Azerbaijan presents strikes against hospital as destruction of ammunition depots

Save

Share

 20:48,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 17, ARMENPRESS. Azerbaijan has released a footage presenting the strikes against a hospital in Artsakh's north-eastern direction as a destruction of ammunition depots.

ARMENPRESS reports spokesperson of MoD Armenia Shushan Stepanyan shared the footage on her Facebook page, emphasizing that the footage shows the deliberate strike against a hospital in Artsakh's north-east that took place on October 14, which Azerbaijanis present as a destruction of ammunition depots.

The press service of Artsakh's Defense Army informed on October 14 that the Azerbaijani armed forces targeted a hospital in the north-eastern part of Artsakh, where civilians also receive treatment.

NYT: How Turkey’s Military Adventures Decrease Freedom at Home by Garo Paylan

New York Times
Oct 15 2020

Involvement in regional conflicts such as the dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia has whipped up nationalist fervor and obliterated space for advocates of peace and democracy.

By

Mr. Paylan is a member of the Turkish Parliament.

  • Oct. 15, 2020

ISTANBUL — A procession of cars filled with men waving the flag of Azerbaijan, honking and whistling drove through the Kumkapi area in Istanbul, which is home to the Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul and many Armenian families. The car rally, on Sept. 28, was a provocation, a threat that filled my community, the tiny Armenian community — 60,000 out of 83 million — in Turkey with fear.

After a decades-long fitful truce, the conflict over the status of Nagorno-Karabakh — a breakaway Armenian enclave in Azerbaijan — between Azerbaijan and Armenia resumed last month, leading to a large military deployment, destruction of civilian centers and thousands of casualties.

In this war, Turkey strongly supports Azerbaijan, with which it shares ethnic bonds, and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan dismissed global calls for a cease-fire. He has supported Azerbaijan with defense technology, drones and propaganda machinery.

This strategy is in line with Mr. Erdogan’s government’s decision to increase our country’s military footprint abroad — Syria, Libya and the eastern Mediterranean — to enhance Turkey’s position as a regional power.

But there is also a direct correlation between the Turkish government’s desire to delve into conflicts abroad and the closing down of the democratic space at home.

I have witnessed and experienced this myself, as an Armenian from Turkey and as a member of the Turkish Parliament, representing the predominantly Kurdish city of Diyarbakir from the People’s Democratic Party, or the H.D.P., which brought together the country’s Kurds, leftists, environmentalists, feminists and minorities in opposition to Mr. Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party, or the A.K.P., and its rule.

Turkey’s involvement in regional conflicts has whipped up nationalist fervor, obliterated space for advocates of peace and democracy and deepened a sense of fear and precarity among the minority populations.

In the past few weeks, Turkish television networks controlled by the government and pro-government daily newspapers have adopted a hypernationalist tone, describing Armenia as the enemy, and giddily broadcasting and printing images of Armenian targets destroyed by Turkish drones. A month or so earlier, the Turkish government clashed with Greece and Cyprus over energy resources in the eastern Mediterranean. For a few weeks, Greece was the enemy.

On Sept. 27 I criticized Turkey’s warmongering in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on Twitter, arguing that Ankara should stop throwing gasoline on that fire, as there will be no winners in a war and both Armenian and Azeri people will lose. I urged my countrymen, “We must do what we can for a cease-fire.”

Because of my country’s authoritarian turn, my background and political leanings are enough to turn me into a target. On Oct. 5, the Eurasia Institute of Strategic Affairs, a nationalist outlet, published a full-page advertisement in support of Azerbaijan in Sabah, a newspaper with links to the Erdogan family. It was signed by former and current members of the Turkish Parliament from the A.K.P.

The advertisement in Sabah accused me of being pro-Armenian and of committing treason, calling on the Turkish judiciary and the Parliament to “fulfill its duty.” In the current Turkish political climate, it sounded like a call to remove my immunity — parliamentarians in Turkey have immunity from prosecution — so that I can be put on trial for my peacenik stance. Yet I have filed a legal complaint about the advertisers and continued to call for peace in the Caucasus.

As an Armenian from Turkey and a descendant of genocide survivors, I know very well the meaning of this message. In 2007, Hrant Dink, a celebrated and outspoken Armenian journalist from Istanbul, who edited the Agos newspaper, was assassinated by a Turkish nationalist in a similar period of heightened nationalism. Mr. Dink once described Turkey’s Armenian minority as “living with the trepidations of a dove.”

