Reports on L. TerPetrosian personal meeting with GW Bush “overdone”

REPORTS ON L. TER-PETROSIAN PERSONAL MEETING WITH G. BUSH “OVERDONE”

PanArmenian News
Nov 23 2004

23.11.2004 13:43

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ A reliable Armenian source in Washington reports
that there was no personal meeting between the ex-President of Armenia
and the incumbent US President in Little Rock. It should be reminded
that former Armenian President’s office spread information about such
a meeting Saturday, November 20. Although Ter-Petrosian and Bush
participated in a measure of opening a library of US ex-President
B. Clinton in Little Rock (Arkansas), however, they did not hold a
private meeting, our source states, adding that L. Ter-Petrosian
smoked much and talked little, as usual. It is not known whether
the information on a meeting with Bush was spread on the initiative
of L. Ter-Petrosian himself or it was “a local action.” In case the
former is true, it may evidence that the ex-President has got seriously
“interested” in politics again.

Soccer: APOEL Cyprus title goal still on course

APOEL title goal still on course
By John Leonidou

Cyprus Mail, Cyprus
Nov 23 2004

CYPRIOT champions APOEL kept their title campaign on course with
a valuable 1-1 draw away to title rivals Anorthosis Famagusta in
a thrilling encounter which saw both sides come close to snatching
dramatic victories.

Anorthosis started the better side in the first keeping a tentative
APOEL side on the back foot and after David Chaladze and Timuri
Ketsbaia went close, the hosts were finally awarded for their efforts
when Georgian star Georgi Kinkladze flicked Savvas Poursaitides cross
past a hapless Michalis Morfis on the half hour mark.

APOEL’s response was quick and rather against the run of play with
Marios Neophytou, a former player of Anorthosis, saw his free kick
skim off the back of Loucas Louca and wrong foot Antonis Georgallides
before curling into the top left hand corner for the equalizer ten
minutes later.

If some argued that APOEL were fortunate in the a one-side first
half, there was no denying the champion’s dominance in the second
as both Georgos Vakouftsis and Demetris Daskalakis saw their efforts
cannon off the Anorthosis woodwork with APOEL controlling the play.
Anorthosis for their part could have pinched the winner but for poor
finishing from Greek striker Nicos Froussos who saw his header denied
by Morfis before missing a wonderful chance on 82 minutes with his
strike that curled narrowly wide with Ketsbaia unmarked to prod the
ball home.

Anorthosis keeper Georgallides believed any side could have bagged all
the points on the night, “It was a 50-50 game, a game of two halves
with Anorthosis controlling the first half and APOEL the second.”

Omonia got back to winning ways after a sluggish start to the season
with a comfortable 3-0 victory against Angel Kolev’s surprise side
this season Alki Larnaca. Captain Costas Kaiafas put Omonia on the
way with a sweet volley before Slovakian international Josef Kozlej
wrapped up the three points for his side with two second half goal,
one of them a penalty.

Olympiakos Nicosia’s recovery looked perkier as they ousted a 1-0
victory away to Dighenis Morphou with Armenian international Romik
Kachadryan scoring the only goal with a powerful free-kick whilst
Ethnikos Achnas fell deeper into relegation trouble with 3-2 home
defeat to AEP Paphos, a result which prompted the sacking of Coach
Slobodan Vucekovic. Vucekovic charismatically told a press conference
afterwards, “Vucekovic has been in Cyprus for 11 years, and he is still
here” when asked about his future in Cypriot football by reporters.

This year’s other surprise team Nea Salamina kept their winning ways
intact with a hard-earned 3-2 victory away to rock bottom side Aris
Limassol with Turkish-Cypriot striker Arif Ursuloi scoring the winner

In the other games, AEL Limassol fought back from two goals at home
to scrape a 2-2 draw against Enosis Neon Paralimniou and AEK Larnaca
and Apollon Limassol fought out at a dull 0-0 draw at the GSZ stadium
in Larnaca.

