living
as an illustrator-caricaturist catering mainly for tourists. He
moved again, to Paris, where he was granted political asylum before
returning to Italy to earn a degree in international relations from
Venice University.

Having produced Long Live the Bride…And the Liberation of Kurdistan
(1997), Beyond Dreams (1999) and Vodka Lemon (2003), Kilometre Zero
is Saleem’s fourth feature. A comprehensive artist, he writes his
own scripts; in 2005 he also published an autobiography entitled My
Father’s Rifle: A Childhood in Kurdistan. It would not be unreasonable
to expect Kilometre Zero to win one of the festival prizes — to be
announced next Saturday — perhaps the special jury award, which in
2003 went to Palestinian filmmaker Elia Suleiman’s Divine Intervention.

Perhaps because I’m not a political writer I’ve always sensed
a contradiction in the way Arabs, myself included, embraced the
Palestinian question while failing to recognise the plight of the
Kurds as a legitimate struggle. The 1922 Laussane Treaty divided
Kurdistan into Turkish, Iranian, Iraqi and Syrian provinces, with
populations of 20, nine, six and two million, respectively. Since then
the Kurdish tragedy has occasioned many a disaster, one of which, the
Halabja incident in which 5,000 people were gassed, I had the honour
of exposing as part of an international commission investigating war
crimes against the Kurdish people in Iraq.

It was thus with great enthusiasm that I welcomed Saleem’s take on
the plight of Kurds in Iraq. It also indicated that there is room
for many more productions of the same high calibre as, for example,
Atom Egoyan’s Ararat (2002). Though on a smaller scale than Ararat,
Saleem’s film is an accurate reflection of the historic moment at which
Iraq as a whole reaches degree zero. A road movie, it courses through
the dusty pathways of provincial, out-of-the-way Iraq, through which
the body of a dead soldier is being transported back to his family.

The film opens in 2003, the start of the American-led international
coalition’s war on Iraq, with Ako (Nazmi Kirik) and Salma (Belcim
Bigin), a Kurdish couple living in Paris, expressing a fundamental
ambivalence: “We know what America’s designs are. Still, we want to
get rid of Saddam Hussein.” By the end of the film, on 9 April 2003 —
the day Baghdad fell — Ako and Salma are gazing out of their window
at the Eiffel Tower, screaming, “We are free, we are free…”

Only in the course of a flashback does their plight as Kurds become
apparent, with Ako recalling his time in Kurdistan weeks before the
Halabja massacre — the long journey during which he carries the
body of a friend killed in the war from Basra, in the far south of
the country, to a Kurdish village on the northern tip, shared with
a nameless Arab driver (Ayam Ekram) — a kind of cinematic litany
of the horrors committed against Kurds during the Iran- Iraq war.
Rough-edged and dynamic, both the journey and other episodes are a
little crudely executed.

One of the more intriguing aspects of the film is why Saleem failed
to make the nameless Arab driver a rounded character — a conscious
decision, it would seem — though one wonders whether the answer to
Arab racism is Kurdish racism. The film is not devoid, however, of
poignancy in the way it depicts Kurdish-Arab relations: the moment at
which Ako and the driver discuss the conflict, for example, each from
his vantage point; they are hurling hostile questions at each other
and when the questions remain unanswered, in the end, the viewer does
not feel that either party is in the wrong.

Iraqi army officers are seen routinely abusing and sometimes
murdering young Kurds on the pretext of preparing them to fight the
invasion. Ako, who is eager to flee Iraq before he is conscripted into
the army, is prevented from doing so by his father- in-law’s poor
health. Ako is reluctant to fight, even when a Kurdish compatriot
attempts to mobilise him against Saddam’s army. On the battlefield
a fellow soldier tells him, “We are fighting Kurdish traitors and
Iranian Zaradustians — under the banner of the leader of all Arabs,
not only Iraq, and in whom everybody believes, down to fish in the
Tigris.” To which he remains silent, but as the air raid intensifies
in the night he is seen screaming, “Goddamn the war, Goddamn Iraq,”
moving one of his legs hysterically as he cries out, “Here it is. Take
it if it’s what you want.”

Ako’s homeward journey begins with a cortège of coffin-bearing
vehicles: corpses draped in the Iraqi flag, about which Ako feels
very ambivalent. “A flag that assumes new form every now and again,”
he says, referring to the mutations it has undergone, including the
Allahu Akbar — in Saddam’s own hand — added by the dictator. One
sobering gag that runs through the duration of the film is a towering
statue of Saddam on a flatbed truck encountered twice on the road from
Basra to Kurdistan; it seems to shadow the protagonist on his journey.

When he finally reaches the village, Ako finds no one to deliver the
body to; no longer are any of the soldier’s family members there. In
one particularly poignant scene Ako ends up alone with the corpse;
the driver, declaring he has already played his part — Ako can do
with the body what he will now — abandons him; and Ako rips the flag
off the casket bearing the soldier’s remains. Initially covering the
head with the flag to protect it against the burning sun, he goes
on feeling uneasy, however, and throws it away altogether, only to
fetch it back and place it on the coffin with the death certificate
on top of it, held in place by a small stone. Finally making up his
mind, he pauses, gives his compatriot a military salute and finally,
leaving him to himself, departs.

>>From this point onwards Ako becomes a deserter, and in order to
avoid being caught and killed he transports his family to a deserted
Kurdish village on the Turkish border. Despite its emptiness the
village is bombed, and Ako’s father-in-law is killed in the process
— a somewhat surreal scene reminiscent of Vodka Lemon, in which the
camera shifts from the man on his death bed to the bed itself sloping
over the hills of Kurdistan.

Many very strong points count in favour of this film: Robert Alazraki’s
excellent cinematography; Nikos Kipourgous’s music and Freddy Loth’s
sound engineering, making up a remarkable soundtrack in which loudly
amplified if incomprehensible speeches by Saddam contrast with
clearly intoned patriotic songs in his glory, mixing Iraqi military
with Kurdish folk music to boot. Saleem’s use of an amateur cast is
one of the weaknesses of the film, since few directors are capable of
turning such a potential shortcoming into an asset. The two exceptions
are Nazmi Kirik, a professional theatre actor, and Ayam Ekram, a well-
known Kurdistan TV performer in his first film role, who carried the
two lead roles convincingly. Aside from its weaknesses, however, this
91- minute feature is likely to garner the admiration of the jury,
perhaps for political rather than purely artistic reasons.

–Boundary_(ID_95q5gzbOTbO9ZE2vSZlcKQ)–