The darkness that engulfed Turkey seems to widen every day. In the past few weeks, dozens of my friends from the H.D.P., including Ayhan Bilgen, the elected mayor of Kars, on the border with Armenia, have been arrested on trumped-up terrorism charges, ostensibly for organizing street protests in 2014 across the country. The protests were a response to the government’s nonchalance in the face of the siege of the Syrian Kurdish town of Kobani by the Islamic State.

Seven H.D.P. parliamentarians, including me, are being accused of “attempting to overthrow the constitutional order” in an indictment, and a prosecutor is preparing to ask the Parliament to remove our immunity, which will then allow the police to arrest us. This was already done to Selahattin Demirtas, a former co-chairman of the H.D.P., and thousands of other H.D.P. members and officials who are in jail. It’s not hard to see that the political intention here is to paralyze our party — the third largest in Turkey — and weaken the opposition.

Despite the recent threats, I was encouraged by thousands of people calling, writing and gathering signatures expressing their support for me. The other day, someone cleaning the streets shouted at me, “My deputy, if they take you away one day and you cannot see us, know that we are here.” And I do.

You may wonder why we continue to struggle for democracy in this country. Things were not always so dark in Turkey. A decade ago, Turkey was a relatively promising democracy, on path for European Union membership and calling for regional peace. It coined the “zero problems with neighbors” policy, and at one point, we were even close to normalization of relations with Armenia.

We founded the H.D.P. in that hopeful period in 2012. Our mission was to support the peace process with the Kurds and to introduce a pluralist voice in our country’s stifling political scene. I entered the Parliament in 2015, exactly a century after my great-grandfather was killed in the Armenian genocide. My goal was to help build a democracy strong enough, and vast enough, so that Turks, Kurds, Armenians, Alevis, minorities and women would live without any fear, as equal citizens.

I yearned and worked for Turkish-Armenian reconciliation. When I met Armenians during my travels abroad, I argued that this struggle for the heart and soul of Turkey was important because only a democratic Turkey could face its past — and only then would our collective healing start.

But Turkey took a path toward authoritarianism after 2015, and our basic civil rights are on hold today. President Erdogan, once an advocate of European Union-led reforms and a peace process with the Kurds, over the past decade has established a one-man regime, moved away from democracy and entered a coalition with hard-right Turkish nationalists. Greater militarism has followed.

Militant nationalism and authoritarianism can neither solve our domestic problems nor help the region. A better choice for my country will always be to seek regional peace and cultivate better ties with our neighbors. Turkey must encourage Armenia and Azerbaijan to return to peace talks and facilitate a lasting settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute.

On Saturday, Russia, which has a defense agreement with Armenia and good relations with Azerbaijan, brokered a cease-fire between the two countries. This highlighted Russia’s role in the region and has left Turkey out of the diplomatic game. If President Erdogan wants to be relevant, he should stop inflaming tensions in the Caucasus and support the cease-fire between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

But I am not naïve, and I know that only a democratic Turkey can help stabilize its region and act as a responsible member of the international community. That is why I will not remain silent in the face of threats and will keep on fighting for democracy here and peace abroad.

Garo Paylan is a member of the Turkish Parliament from the People’s Democratic Party.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: [email protected].

https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/15/opinion/armenia-azerbaijan-conflict.html

France, Russia and US set for talks in coming days to press for Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire

France 24
Oct 7 2020
 
 
 
 
 
France's foreign minister said on Wednesday that talks would be held in Geneva on Thursday and Moscow on Monday to try to convince warring sides in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict to agree to negotiate a ceasefire.
 
 
Jean-Yves Le Drian told the French parliament's foreign affairs committee that France, Russia and the United States would hold those talks to start a dialogue that needed to take place without preconditions.
 
The foreign minister also accused Turkey of "military involvement" on the side of Azerbaijan in its conflict with Armenia over the breakaway Nagorno-Karabakh region.
 
"The new aspect is that there is military involvement by Turkey that risks fuelling the internationalisation of the conflict," French Foreign Minister Le Drian told parliament.
 
>> 'Turkey has a clear objective of reinstating the Turkish empire,' Armenian PM says
 
Armenia and Azerbaijan, two former Soviet republics, have for decades been locked in a conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, an ethnically Armenian area that broke away from Azerbaijan in a 1990s war that cost around 30,000 lives.
 
