Fwd: The California Courier Online, June 14, 2018

The California Courier Online, June 14, 2018

1-         Commentary

            Unfortunate Coincidence: Turkish-American

            Attacks Bourdain on the Eve of his Suicide

            By Harut Sassounian

            Publisher, The California Courier

            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com

2-         Despite Netanyahu, Knesset to vote on Armenian Genocide motion

3 -        Celebrity chef Anthony Bourdain, dead at 61

4 -        Trump Commutes Sentence after Kardashian Champions Alice Johnson

5 -        Corey Silverstrom: ‘A crash course in who he is’ playing for Armenia

6 -        My Namesake

            By Aram Maljanian

7-         Novelist Aris Janigian to Serve as Master of Ceremonies

            for Diocesan Debutante Ball

8-         Roslin Art Gallery in Glendale Celebrates ‘Queer-Armenian Art’

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1 -        Commentary

            Unfortunate Coincidence: Turkish-American

            Attacks Bourdain on the Eve of his Death

            By Harut Sassounian

            Publisher, The California Courier

            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com

A friend forwarded to me the copy of a lengthy email that was sent by
Ibrahim Kurtulus, a Turkish-American from New York City, to hundreds
of CNN employees harshly criticizing Anthony Bourdain, Chris Cuomo and
others for acknowledging the Armenian Genocide. The subject of
Kurtulus’ email is titled: “When CNN’s Chris Cuomo and ‘Especially’
Anthony Bourdain Legitimize RACISM.”

By an unfortunate coincidence, the Turkish email was sent on June 5,
2018, barely three days before Bourdain committed suicide. Given the
large number of Armenians and non-Armenians who have written in recent
days expressing their unfounded suspicion that Azerbaijan or Turkey
caused Bourdain’s death, I want to make it clear that I do not believe
in such conspiracies. Sadly, Bourdain, who had used drugs for many
years, was a heavy drinker and suffered from serious depression, is
reported to have committed suicide in his hotel room during a visit to
France last week.

In addition, those who propagate such conspiracies are damaging
Armenian interests. Anthony Bourdain, who had the popular TV travel
and food show “Parts Unknown” on CNN, was blacklisted by Azerbaijan
for having gone to Artsakh after visiting Armenia late last year. The
show aired on CNN last month to the great delight of Armenians
worldwide and dismay of Azeris and Turks. By alleging that Azerbaijan
killed Bourdain, Armenians are simply discouraging non-Armenians from
visiting Artsakh.

Kurtulus also attacked Chris Cuomo of CNN for interviewing on his show
Cong. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.). Kurtulus described Schiff as “a racist”
for championing the recognition of the Armenian Genocide and compared
him with David Duke of the Ku Klux Klan. Kurtulus then picked on
Congresswoman Nanci Pelosi (D-Calif.) for acknowledging the Armenian
Genocide in her 2016 statement. Kurtulus ridiculously claimed that
Armenians may have died of “old age” rather than being murdered during
the Genocide.

Kurtulus also blasted Amy Goodman, host of the award-winning
‘Democracy Now!’—a TV/Radio news program that airs on 900 public
broadcast stations in North America—for acknowledging the Armenian
Genocide in her show.

Kurtulus not only denied the occurrence of the Armenian Genocide by
calling it a ‘hoax,” but turned around and blamed Armenians for
committing an “extermination campaign against Turks.” He also falsely
claimed that “a systematic extermination campaign against Armenians
would have been not only unlikely, but out of the question.”

Kurtulus then criticized Anthony Bourdain for accompanying Serj
Tankian on his trip to Armenia and Artsakh. Kurtulus described Tankian
as “a member of an Armenian-American heavy metal band (System of a
Down), a major insidious purpose of which has been to brainwash
worldwide youthful fans into acceptance of an ‘Armenian genocide.’”
Kurtulus went on to accuse Bourdain of repeating “all of the hateful
propaganda in his episode (https://www.youtube.com/watch
?v=A3oEJjTbDpo).”