BAKU: Armenia Fails To Realize Claims In PACE

Armenia Fails To Realize Claims In PACE

Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
Nov 20 2004

Armenia has again failed to realize their territorial claims as the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) supported
Azerbaijan’s fair position on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, head of
the Azerbaijani delegation at PACE Samad Seyidov said.

Seyidov returned home late on Thursday from the meeting of the PACE
Political Committee held in Strasbourg. He said that the Azerbaijani
delegation’s position at PACE substantiates that Azerbaijan is pursuing
a correct and fair policy.

“The developments in the Committee’s meeting were expectable as
a report on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, prepared by former
CE rapporteur Terry Davis, contained realities and was precise,”
Seyidov noted.

According to Seyidov, the Azeri parliament members were also ready
to prevent the Armenian MPs’ attempts to withdraw the report from
the meeting agenda.

The report is due to be discussed at the PACE session in January 2005.

Site says police, army may remain mainly neutral in Ukrainian electi

Site says police, army may remain mainly neutral in Ukrainian election

Glavred, Kiev
16 Nov 04

It is by no means certain that the army, security service and police
force, (referred to collectively as the “armed services”) will actually
carry out the orders reportedly given to them to do everything
possible to secure the victory of the establishment candidate in
Sunday’s presidential election, a Ukrainian web site has said. It
said some senior officers want Yanukovych to win, while others are
not very concerned as they will be dismissed anyway. This indifference
extends downwards, resulting at best in a patchy response to partisan
orders, it said. The net result may be that the armed services will
prove to be largely neutral, it concluded. The following is the text
of the article by Viktor Shlynchak posted on the opposition-leaning
Ukrainian web site Glavred on 16 November under the title “Powerless?”;
subheadings have been inserted editorially:

The situation in the Ukrainian armed forces, the SBU Security
Service of Ukraine and the Interior Ministry shows that today the
lower subdivisions of the armed-service departments are minded to
“wait and see which way the wind blows” and to refrain from taking
radical action against the opposition – until the terrain has been
finally reconnoitred. In other words, until the winner has been
declared. Armed services’ loyalties are uncertain

We have reported on more than one occasion that something akin
to an internal revolt is simmering deep inside the armed-service
departments. We have also reported that each of the teams of the
presidential candidates has tried all means of gaining the support
of the armed services – both public means and those that are behind
the scenes. Opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko has read out appeals
to law-enforcement officers.

Prime Minister and establishment candidate Viktor Yanukovych has
promised district police inspectors a pay rise and a “topping up” of
their length of service. Yushchenko has had meetings with the heads
of the armed-service departments and appealed to their consciences.

Yanukovych has brought pressure to bear through administrative
methods, strengthening Kiev with military units. Neither Yushchenko
nor Yanukovych is convinced that, in a state of emergency, he will
have the support of the armed services, just as neither is convinced
that he will not be betrayed at the very last moment. Yushchenko has
nothing in particular to hope for, whereas for Yanukovych it may mean
unconditional surrender.

Defence minister’s indifference prompts army neutrality

At the moment, Yanukovych can only rely on the Defence
Ministry. Oleksandr Kuzmuk, a member of the establishment candidate’s
team who has just taken over the ministry after heading it previously,
has a pretty good idea of what is what in the institution entrusted to
him. However, sources inside the ministry say that Kuzmuk, appointed
two months ago, spends most of his time on preserving his influence
in the ministry after the election, whatever the final outcome
is. This process includes the gradual placing of “his own people”,
the formation of a balance among the generals and also the commonplace
accumulation of money in the accounts of commercial bodies that work
with the Defence Ministry.