Heavy fighting erupted again on September 27. Both sides blame the other for starting the latest hostilities.
 
The conflict has drawn in regional players, with Turkey supporting Azerbaijan and Armenia hoping that its ally Russia, which has so far stayed on the sidelines, will step in.
 
Turkey has been accused of deploying fighters from Syria to support Azerbaijan in the fighting.
 
French President Emmanuel Macron recently claimed Ankara had sent Syrian "jihadists" to the region, accusing Turkey of crossing a "red line".
 
Turkey has not responded publicly.
 
(FRANCE 24 with AFP, REUTERS)
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Baku’s, Ankara’s aggression is attack against UN values – Permanent Representative of Armenia to UN

Save

Share

 22:01, 3 October, 2020

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 3, ARMENPRESS. Permanent Representative of Armenia to the UN Mher Margaryan gave an interview to Arab News Daily, noting that the aggression of Azerbaijan and Turkey against Armenia and Artsakh is not just an aggression against Armenians, but against the basic values of the humanity and what the United Nations stands for.

ARMENPRES presents the non official translation of the interview.

Question: The clashes over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh have been the fiercest since 1990s.Fears are growing over a regional war that might draw in Russia and Turkey. We are going to talk in depth about what’s going on there with Ambassador Mher Margaryan, Armenia’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York. Thank you so much for joining us,Ambassador.

Over the past few days, France has been sparring with Turkey over the clashes. PresidentMacron has sent a very clear message to Turkey that these war-like messages are not going to be accepted by France. At the same time, we see Russia point to the foreign interference. Reuters has reported that Turkey sending foreign fighters to fight in Nagorno-Karabakh. How concerned are you about foreign interference and outside forces slowly taking part in what’s happening right now?

 

Answer: Thank you for this opportunity. As you have already mentioned, there are many credible reports about the involvement of foreign terrorist fighters and mercenaries, and there have been calls from the international community, also, from the Minsk Group Co-chairs. The foreign mercenaries, who, actually, are being recruited and transported with the support of Turkey (and we have to name the names here), have been very destructive elements, and their activities and transportation to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone needs to be stopped.

Q։ A lot has been said about the timing of the eruption, or re-eruption of this conflict. What can you tell us about the timing? Why now?

 

A: The belligerent actions of Azerbaijan have been preceded by many years of dangerous rhetoric of hate speech and Armenophobia, openly and consistently promulgated by Azerbaijan at the highest political level. The leadership of Azerbaijan has been promoting hate crimes and glorifying hate criminals. At the same time, they have been spending billions of dollars to acquire deadly offensive weaponry and openly threatening the people of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh with promises to use force. It comes as no surprise for those who have been following it that the statement made by the president of Azerbaijan at the General Debate of the 75th session of the General Assembly last week was not only a textbook manifestation of hate speech but also, as we have come to realize, as a declaration of war against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh, with a clear genocidal intent. The offensive also comes amidst a global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, when the international community is focused on fighting the disease. Obviously, one may think that the leadership of Azerbaijan has decided to take advantage of the global vulnerabilities caused by the pandemic, also, in light of the internal instabilities that they are experiencing. This is not just an attack against the Armenians. This is an attack against the basic norms of humanity, an attack against what the United Nations stands for.

 

Q։ Speaking of the United Nations. The UN Secretary-General Guterres has called for cessation of all hostilities and for all the parties to come together to a negotiating table. Of course, Azerbaijan and Armenia refused to come back to the negotiations. What can you tell us about that? What will it take to sit down and negotiate and is that a possibility, to start with?

 

A։ Armenia has never refused peaceful negotiations, we have been on record of encouraging, also, the participation of the representatives of the elected authorities of Nagorno-Karabakh to sit down with Azerbaijan and to engage in peaceful talks. The UN Secretary-General has, indeed called for immediate return to negotiations and to stop fighting and deescalate tensions. It doesn’t seem to be the intention of Azerbaijan to follow that call, though. I would also like to recall that the UN Secretary-General has made an appeal for an immediate global ceasefire, at the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Back in March, he was calling for pulling back the hostilities and silencing guns, stopping artillery, ending air strikes. Armenia was one of the first countries to support this appeal, and more than 170 countries supported it, too. Azerbaijan not only refused to support the Secretary-General’s appeal but also resorted to large-scale military aggression.