After comparing Bourdain to white ‘supremacists’ in Charlottville,
Virginia, Kurtulus asked: “what is the difference?” Regrettably,
Kurtulus defamed anyone who has supported the veracity of the Armenian
Genocide. It is no one else’s fault that the Ottoman Turkish
government organized the extermination of the Armenian people. If, as
a result, the Turkish nation has had a horrible reputation, it is
wrong to blame it on the Armenian victims. Kurtulus’ argument is the
equivalent of condemning anyone who speaks about the Jewish Holocaust
because that may tarnish the reputation of Germans.

Kurtulus then disparaged all of the scholars who have written on the
Armenian Genocide, in addition to Amb. Henry Morgenthau who had
written an eyewitness account in his book, The Murder of a Nation.
Instead, Kurtulus praised so-called ‘scholars’ who are genocide
denialists funded by the Turkish government.

Kurtulus ended his email with more insults directed at Bourdain: “If I
lived in a less racist society, Anthony Bourdain would be losing his
job in a moment. Yet the problem does not only rest with hateful
bigots such as Anthony Bourdain; why did [CNN] President Jeff Zucker,
who has also been receiving our communications, allow for Bourdain’s
vicious racism?”

Kurtulus also blamed other CNN employees for not protesting “Anthony
Bourdain’s irresponsibility, hatefulness and corruption of the facts.
…How could CNN journalists exercise any tolerance over Anthony
Bourdain’s prejudices, as well as his twisting of the facts?”

Rather than countering the many lies and distortions of Kurtulus, I
will simply quote from Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the Turkish
Republic, who during an interview published by the Los Angeles
Examiner on August 1, 1926, confessed: “These leftovers from the
former Young Turk Party, who should have been made to account for the
lives of millions of our Christian subjects who were ruthlessly driven
en masse from their homes and massacred, have been restive under the
Republican rule. They have hitherto lived on plunder, robbery and
bribery, and become inimical to any idea or suggestion to enlist in
useful labor and earn their living by the honest sweat of their brow.”

 Since I have received a copy of the Kurtulus email along with the
complete list of hundreds of email addresses at CNN where he
dispatched his email, I will send my article to the same email
addresses so CNN journalists will not be deceived by Kurtulus.

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2-         Despite Netanyahu, Knesset to vote on Armenian Genocide motion

On June 6, it was reported that the Knesset will hold debates on the
motion calling to recognize the Armenian Genocide, Arutz Sheva
reported quoting Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation.

According to the Corporation, Knesset Speaker Yuli Edelstein intends
to hold a vote next week on a motion by Meretz Chairwoman Tamar
Zandberg. Last week, Edelstein postponed a debate and vote on the
bills, because a majority of the Knesset would not have voted to
support the recognition. Two weeks ago, the Knesset approved a request
by the left-wing Meretz party to hold a Knesset debate and a vote on
the issue.

Approval of the resolution would be despite the position of the
Foreign Ministry, which announced earlier this week that it opposes
advancing the proposed law on the subject, the website says.

On June 4, Haaretz reported that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu delayed the vote until after the Turkish election so as not
to aid Erdogan’s campaign.

Netanyahu postponed the committee’s discussion of the proposed laws
until after the Turkish general election scheduled for June 24, said
officials. Israeli officials recommended not raising the issue of the
Armenian genocide before the elections for parliament and president
because it would serve Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in his
reelection campaign and help him unite Turkey behind his party.

Israel partially recognizes the Armenian genocide: The Knesset
Education Committee has recognized it and debated bills on the issue,
and the Knesset has been marking the Armenian genocide every year
since 2012, but proposals of the sort are usually blocked because of
the special relationship with Azerbaijan, which is involved in an
ongoing military conflict with neighboring Armenia, as well as the
effect it would have on Israel’s tense relations with Turkey.

Over the past few weeks, Knesset members have been trying to outdo
each other in coming up with ways to take revenge on the Turkish
government for ordering the Israeli ambassador out of the country and
recalling the Turkish ambassador in response to the deaths along the
border fence with the Gaza Strip last month, as well as the move of
the

A Likud minister said that the decision on recognizing the Armenian
genocide must be made in isolation from the present conflict with
Turkey. “We must conduct a principled discussion on the question of
whether Israel needs to officially recognize the Armenian genocide.
Such a step must not be taken as revenge against Erdogan’s
statements,” said the minister.