We shall not represent this claim as being the truth, but rumours to
the effect that Kuzmuk is least of all concerned about the election
have long and persistently been in circulation. Kuzmuk’s closest
associates are not certain that, even if Yanukovych comes to power,
Gen Kuzmuk will remain in his post, since the post has reportedly
been promised to a USDPU United Social Democratic Party of Ukraine
protege. Hence his attitude towards his area of responsibility.
Kuzmuk’s mood inevitably affects not only the calculations
being made by the generals, but also the views of lower-ranking
officers. Campaigning for Yanukovych in the army boils down to a
reminder that Yushchenko “took benefits away”, while Yanukovych has
promised to restore them. However, even those for whom this argument
seemed previously to be the most convincing are not very sure that
the income part of family budgets in the army will increase. That
is why they still retain a relatively neutral attitude towards the
two candidates. Commanders of units are, of course, able to bypass
the law on elections and to control the course of the voting at the
polling stations within military units, yet the degree of loyalty
to the current authorities in the armed forces does not allow one to
say that it is very high.

Quite interesting processes are also taking place in the army itself,
and they are setting the other armed services against Kuzmuk. The
present defence minister’s attempts to attach to the Defence
Ministry the SBU’s department of military counterintelligence (the
DVKR), which has been resurrected, in the full sense of the term,
would seem to be prompted by dissatisfaction with the keenness of
the counterintelligence officers and by reluctance to contemplate
an independent body that has every opportunity to monitor the
army. Incidentally, so far, this body has already “dug up” a mass of
material on the abuses, intrigues and unscrupulousness of top officers
in the Defence Ministry. The “bargaining” over such matters is not
only becoming a stumbling block between the armed services, but is
also generating tension between individual subunits, including those
that are to ensure order on polling day, 21 November, and possibly
after the result has been announced.

SBU also standing on the sidelines

The SBU is also avoiding active participation in the elections in the
run-up to the second round. The available data suggest that the secret
service has withdrawn from playing an active role in the election,
and extensive reports from the “electoral fields” have stopped
thudding on to the desks of senior state officials. Operational
information from the regions, particularly those in the west, has
also dried up. Can these developments be logged as achievements by
the opposition candidate’s team? That is dubious. It is more likely
that SBU chief Ihor Smeshko stood up to the president and defended his
right to take no part in electoral games, regardless of the dismissal
looming over him, for which forces close to the Party of Regions led by
Yanukovych are pressing. After the election, Smeshko will, in any case,
have to collect his belongings and go. If Yanukovych comes to power,
Smeshko will probably be replaced by his former first deputy in the
SBU, Yuriy Zemlyanskyy, whom Smeshko himself fired not so long ago
on 20 August , incidentally. Zemlyanskyy not only hails from Donetsk
Region like Yanukovych , but he is also one of the people through whom
Yanukovych resolved the lion’s share of his affairs in Kiev while he
was still governor of Donetsk Region .

The fact, however, that Zemlyanskyy spent a lengthy period inside
the building in Volodymyrska Street, Kiev – SBU headquarters does
not mean that his authority is very strong and firm. He has far more
enemies than friends in the head office. Members of the secret service
themselves say that people in the building remember Volodymyr Radchenko
(now secretary of the National Security and Defence Council) more than
Gen Zemlyanskyy, even though Radchenko moved to other work before he
did. Volodymyr Satsyuk, the man in the SBU with responsibility for the
elections, has recently lost any special interest in these measures,
evidently because he has not found anything in a Yanukovych victory
that would be at all beneficial to himself.

Police also wobble

The only question now unanswered is how the police will behave if the
crunch comes. The obsessive determination of Interior Minister Mykola
Bilokon during the presidential campaign would be surprising if one
did not know what specifically Yanukovych had promised the general in
his office. He is said to have promised a great deal. Much depends,
however, not so much on Bilokon himself as on how he is perceived
by the actual Interior Ministry staff. There are constant whispers
in the central directorate about the blackmail and threats that are
levelled against the relatives of internal affairs officers who,
in the opinion of the minister’s associates, are lukewarm in helping
“Yanukovych’s headquarters carry out election work”. It is also known
that some of the ministry’s orders are given verbally, so as to avoid
liability if Yushchenko wins. A resolution to that effect was adopted
the week before last. Most orders are now conveyed using the secure
communications systems.