 

Q։ What is the role of the Mink Group today, in the circumstances we are living in? Is it still capable of containing the dispute effort to contain the dispute? Do you expect the members – France, US, Russia – to overcome their differences over other conflicts and maybe rally behind Armenia?

 

A: The OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship is the only internationally mandated format to mediate the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The Co-chair countries have expressed on several occasions their unified position on the principles of the resolution of the conflict and they have made it clear that the hostilities need to stop. There have also been statements by the Co-chair countries, calling for external parties and foreign fighters to stay away from the conflict. I believe it is clear who the calls are addressed to.

 

Q։ What do you think Turkey really wants out of all of this? What is your message to your international community on how Yerevan expects the world to deal with Turkey right now?

 

A։ We see the Turkish involvement as another attempt of exporting instability to our region. We have been observing increasing engagement of the Turkish military in the conflict zone. This is something that needs to be condemned by the international community. The destabilizing record of Turkey, be it in the Eastern Mediterranean, in the Middle East, is well known.

 

Q։ How much of this is about the strategic importance of the region, being a corridor to the oil pipelines that distribute oil to markets all over the world? How much of it has to do with this important fact?

 

A։ This makes the situation very dangerous and, if Azerbaijan and Turkey are not contained, it can lead to an escalation, the consequences of which can have devastating impact on the entire region and beyond. Azerbaijan and Turkey must come to their senses and head to the calls of the international community, including the recent calls of the UN Secretary General, also, bearing in mind the outcome of the UN Security Council’s meeting yesterday, and need to commit to peace, in good faith.

 

Q։ How do the Armenians feel about the conflict in that region that has consumed decades and caused many lives and displacement? What is the importance of this region in the consciousness of the Armenians?

 

A։ The people of Nagorno-Karabakh exercised their right to self-determination in 1991. They have every right to live in their ancestral historical land, without fears or foreign coercion. The right to self-determination, which is enshrined in the UN Charter, is at the core of the issue. They have exercised this right by way of a referendum, back in December 1991, in accordance with the applicable laws of the time. Armenia, as a guarantor of the security of the people of Nagorno-Karbakh, will take every measure to defend their inalienable rights. Armenians all over the world are strongly united on this matter, because we, as Armenians, we cannot allow another genocide to be perpetrated against the Armenian population in course of the Azerbaijani military aggression encouraged and supported by Turkey.

 

Q։ What about the United States? The United States has not prioritized the Nagorno-Karabakh since 2001, I believe. Do you expect a more active American role?

 

A: The United States is one of the Co-chairs of the Minks Group. We very much appreciate their role and engagement, along with that of Russia and France. The United States has been vocal on the recent escalation, calling for immediate cessation of hostilities and discouraging external actors from getting involved in this conflict. We would very much wish to see a stronger engagement, together with the other two Co-chairs of the Minsk Group.

 

Q։ Do you see the region, being what it is right now, with all the conflicts in the Eastern Mediterranean, the conflict with Iran – your Prime Minister talked today to the President of Iran – do you think all of these may be an incentive for the United States to move Nagorno-Karabakh up on its priorities?

 

A։ We hope it is on the list of priorities, and we hope the Co-chair countries will continue to have a unified, cohesive position on the principles of the resolution of the conflict.

 

Q։ Who wants this conflict to escalate? Who is benefiting from this conflict?

 

A։ It is hard to say who would benefit from this conflict but apparently it is well known who is instigating this conflict and who has started it, not only to the expert community and the mediators but also to the larger international community. We have been observing years of accumulation of military build-ups and offensive weaponry by Azerbaijan, observing the escalation of hate speech and instigation of hatred against the Armenians, not only those who live in Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia but Armenians in general, all over the world. Those are very well-documented facts, strongly criticized by the international organizations. It is no surprise that in his address to the General Assembly, the President of Azerbaijan singled out several prominent international human rights organization and criticized them for condemning the human rights violations in that country.

 

Q։ Can you send a very direct message to the Azeri president?