Two weeks ago, Education Minister Naftali Bennett, the chairman of
Habayit Hayehudi, called for the recognition of the Armenian genocide
and of the rights of the Kurdish minority in Syria.Bennett also
announced he had formulated a comprehensive “plan of action” for the
Knesset, the government and the public, which he shared on social
networks. “I ask you, the public, to cancel your trips to Turkey.
Immediately,” he wrote. “Take your vacation in the Galilee and the
Golan. You also have a role to play,” he added. In one of many such
attempts, in February the Knesset voted down a bill to recognize the
Armenian genocide sponsored by MK Yair Lapid (Yesh Atid). Two weeks,
ago two MKs, Amir Ohana (Likud) and Itzik Shmuli (Zionist Union)
submitted a similar bill, one of the three under consideration, and
are seeking to push it through in expedited fashion in response to
Erdogan’s actions and remarks. “Netanyahu and his ministers roar like
lions but fall like flies every time Erdogan threatens,” said Shmuli.

“The day on which the prime minister of the state of the Jewish people
agrees to be a collaborator with the denial of the genocide of another
people, who were slaughtered in concentration camps and on death
marches, this is a black day and a deep moral stain on all of us. What
would we have said if the world had refused to recognize the Holocaust
because of diplomatic unpleasantness and economic interests? If we
become partners in the denial of the tragedies in history we will
never succeed in preventing those that may come in the future. I call
on the government to set aside political considerations and do the
necessary historic justice,” said Shmuli.

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3 -        Celebrity chef Anthony Bourdain, dead at 61

PARIS (AP) — Anthony Bourdain, the celebrity chef and citizen of the
world who inspired millions to share his delight in food and the bonds
it created, was found dead in his hotel room Friday, June 8, in France
while working on his CNN series on culinary traditions. He was 61.

CNN confirmed the death, saying that Bourdain was found unresponsive
Friday morning by friend and chef Eric Ripert in the French city of
Haut-Rhin. It called his death a suicide. Bourdain’s assistant Laurie
Woolever would not comment when reached by The Associated Press.

Widely loved and rarely afraid to speak his mind, he mixed a
coarseness and whimsical sense of adventurousness, true to the rock
‘n’ roll music he loved. Bourdain’s ‘‘Parts Unknown’’ seemed like an
odd choice for CNN when it started in 2013—part travelogue, part
history lesson, part love letter to exotic foods. Each trip was an
adventure. There had been nothing quite like it on the staid news
network, and it became an immediate hit.

CNN is currently airing the 11th season of ‘‘Parts Unknown,’’ and
Bourdain was in France shooting an episode for the 12th season. CNN
said it has not made a decision yet on whether it will proceed with
the current season

Bourdain filmed an episode of “Parts Unknown” in Armenia, which aired
on CNN on May 20. In his Field Notes on the CNN website, Bourdain
wrote, “For years there’s been a steady drumbeat of inquiries from
Armenian-American fans of the show: ‘When will you visit Armenia?’
‘Why haven’t you been to my country?’ They were very legitimate and
increasingly troublesome questions. I wanted to go. I had every
intention of going. But I had yet to figure out how or—more
accurately—through whose eyes, through what perspective I’d look at
this very old and very complicated country.”

Bourdain accepted the invitation to visit Armenia by System of a Down
singer Serj Tankian, writing that he appreciated how Tankian was
trying to reconnect with his roots after having lived in the Diaspora.
Bourdain affirmed the Diaspora existed because of the Armenian
Genocide.

“Those who escaped or were pushed out by what can and should only be
called a genocide. It should be noted that Turkey continues to deny a
genocide ever took place. But I have no problem using that word. I am
both proud to use it and baffled by the world’s continued reluctance
to call the Turks’ carefully planned and executed murder in 1915 of an
estimated 1.5 million ethnic Armenians—and the displacement of
millions more—anything but what it was. Those horrendous events and
Turkey’s refusal to acknowledge them remain central to any discussion
of Armenia—a fundamental, unifying factor in defining what it means to
be Armenian.”