The fact that information leaks about the actions of senior police
officers surface in the media proves that there is a certain number
of staff in the law-enforcement agencies who are willing to engage in
dialogue with the opposition candidate’s headquarters. It is rumoured
that among such people is former Interior Minister Yuriy Kravchenko,
who occasionally meets representatives of Yushchenko’s headquarters
and offers them help. It is hard to judge how honest that desire is. It
should also be recalled that the text of an appeal to speaker Volodymyr
Lytvyn from law-enforcement officers in the Kharkiv area was published
not so long ago by Vecherniye Vesti on 10 November . The letter
referred to falsification of the election and how Interior Ministry
staff were involved in this. Admittedly, Deputy Interior Minister
Mykhaylo Korniyenko said later, in a Glavred interview, that “the
letter is an election stunt” and does not actually exist. According
to our information, the police “whistleblowers” immediately decided
to hold a news conference, but cancelled it at the last moment.
Another report appeared on Internet sites later, saying that Deputy
Minister Mykola Lyubar had instructed his subordinates in the office
of the governor of Cherkasy Region: “if Yanukovych doesn’t get 50 per
cent of votes, it is essential to put into effect the plan to disrupt
the election so that they are deemed to be invalid”. Can this statement
be regarded as a verbal order? In view of the minister’s directive,
it probably can.

Twilight of Kuchma era recalls Ceausescu scenario

However, the main question remains open: how are such initiatives seen
locally? Our information suggests that responses vary quite a lot. Even
the actual posing of the question means that the authorities, who
wanted to look “as strong as never before” and whose administrative
resources relied primarily on the armed services, are starting to
lose their power as the end of the election draws near.

The present situation in Ukraine reminds one of Romania in the
final hours of Ceausescu, when all the armed services turned against
him towards the end of the uprising. It reminds one of Russia, when
Yeltsin’s words were stronger than the tanks. It reminds one of Armenia
and the Georgia of recent times. And, even if, in some unexpected
circumstances, Kuzmuk, Smeshko and Bilokon repeat the words of the
Romanian general Vasile Milea the defence minister, who refused to
carry out Ceausescu’s orders: “I looked in all the service regulations
and could not find anywhere a paragraph that said that the people’s
army should fire on the people… ellipsis as published “, events
will not, we hope, lead to shooting in Ukraine. We very much hope not.

British organization conducts mine clearing course in Karabakh

Mediamax news agency, Yerevan, in Russian
17 Nov 04

British organization conducts mine clearing course in Karabakh

Yerevan, 17 November: An international course on mine clearing and
deactivation and disposal of unexploded munitions of the highest
class ended in the Nagornyy Karabakh Republic (NKR) today. The course
was conducted by the British humanitarian organization on mine
clearing HALO Trust accredited to the NKR.

Representatives from about 10 countries took part in the seminar,
including the USA, the UK, India, Israel, Mozambique and Somali, the
HALO Trust office in Stepanakert Xankandi told our agency.

“The choice of Nagornyy Karabakh as the venue for the course is not
accidental and is explained by the fact that all conditions for
conducting such an event at the international level have been created
here,” a representative of the office said.

The British humanitarian organization HALO Trust started its first
mine clearing operations in Nagornyy Karabakh in 1995, suspended its
activities in 1996 and resumed them in 1999.

NKR president’s meeting in USA

Azat Artsakh – Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (NKR)
November 17, 2004