 

A։ In fact, the message to the Azeri president has been sent several times by the Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan who made it very clear that any solution to this long-standing conflict must be acceptable to the people of Armenia, to the people of Nagorno Karabakh and to the people of Azerbaijan (he also clearly mentioned that this should be without prejudice to the order to the parties concerned). This very strong and very important message, however, has not been reciprocated by the Azerbaijani side. Instead, the recent instigation of violence by the leadership of this country gives very little assurance that they are able to reciprocate such a call. So, the message has been expressed loudly and clearly by the Prime Minister of Armenia. It has not been reciprocated, and the recent reckless attacks and aggression against Nagorno-Karabakhleads us to believe it will not be reciprocated any time soon.

A Nagorno-Karabakh Scenario in the Balkans?

RUSI.org
Oct 2 2020
Harun Karčić
Commentary, 2 October 2020
Europe

As the fighting rages in the South Caucasus, the citizens of another frozen conflict watch with unease.

Nagorno-Karabakh is back in the news. The largely forgotten Soviet-era ‘frozen conflict’ is anything but frozen these days. No one really knows who fired the first shot, nor is this important anymore. The fact of the matter is that fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan spiraled out of control literally overnight.

Just across the Black Sea and the Balkan Mountains, Bosnians are preparing to mark the 25th anniversary of the US-brokered Dayton Accords. The times are uneasy and some wonder whether their own ‘frozen conflict’ might flare up like the one in Nagorno-Karabakh. After all, the two conflicts are very similar.

Bosnia and Serbia on one side, and Armenia and Azerbaijan on the other, were all member states within larger communist supranational states (Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, respectively). Historical antagonism existed between Serbs and Bosniak Muslims (Bosnia’s majority population) and between Armenians and Azeris. Both Orthodox Christian populations perceived their Muslim neighbours as the physical remnants of an oppressive Ottoman Empire. This antagonism was kept under the lid during communist rule, only to explode in the late 1980s when both communist regimes were in freefall. In both cases, the Orthodox Christian population living in a Muslim-majority country wanted to secede and territorially adjoin their neighbouring Orthodox Christian brethren. Ethnic Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh wanted to break away from Azerbaijan and join neighbouring Armenia, while ethnic Serbs from Bosnia wanted to secede and join neighboring Serbia.  

In both cases, a referendum on independence was held which was boycotted by the opposing side: ethnic Azeris boycotted the Nagorno-Karabakh referendum in 1991, while Bosnian Serbs boycotted Bosnia’s referendum in 1992. Bloody wars soon erupted. During them, Armenia preferred to keep Nagorno-Karabakh as a nominally independent republic – the Republic of Artsakh. Serbia also preferred to keep the Republic of Srpska nominally independent during the war, instead of incorporating it outright into its territory. This was done to avoid allegations of aggression and maintain a stronger negotiating position. Today, Nagorno-Karabakh is a self-declared republic and supported by neighbouring Armenia, just like the Republic of Srpska is – though part of Bosnia – highly autonomous and financially and politically backed by Serbia.

The same foreign actors have been involved in both examples. While Turkey backs Azerbaijan due to its old ‘one nation, two states’ policy and its century-old grudge against Armenia, Russia maintains tight links with Armenia, including two military bases stationing 5,000 troops. In the case of the Balkans, Turkey backs Bosniak Muslims and a unified Bosnia, while Russia backs Serbia and Bosnian Serb secessionists. Russia has sent military advisors to both Serbia and the Republic of Srpska, and sells military hardware to both.

Today, Bosnia is more vulnerable to malign foreign influence than ever before. Namely, after the US diplomatically ended the Bosnian War, 60,000 NATO soldiers were sent to Bosnia and tasked with keeping the peace. The peacekeeping mission was eventually outsourced to the EU which has been reducing its military footprint to just a few hundred. The EU’s force today, known as EUFOR, is a watered-down version of what NATO’s peacekeeping force was and does not seem to instill much confidence in the general public. On the other side, the EU’s diplomatic approach towards Bosnia and the region wrongly assumed that offering Balkan countries a distant prospect of joining the Union would neutralise nationalism and inter-ethnic animosities. Its overemphasis on the normative harmonisation of Balkan legal frameworks with that of the EU was not very enticing to the region’s political leaders. A vacuum was formed after the American retreat from the Balkans and the EU’s diplomatic inertia. In turn, Russia and China interpreted this as an opportunity to make inroads with their bureaucracy-free, top-down approach and personal relations with local strongmen.