Bourdain knew that his words would create a ripple effect. “It is
unlikely I will be welcome in Turkey after this show. Because I filmed
in the disputed territory of Artsakh, I was informed that I have been
PNG’d (declared officially “persona non grata”) in Azerbaijan.”

Bourdain was deeply impacted by his visit to Armenia and Artsakh. “The
connection, the collective yearning, and the flow of money, resources,
and people from the Armenian diaspora back into the homeland are
powerful and important—as you will see. They are also vital to the
nation’s survival. An astonishing amount of money is returning home
from abroad—for schools, hospitals, and institutions—to help the
country grow. And an ever larger number of overseas Armenians are
returning, to see where they came from, to enjoy the food, and to
reconnect—if they still can—with family, tradition, a way of life.”

Colleagues, friends and admirers shared their grief Friday. CNN chief
executive Jeff Zucker sent a company letter calling Bourdain “an
exceptional talent. A storyteller. A gifted writer. A world traveler.
An adventurer.”

Bourdain was twice divorced, from his first wife Nancy Putkoski; and
from his second wife, Ottavia Busia, with whom he has a daughter,
11-year-old Ariane Bourdain.

He had been dating Italian actress Asia Argento since 2017; the couple
met while Bourdain was filming “Parts Unknown” in Rome.

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4 -    Trump Commutes Sentence after Kardashian Champions Alice Johnson

(ABC News)—Alice Johnson, a 63-year-old grandmother serving a life
sentence on drug charges, had an emotional reunion with her family
Wednesday after her sentence was commuted by President Donald Trump.

The cause to release Johnson was championed by reality TV star Kim
Kardashian West, a White House official told ABC News.

Kardashian West was the one who broke the news to Johnson that she was
going to be released, Johnson told reporters outside of the prison in
Aliceville, Alabama, where she was being held. Johnson said she heard
her name called over the intercom for her to report to her case
manager when she heard Kardashian West’s voice.

“I was free,” Johnson said Kardashian West told her. “I was going to
rejoin my family.”

Johnson said she wanted to thank the president for giving her “another
chance” at life. “I feel like my life is starting over again,” she
said. “It’s a miracle day.”

When asked what it was like to see her family for the first time since
she was freed, Johnson rejoiced that she wasn’t wearing handcuffs.

“I’m free to hug my family,” she said. “I’m free to live life. I’m
free to start over. This is the greatest day of my life. My heart is
just bursting with gratitude.”

Kardashian West shared Johnson’s enthusiasm.

“Best News Ever!!” Kardashian tweeted of the news and later added
additional thanks to the administration for its efforts.

Kardashian West lawyer Shawn Holley told ABC News: “I just got off the
most wonderful, emotional and amazing phone call with Alice, Kim and
Alice’s lawyers. Kim was the one to tell Alice that she was being
released. It was a moment I will never forget. Once Alice’s family
joined the call, the tears never stopped flowing.”

A lawyer for Johnson did not immediately respond to ABC News’ requests
for comment.

“Ms. Johnson has accepted responsibility for her past behavior and has
been a model prisoner over the past two decades. Despite receiving a
life sentence, Alice worked hard to rehabilitate herself in prison,
and act as a mentor to her fellow inmates,” the White House said in a
statement announcing the commutation of her sentence.

“While this Administration will always be very tough on crime, it
believes that those who have paid their debt to society and worked
hard to better themselves while in prison deserve a second chance,”
the White House said in a statement.

Kardashian West personally advocated for a presidential pardon who, as
a first-time offender, was given a mandatory life sentence plus 25
years in 1997 for her role in a cocaine distribution ring.

In a tweet last week, the president said he and Kardashian West talked
about “prison reform and sentencing” during their recent visit in the
Oval Office of the White House. Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and
advisor also met with West to discuss his efforts on prison reform.

Kardashian West, in an interview with Mic following that visit last
week, said she felt the president listened to her concerns.