NKR PRESIDENT’S MEETING IN USA

The president of the Republic of Nagorni Karabakh Arkady Ghukassian
visiting the USA for the November 25 telethon has already had a
series of meetings. In the evening of November 13 Arkady Ghukassian
met with the representatives of the Armenian community in Boston.
Addressing them, the NKR president pointed out the essential role of
the unity of Armenia, Diaspora and NKR in the achievements of Nagorni
Karabakh. `Today the fate of the Armenian people is determined in
Karabakh,’ mentioned the president. `Strengthening the economy of
Karabakh we thereby create conditions for the better future of the
Armenians of Karabakh, Armenia and all over the world.’ He addressed
the present with the appeal to make their donations for the
construction of the highway `North – South’ which has a strategic
role for Nagorni Karabakh. The people present at the meeting
expressed willingness for participation in the upcoming telethon. At
place donations were made for the project of water supply system of
the capital of NKR Stepanakert. During the meeting members of the
Massachusetts parliament Peter Kututjian and Rachel Kaprielian
presented the declaration signed by the speaker of parliament on the
occasion of the visit of the NKR president. On the same day Arkady
Ghukassian had visited Harvard University where he had met with
students and professors from several universities of Boston. Later he
visited the Armenian library and museum of America and met with
representatives of the local community. Addressing them, the
president acquainted them with the history of the conflict and
peacemaking in Nagorni Karabakh, as well as the situation in Artsakh
and the challenges NKR faces presently. `We will never give up our
independence and our goals,’ mentioned the president. `Today the
struggle has shifted to the economic environment and we must succeed
in this sphere as well in order to be able to retain and maintain our
achievements for which we paid the highest price – the lives of the
best sons of the nation.’ Speaking about the main aim of the upcoming
telethon, Arkady Ghukassian emphasized the strategic, economic and
political role of the road. Thanking the Armenians of Boston for
their permanent assistance to Artsakh, the president of NKR appealed
to them to take part in the telethon. On the same day Arkady
Ghukassian met with famous American benefactor Caroline Mugar. The
president of NKR thanked her for her aid to Artsakh and spoke about
the processes going on in NKR especially mentioning the significant
economic growth there. Arkady Ghukassian noticed that Nagorni
Karabakh still badly needs the help of the Diaspora. Caroline Mugar
said she would continue to aid Artsakh and make her contribution to
the upcoming telethon. The day before on November 12 the NKR
president was invited by the family of the grandson of writer and
cinematographer Henry Morghentau, the ambassador of the USA in the
Ottoman Empire in the years of the Armenian genocide. The family
Morghentau made their best wishes to Artsakh and its people. Arkady
Ghukassian appreciated the role of Morghentau who conveyed the truth
about the Armenian genocide to the international community and
rendered humanitarian aid to those who were saved from the genocide.

NK conflict can have no military settlement

AZG Armenian Daily, Armenia
Nov 17 2004

`NAGORNO KARABAKH CONFLICT CAN HAVE NO MILITARY SETTLEMENT`

YEREVAN, 17.11.04. Ago Group Isn`t That Satisfied with Armenia`s
Implementation of Its Commitments

On November 15, Ago Group, Monitoring Commission of CE Ministers`
Board, met with RA President Robert Kocharian, Foreign Minister
Vartan Oskanian, Chairman of National Assembly Artur Baghdasarian.
The commission is led by Roland Wegener, German ambassador to the
Council of Europe. The delegation includes CE ambassadors of Turkey,
Sweden and Switzerland.

In the course of the joint press conference with Vartan Oskanian,
touching upon the issue of Armenia`s commitments before the CE,
Wegener stated that `there is a progress, but we have noticed that
the most important issues, i.e. the constitutional reforms, the
electoral code, as well as the reforms in judicial sphere are yet to
be done.`

Two separate groups are carrying out the monitoring of Armenia`s
implementation of its commitments undertaken before the CE. These
groups are Ago group (led by Ago formerly) and PACE monitoring group
led by Yezhy Yaskernia.

Ago group also met with Tigran Torosian, head of RA delegation to
PACE, Deputy Chairman of RA National Assembly. The latter represented
the process of meeting the commitments before the CE and the schedule
of several laws` adoption. Torosian said that the Electoral Code was
adopted in the first reading, received the joint conclusion of Venice
Commission`s and OSCE experts. Almost all the 30 suggestions made in
that conclusion were adopted.

As for the constitutional reforms, Torosian said that three draft
laws are in circulation and sent to the Venice Commission experts for
expertise. Compared with the bill on constitutional reforms submitted
for referendum in 2003, the new bills will pass three readings in the
parliament. It is envisaged that the referendum for constitutional
reforms will be held in June of 2005.