Despite simmering social frustration, rising authoritarianism and superpowers vying for influence, the EU does not seem to be changing course. The international community’s high representative in Bosnia, Austrian-born Valentin Inzko – despite having the ‘Bonn Powers’ to sack uncooperative and obstructive politicians – has at most only expressed his ‘concern’ over deteriorating security developments in the country. As such, he is subject to much mockery among Bosnians.

At present, Bosnia’s political and security situation is so precarious that the country is not even able to handle a relatively small presence of migrants and refugees. The Republic of Srpska, run by Serb nationalists and emboldened by neighbouring Belgrade and Moscow, acts like a state of its own and refuses to align its policies with the capital, Sarajevo. Take the migrant crisis for example: Milorad Dodik, the hardline Serb member of the presidency, refuses to join the other two members and deploy Bosnia’s armed forces along the country’s eastern border to help stem the illegal crossings of migrants from Serbia. Then, on a local level, the Republic of Srpska – which is ruled by Dodik’s party – refuses to house any migrants on its territory and instead pushes them across the invisible border to the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Both Bosnian and Western analysts point the finger at Russia. Administratively, Bosnia is divided into two entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Bosniak Muslims are a majority, and the Republic of Srpska, where Orthodox Christians dominate. The country’s convoluted ethnic makeup and government composition gives significant autonomy to both political entities, governing 51% and 49% of the country respectively. This means that secessionist Serbs who run the Republic of Srpska not only have large autonomy, but a militarised police force and political leverage to block state institutions – since a consensus within the tripartite presidency is needed for any foreign policy moves or state-level decisions.

Such a structure is ideally suited for foreign meddling, particularly when a foreign actor favours one specific side and wants to bring the entire country to a halt. Russian President Vladimir Putin has been openly backing Dodik, who in turn does not shy from making it known that his ultimate goal is for the Republic of Srpska to join neighbouring Serbia.

Russia’s influence in Bosnia is further strengthened through the work of non-governmental organisations and friendship associations, Serbian and Russian Orthodox churches, motorbike gangs such as the ‘Night Wolves’ and various murky businessmen linked to the Kremlin. In a way, Putin sees Dodik as a guarantee that Bosnia will not join NATO or the EU. By supporting a war-mongering secessionist, Moscow knows it can extract concessions from the West regarding Ukraine, Georgia and even Belarus. It is also a tit-for-tat move aimed to take revenge on the EU and NATO for their perceived ‘intrusion’ into Russia’s neighborhood. It is very telling that over the past five years, Russia has supported a highly divisive referendum in the Republic of Srpska on its national day (deemed illegal by Bosnia’s constitutional court). It is also blamed for a failed coup d’état in Montenegro just before its NATO accession, and it has sought to derail the name-change agreement between North Macedonia and Greece (which, again, paved the way for North Macedonia to join NATO).

Pre-existing frozen conflicts have become an important instrument of Russia’s increasingly revisionist foreign policy. Meddling in Bosnia strengthens Russia’s hand in Europe should it want to create chaos in the EU’s soft underbelly. Judging from examples of similar frozen conflicts, such as Transnistria, Ossetia, Abkhazia and Donbass, Russia’s approach seems to be tactically adapted to the conflict nature of each particular country, having the sole aim of keeping the affected states in a perpetual state of controlled instability.

Balkan analysts have been warning that Moscow’s malign influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina could only aggravate the situation after the recent elections in Montenegro, where pro-Serbian and pro-Russian political parties gained the most seats to the detriment of pro-Western forces.

Bosnia’s early post-war optimism and a robust NATO military presence created an opening that breathed life into the fragile peace among warring factions inside Bosnia and across the region. The Dayton Accords have not atrophied as some claim; rather, the country’s power-sharing arrangements seem to have proved easy to abuse. Additionally, Bosnia has become victim to a declining ‘Pax Americana’ and a deepening crisis of the European security order.

The West needs to aggressively respond to this new Russian posture. A fast-tracked membership to NATO’s security umbrella and greater Western involvement, both of a political and military nature, would spell stability for Bosnia and the entire region.

Harun Karčić is a journalist and political analyst based in Sarajevo covering foreign influences in the Balkans.

The views expressed in this Commentary are the author's, and do not represent those of RUSI or any other institution.

BANNER IMAGE: Courtesy of legio09






Naira Zohrabyan stated that in near future, criminal cases may be initiated against her and MP from PAP Gevorg Petrosyan

Arminfo, Armenia
Sept 25 2020

ArmInfo.MP from the Prosperous Armenia faction Naira Zohrabyan told reporters that she suspects that a criminal case will be opened against her in the near future.