“I think that he really spent the time to listen to our case that we
were making for Alice,” Kardashian West told Mic in an interview of
her conversation with the president. “He really understood, and I am
very hopeful that this will turn out really positively.”

“Alice Marie Johnson was convicted of a nonviolent drug offense in
1996 and received a sentence far too severe for the crime: life
without the possibility of parole,” said Jennifer Turner of the ACLU
in a statement. “I’m grateful to the president for allowing Alice to
go home after 21.5 years in prison and to Kim Kardashian for her
advocacy on Alice’s behalf.”

In a recent Skype interview, Tretessa Johnson told ABC News she was
grateful that Kardashian West took an interest in her mother’s case.

“She could have just seen the video or read an article or whatever and
just said ‘oh that’s a shame’ or ‘whatever’ and went on with her life,
but she didn’t, she chose to get involved in a major way,” Johnson
said of Kardashian.

The Johnson gathered letters of recommendations from her warden and
members of Congress in their initial effort to seek clemency from
President Barack Obama.

Trump is currently considering nearly a dozen appeals for clemency on
top of the five formal pardons he has issued so far, White House
officials tell ABC News.

Administration officials say the president is not only contemplating
possible pardons – which wipes out a conviction – but also
commutations, which leave the conviction intact and on the person’s
record while reducing the punishment.

As clemency petitions work their way through the system, the president
routinely denies the “vast majority” of requests, a White House
official said.

Recently the administration notified a group of 180 petitioners that
they would not be granted presidential clemency, according to the
Justice Department.

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5 -        Corey Silverstrom: ‘A crash course in who he is’ playing for Armenia

By Robert Kuwada

(The Fresno Bee)—Corey Silverstrom is Armenian on his mother’s side,
the family roots in Harpoot.

For years, and in a tight-knit community in Fresno, that was just part
of the equation for Silverstrom. It was basketball, mostly, and more
basketball, and as a senior at Bullard High in 2013 he was the Bee’s
co-Player of the Year along with teammate Chris Russell after leading
the Knights to a third consecutive Division I title and a No. 12
ranking in the state.

At no time did Silverstrom ever think basketball and his Armenian
heritage would intersect

But after finishing his career at Chico State, they did—and in a few
days Silverstrom will be off to Yerevan, the Armenian capital, to play
with the Armenian National Team. There is a training camp, then a
tournament in Lebanon, then a game against Denmark in a pre-qualifying
game for FIBA Eurobasket 2021.

It is a chance to continue playing basketball, obviously, and could
lead to pro opportunities overseas or in the NBA G-League.

But, also, it is much more.

“I take a lot of pride in the Armenian culture,” Silverstrom said.
“Just being able to play in front of my culture, my heritage, it’s
something special.

“It’s something that I really take a lot of pride in and it has me
even more excited to play for them and get to experience where it all
started for me. My family background, getting to experience that, it’s
something I’m really looking forward to.”

Silverstrom at this point knows only the half of it, said Aragad
Abramian, who grew up in Los Angeles, played college basketball at
Saint Katherine’s College and the University of Antelope Valley, and
is on the Armenian team.

It will hit him, deeper than he knows.

“It’s a prideful thing, because you’re representing the country and
not a team,” Abramian said. “For me, it actually hit me after the
game. When I got there, it was straight business. But once you’re
playing, you see the fans and the excitement that you’re bringing to
the city after the game, the day after the game. I’d go out and people
would just be happy. You brought excitement to the whole city, the
whole country.”

In a victory over Albania in a Eurobasket 2021 pre-qualifying game in
February, Abramian scored 15 points and had 10 rebounds and five
assists. Another Armenian American, A.J. Hess, led the Armenian team
with 21 points.

“I stepped into a taxi and then the taxi driver was telling me how
happy his family was just to see us win,” Abramian said. “That was one
of the best things.”

Silverstom will get that, Abramian said, when the two do connect. He
departs Tuesday for Yerevan; a long way from his couch in Chico, where
he was lounging one afternoon when his phone rang and his basketball
career took a turn.