Wegener said during the press conference that he discussed Nagorno
Karabakh issue with RA President and RA Foreign Minister, taking into
consideration Armenia`s and Azerbaijan`s promise to settle the
conflict in peaceful way as soon as they are CE members. Wegener
stated that he had the impression that the sides in conflict are for
peaceful solution.

`Karabakh conflict can have no military settlement`, Oskanian said.
As for the militant statements made by Baku, RA Foreign Minister said
that they might have merely a propaganda impact on the publicity.

Touching upon Baku`s efforts to include the issue of `Azerbaijan`s
Occupied Territories` into the agenda of the UN General Assembly, RA
Foreign Minister said that Azerbaijan has chosen the wrong path.
Azerbaijan made the wrong choice and will face the results of that,
Oskanian emphasized. In the end of the past week Oskanian
participated in the sitting of CSTO Ministers` Board. In his speech
he criticized Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzia, two members of the
organization that voted for Azerbaijan at the UN General Assembly.

Oskanian emphasized the importance of fact that OSCE Minsk group and
the EU member-countries voted against Azerbaijan`s initiative. As for
the countries that voted for Azerbaijan`s suggestion (43 of 191 UN
countries), according to Oskanian, these countries voted against the
peaceful settlement of Nagorno Karabakh conflict.

AZG Armenian Daily

BAKU: Armenia “torpedoes” Karabakh talks – Azeri official

Armenia “torpedoes” Karabakh talks – Azeri official

Turan news agency
10 Nov 04

Baku, 10 November: The inclusion of the issue of Azerbaijan’s occupied
territories into the agenda of the 59th session of the UN General
Assembly seriously worries the Armenian leadership, Matin Mirza, press
secretary of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry, said commenting on
Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan’s statement about Yerevan’s
readiness to resume the Prague negotiations. He pointed out that
Armenia has not officially informed Azerbaijan about its readiness
to resume the negotiations and Baku has learnt it from the mass media.

Mirza said it is inadmissible to link the resumption of the Prague
negotiations to the forthcoming UN discussions. Oskanyan’s remarks
that Azerbaijan should not hope that the Prague negotiations can
be conducted at the same time as the UN discussions are aimed at
“torpedoing” the negotiating process. The Armenian side resorts to
such “destructive” tricks every time there are favourable conditions
for making progress in the negotiations, Mirza said.

As for the Armenian side’s aspiration to achieve direct negotiations
between Azerbaijan and the Karabakh separatists, according to the
mandate of the Minsk Conference and the OSCE Minsk Group of 1992,
the sides to the conflict are Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Azerbaijani
and Armenian communities of Nagornyy Karabakh are interested sides.

Mirza stressed that under no circumstances will Azerbaijan withdraw its
proposal to discuss the situation in the occupied territories at the
UN. He said that Azerbaijan’s initiative is dictated by its anxiety
about Armenia artificially resettling the occupied territories with
the aim of changing the demographic situation.

ANKARA: Turkish Fears and Emerging Processes at EU’s Threshold

Turkish Press
Nov 7 2004

News Analysis by Ugur Akinci, Ph.D.

Turkish Fears and Emerging Processes at EU’s Threshold
Ugur Akinci: 11/6/2004

Turkey is about to start full-membership talks with the European
Union (EU). But there is a “minor problem.” To become a part of EU
requires a shift in national identity and a nuanced approach to
sensitive concepts like “minority” and “sovereignty.”

The Turkish establishment interprets these terms by taking the
Lausanne Treaty of 1923 as its sole reference while EU insists on its
current definitions and implementations as reflected in the famous
“Copenhagen Criteria” of 1993, which Turkey has endorsed.

Since Turkey is the one who wants to join the EU, and not the other
way around, Turkey`s insistence on its own definition of such
politically-loaded concepts as “sovereignty” and “minority” is
interpreted by some observers as an attempt (to use an Americanism)
to have one`s cake and eat it too.

But this is a static approach and the dynamic reality is more nuanced
than that.

******** The static picture

According to the static approach, Turkey needs to choose either the
EU`s or its own definitions of “sovereignty” and “minority.”

The differences are glaring indeed.