Zohrabyan also stated that it is possible that a criminal case will  also be instituted against another MP from the PAP Gevorg Petrosyan. < This may be followed by our arrests. My telephone conversations have  been wiretapped for a long time, moreover, I learned from reliable  sources that a recording will soon be published in which I allegedly  offend the citizens of the country," the MP noted.

She stressed that on the instructions of the Prime Minister of  Armenia, the plenipotentiary bodies are looking for people who are  ready to testify against her and Petrosyan. According to Zohrabyan,  they intend to accuse them of bribery of voters.

"I have never tried to bribe voters, but you can expect anything from  the current authorities. Thus, the authorities are trying to silence  us, but this will not happen. I am not afraid of anyone, I am not  afraid of arrest, and I do not intend to follow someone's lead. I  have already warned my family members about the edited videos and  possible ordered articles>,  the MP stressed.

Zohrabyan also added that when Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, being  an oppositionist, criticized the authorities, such illegal actions  were not carried out against him, and there were no attempts to get  into his family and personal life. According to the MP, the  representatives of the new government have no moral guidelines.



24,221 immovable historical and cultural monuments registered in Armenia

Panorama, Armenia
Sept 19 2020

According to the data of 2019, a total of 24,221 monuments are included in the list of Armenia’s state owned immovable historical and cultural monuments.

The data released by the Statistical Committee shows that 995 monuments are located in Yerevan. Gegharkunik Province is home to most of the monuments – 5,267.

Last year, 119 new objects were found, 106 of which received the status of a newly discovered monument.


Cairo: 1st Air Cairo flight from Armenia arrive in Sharm el Sheikh airport

Egypt Today
Sept 18 2020
1st Air Cairo flight from Armenia arrive in Sharm el Sheikh airport
CAIRO – : The first flight via Air Cairo coming from Armenia has arrived at Sharm el Sheikh International Airport, carrying 52 passengers, including a media delegation and a number of Armenian tour agents.

Air Cairo is set to operate three flights per week on the same route.

Borg El Arab Airport also received a Wizz Air flight carrying 180 passengers from Milan.

The airline is scheduled to operate three flights per week on the route.

Over the past weeks, Cairo, Sharm el-Sheikh and Hurghada airports have receives thousands of tourists aboard international flights following a long hiatus due to the fear of spread of Coronavirus. 

Earlier in September, the Russian government announced resuming flights with Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and the Maldives, after suspension over the spread of the novel virus, Reuters reported.

A government order published on Thursday showed that the Russian government said it had authorized three flights a week to Cairo, as well as two flights a week to Dubai and to the Maldives’s Velana International Airport.


CivilNet: Three New Judges Are Elected to Armenia’s Constitutional Court Amid Public Criticism

CIVILNET.AM

15 սեպտեմբեր, 2020 22:07

  • Armenia’s Constitutional Court Has Three New Judges
  • The OSCE Minsk Group Urges Armenian and Azerbaijani Foreign Ministers to Meet with Them
  • Up to 950 Buses Will Arrive to Reform Yerevan’s Public Transportation System
  • The Fountains and Ponds of Yerevan Have Been Reopened
  • More Than One Hundred COVID-19 New Cases Recorded

U.S. provides additional assistance to Armenia to respond to COVID-19

Save

Share

 11:50, 24 August, 2020

YEREVAN, AUGUST 24, ARMENPRESS. The United States Government has committed an additional $1.43 million through the U.S. State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to address the impact of COVID-19 in Armenia, the USAID Armenia Mission told Armenpress.

In total, the U.S. Government has committed over $4 million in emergency assistance to Armenia in FY20. The United States is providing life-saving support by coordinating with the Government of Armenia, international humanitarian partners, and other stakeholders to identify priority areas for investment.

$1 million in new USAID assistance will support the agriculture and tourism sectors to recover economically from the pandemic, and adapt its needs to the post-COVID world.

$436,000 in additional State Department funding will provide shelter, food, and access to medical and social services for vulnerable migrants unable to return home due to the pandemic.

In addition to the aforementioned COVID-19 assistance, the United States has invested more than $1.57 billion in total assistance to Armenia over the past 20 years, including nearly $106 million for health.