“I got a call from my old assistant coach at Bullard (Hovig Torigian)
and the first thing he said is, ‘Hey, how’s it going? Do you want to
play for the Armenian National Team?’

“I was like, ‘Do I want to play for the National Team? What type of
question is that?’ “

That answer, Torigian said, came quickly.

“I’ve known Corey since he was in the fifth grade,” he said. “I’ve
known his family. Mom is Armenian. Dad is American. I’m sure growing
up he got a little Armenian heritage, knowing the family dynamics. The
opportunity for him to go play over there and see the homeland where
his mom’s side of the family came from, the culture, is a good thing
for him. It’s a crash course in who he is and where his people came
from.

“But as for the basketball aspect of it, that was a no-brainer. Any
time you have chance to play for a national team that’s only going to
boost your stock in continuing basketball after college. A lot of
people know, the jump from high school to college is slim and after
college it’s even slimmer, so for him to be able to go do that, it
says a lot for him.”

Silverstrom said he didn’t know how serious the offer was after that
first call. But then there was another and another. The Armenian coach
watched tape of his games at Chico State, where as a senior he
averaged 14.6 points, 3.0 rebounds and 1.9 assists. He hit the
Internet, searching for all things Armenian Basketball. He reached out
to Abramian; along with Hess, Luke Fischer (Marquette) and Ryan
Boatright (Connecticut) also have played for the Armenian National
Team.

George Tarkanian, son of former Fresno State coach Jerry Tarkanian, is
the coach of the Armenian Under-18 team.

“It all just kind of happened,” Silverstrom said. “It’s a dream. I
look at it as an opportunity. I feel like I’ve been underrated my
whole life, so getting a chance to play against another country’s top
players and being able to do what I do to show that I belong on a big
stage is something I’ve always thought about.

“I’m just happy to have the opportunity and really blessed with it.”

This article appeared in The Fresno Bee on June 8, 2018.

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6 -        My Namesake

            By Aram Maljanian

The following is a creative writing assignment written by the author,
based on his mother’s recollections about the oral history of her
grandfather Aram Prudian. The passport (pictured, right) was issued by
the Republic of Armenia on Oct. 11, 1924, when Prudian was 18—granting
him permission to travel from Paris to Mexico City, where Prudian
lived until he moved his family to Los Angeles.

It was difficult to swallow the gold coins. The large disks clanked
against my teeth, and their metallic flavor was unpleasant. The rough
edges cut the roof of my mouth before I forcibly gulped them down with
the torn morsels of bread my mother offered. Our parents had urgently
handed the gold to my brother and me. My nine-year-old self, delighted
with the sudden gift, nearly ran off before my big brother, Vartan,
grabbed me.

We were never allowed to stick our fingers into the jars where the
coins were hidden. Vartan and I would only hear the tinkling of the
coins as they fell against the clay. Whirling around, I watched in
confusion as he and my parents, bread in one hand and gold in another,
hurriedly shared a final meal. I had no idea of what was coming: the
murder of my father, the endless marching and the coming years of
uncertainty.

Choking down the coins, my brother and I cried while my parents clung
to us in a desperate embrace. They were acting so strangely. Their
trembling faces were so quiet and so serious. I couldn’t hear their
voices above my sniffling, though I did snatch one of their whispers
which was “hokees” (my beloved).

We were crouching in the very back of our cellar when we heard the
pounding on the door. The battering fists sent palpable vibrations
throughout our home. That memory I can still feel in my feet.

The door crashed to the floor. We were separated in a flurry of dark
men who wrenched our family apart. I remember how the fiercest Turk I
had ever seen clasped my father’s shoulder, sneering insults at him.
His boot buckled my father’s knees, violently sending him to the
ground. It happened right in front of me. After the saber flashed, he
never stood again. From then on, my mind was disconnected, and I
recall little of leaving our home.

The Gendarmes forced us to march. At first, the column of sobbing
women and children wound its way among familiar buildings and streets,
but those gradually gave way to the farmland. Our province of Erzurum
was a patchwork of orchards, vineyards, and cotton fields. The
colorful spring spectacle we so enjoyed brought me no joy on that day.