For Turkey, a “minority group” is one of the specific non-Muslim
minorities defined by the Lausanne Treaty. That is why the Jewish,
Greek-Orthodox and Armenian-Orthodox communities are today recognized
as minorities with distinct rights and privileges protected by the
Turkish Constitution — but the Alawis, Kurds or, let`s say, Women,
are not.

In EU, any group with sufficient numbers, self-identification (and
political clout, one must add) counts as a “minority,” whether they
are defined by any international treaty or not. This does not to mean
that their “rights” are always “granted,” or if granted, “observed”
and “enforced.” Just ask the Turks living in Germany and other EU
countries. However, at least there is no deep-seated collective fear
in EU to recognize a self-identified group as a minority.

Turkey interprets all such attempts to label self-identified groups
as minorities as a sinister move to split Turkey — and for
understandable historic reasons. Certain European powers have spent
well-documented amounts of cash to mobilize religious and ethnic
minorities against the Kemalist movement right after the First World
War, and through the `20s. That`s why the Turks do have a valid
historic reason to get paranoid every time the Europeans start
talking about the “minority rights.” In that sense, the First World
War is still not over for a lot of Turks.

However, if Turkey is to join the EU, then she also has to decide
whether she is joining a group of enemies or friends. She has to
decide which historic memory she is going to emphasize as a main
reference in configuring her relationships in the 21st century.

Desperately trying to join the EU while treating it as a source of
threat to one`s national unity is like stepping on the gas and the
break pedals simultaneously. It is political schizophrenia.

The same is valid for “sovereignty” as well. Joining the EU, by
definition, means relinquishing the exclusive “national right” to
decide on which policies to follow in favor of the collective
policies of the EU. However, I must also add that in matters of
foreign policy, for example, member countries will retain the right
to ratify or veto the EU decisions.

As an EU member, Turkey will not be able to fend off inquiries on
sensitive political issues on the grounds that “foreigners cannot
interfere with our internal affairs” simply because, A) the fellow
family-members will not count as “foreigners” anymore and, B) what
was once an “internal” affair will now be a permissible topic of
discussion for all the twenty five European countries. There is no
way getting around that hard fact.

Just to give an example, Turkey will have to recognize the
“Greek-Cypriot Administration” as the only legitimate Government of
Cyprus, like the rest of the EU.

Another example: Turkey will not be able to spend the monies she
wants on the projects she wants without first getting the approval of
the other 25.

There will be a lot of “interruptions,” frequent “interferences,” and
a very different meaning of “national sovereignty” on the table.

Thus more Turkish “fears and loathing” should be expected in the days
ahead.

******** The dynamic reality

What I have portrayed above is a static picture of irreconcilable and
clashing interests. If that was all to this story, we might have to
reach a “take it or leave it” type of harsh conclusion as far as
Turkey`s EU membership is concerned. But, since the famous “Law of
Unintended Consequences” is at work 24 hours a day, we are witnessing
surprising “third alternative” solutions emerging without tipping the
cart.

The Turkish state is totally committed to EU membership and, at this
point, it will not and cannot change its mind. However, in the main,
the Turkish establishment is equally committed to its traditional
definitions of politically sensitive concepts such as “sovereignty”
and “minority.”

So, I see a new process emerging right before our own eyes:

Turkey is delivering the CONTENT of EU conditions without admitting
the European FORMS that traditionally accompanied such content.

Turkey is delivering the same wine in new bottles, so to speak, to
keep the guests and the host still sitting at the table. I think,
whether it is intentionally implemented that way or not, we are
looking at a very nuanced and creative policy process at work here.

>>> Example 1:

Turkey has not surrendered its national sovereignty in jurisprudence
to anyone. She still has her own independent courts. However, in May
2004, as a part of the Constitutional reform package regarding human
rights, Turkey has admitted the supremacy of international agreements
over domestic courts in matters concerning “human rights and
fundamental freedoms.”

Since October 2003, for example, the European Court of Human Rights

(ECHR) delivered 161 judgments on Turkey. In 132 of these court cases
Turkey was found “in violation” of Turkey`s international treaty
commitments. In 23 cases a “friendly settlement” was reached, and in
2 cases Turkey was not found in violation.

Some readers might also remember the case of of Ms. Louzidou, a
Greek-Cypriot woman who sued Turkey in ECHR for losing her property
and won a handsome monetary settlement from Ankara.

Thus Turkey has already surrendered the ultimate legal arbitration
authority in human rights cases to EU without creating much fuss at
home about “national sovereignty.”

>>> Example 2:

Another dynamic policy development in which Turkey has proven that
she can indeed “eat her cake and have it too” took place in
broadcasting in “minority languages.”

In June 2004, the Turkish Radio and Television (TRT), the Turkish
state-owned broadcasting company, has quietly started to broadcast
programs in the following non-Turkish languages: Bosnian, Arabic,
Circasian, and in two Kurdish dialects (Kirmanci and Zaza).

Other ethnic groups living in Turkey may conceivably demand similar
non-Turkish broadcasts and these may be followed by similar
non-Turkish broadcasts by private radio and TV stations as well. All
may become a reality in due time.

This has all happened without changing a single letter of the classic
definition of a “minority group” in Turkey. In that regard, the
Lausanne Treaty of 1923 is still the only reference. However, as long
as “minority languages” are freely spoken, printed, and broadcast,
how can EU complain about “violations of cultural rights and
fundamental freedoms”?

I think the Turkish establishment is showing some flexibility and
creativity in meeting the EU requirements without opening the cans of
worms that have been sealed shut since 1923.

If and when Turkey joins the European Parliament it will be one of
the largest voting blocks to determine the common policies of the
Union.

And that`s why some EU observers are as worried about losing their
“sovereignty” as some of their Turkish counterparts.

But static fears are not the end of the road. The dynamic mid-path
solutions developed by Ankara are creative policy alternatives worthy
of emulation.

AFI: Telethon 2004 Streetlight Banners Line Brand Blvd in Glendale

Press Release

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
October 28, 2004

Contact: Sarkis Kotanjian
818.243.6222
[email protected]

Telethon 2004 Streetlight Banners Line Brand Blvd in Glendale, CA

Glendale, CA (November 5) – Armenia Fund, Inc. (AFI) is proud to announce
the placement of the Telethon 2004 Make It Happen streetlight banners on
Brand Boulevard in Glendale, California.
Spanning over seven city blocks and crossing eight
intersections, the 82 banners will line Brand Blvd. between Doran and
Colorado from Thursday, October 28, 2004 through Friday, November 26, 2004.
Sponsored by Pacific BMW, the banners feature the Telethon 2004 Make It
Happen logo/theme as well as local viewing information – the Telethon can be
viewed on KSCI Channel 18. “AFI extends its gratitude to Pacific BMW and the
Glendale City Council for providing the means and opportunity to truly make
Telethon 2004 a community-wide event,” said Maria Mehranian, chairperson,
AFI.
Scheduled for Thanksgiving Day, November 25 from 8:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m.
(PST), Telethon 2004, airing live from Glendale, California, is a 12-hour
event that will be broadcast throughout the United States, Europe, South
America, the Middle East, the CIS and Armenia. The broadcast will feature
live entertainment, interviews with numerous celebrities and political
leaders, development and construction footage from Armenia and Karabakh and
stories of individuals impacted by AFI projects.
Telethon 2004 will also be available in full-motion web-cast on
Internet users will be able to view and make secure
contributions online.
For more information about Telethon 2004, call 818.243.6222 or visit

Armenia Fund, Inc., a non-profit 501(c)(3) tax-exempt corporation, is the US
West coast affiliate of the “Hayastan” All-Armenia Fund (HAAF). Established
in 1994 to facilitate humanitarian assistance to Armenia and Karabakh, HAAF
has administered over $100 million in humanitarian, rehabilitation and
construction aid through the united efforts of Armenian communities
internationally.

www.armeniafund.org.
www.armeniafund.org.