No men accompanied us, except for the Gendarmes. No fathers to comfort
us, no grandfathers to protect us, no uncles to walk alongside us.
None. Trudging westward, more women and children joined us. After
every village our numbers grew with the very young and the very old
and all ages in between, but still no men. The brutal sun beat down
endlessly, singeing our unprotected skin. The nights held their own
terrors.

What we didn’t know was that the marches were meant to kill off as
many Armenians as possible. My father and mother never told me about
the series of massacres the Turks inflicted on the Armenian population
from the late 1800s, but we became part of the sequel to the Turkish
hate.

The Gendarmes forced us to march in a southwestern direction along the
Western Euphrates. This was the first time since leaving Erzurum days
ago that we could drink from the shining water. It brought life and
death to our column because many of the weakest were forcibly drowned
by the Turks. It was here that Vartan and I had to leave our mother.

At some point after the river, the Gendarmes had abandoned us to the
elements. We continued to walk for lack of knowing what else to do.

Like a mirage, a town of white tents materialized on the horizon.
White arms welcomed our shrunken band with food, water, and medicine.
We exchanged our tattered rags for clothes and our blistered feet were
shod with sandals.

I remember a truck. I remember a train. I remember a boat. These
vehicles carried my brother and me to Italy where we were separated. I
was placed in an orphanage in Milan, and Vartan was cared for by the
priests on the island of San Lazzaro in Venice.

Years of poverty and loneliness followed as I drifted through Europe,
making my way to Mexico where Vartan and I were reunited.

I recorded this account so that our family would know my story.
Because the Lord delivered me from this calamity, I hope you have a
greater purpose in your life than survival.

You are my namesake, Aram.

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7-   Novelist Aris Janigian to Serve as Master of Ceremonies for
Diocesan Debutante Ball

LOS ANGELES—The Ladies Auxiliary of the Western Diocese of the
Armenian Church of North America has announced that Aris Janigian,
critically acclaimed Armenian-American novelist, will serve as the
Master of Ceremonies for the 45th Annual Debutante Ball on Sunday,
June 24.

“The year 2018 has been dedicated to our youth. The youth, a central
focus of the community, is a large family of the faithful of Christ
whose life is defined by God’s divine love. May this evening serve as
a calling for our youth to devote themselves to the faith of our
forefathers, to rekindle in their hearts the love for their ancestral
homeland and to lead lives as noble citizens of the blessed country of
the United States of America,” said His Eminence Archbishop Hovnan
Derderian, Primate of the Western Diocese.

Aris Janigian is internationally known for three of his highly
acclaimed novels, “Bloodvine,” “Riverbig,” and “This Angelic Land,”
which uses the Armenian experience of exile, memory and assimilation
as a lens through which to explore the broader American experience.
His 2016 novel, “Waiting for Lipchitz at Chateau Marmont,” about a
screen writer who goes from riches to rags, spent 17 weeks on the Los
Angeles Times best-seller list.

Holding a PhD in psychology, from 1993 to 2005, Janigian was senior
professor of humanities at the Southern Institute of Architecture. He
has published in genres as diverse as poetry, social psychology, and
design criticism. Janigian has written extensively to advance Armenian
causes and most noteworthy were a series of letters he exchanged with
the Los Angeles Times in 2002 and with the New York Times in 2004,
that proved instrumental in getting both newspapers to quit using the
word “alleged” in reference to the Armenian Genocide.

Janigian was a contributing writer to West, the Los Angeles Times
Sunday magazine; a finalist for the William Saroyan Fiction Prize, and
the recipient of the Anahid Literary Award from Columbia University.
He was born and raised in Fresno, where he now lives with In Sun, his
wife, daughter Maria (graduating from high school in 2019) and
daughter Valentine, a Freshman at Stanford University.

“We are delighted that our guests will have the opportunity to
recognize one of the most important Armenian-American writers of his
generation,” said Ladies Auxiliary chair Cindy Norian.

************************************************************************************************

8-         Roslin Art Gallery in Glendale Celebrates ‘Queer-Armenian Art’

By Siran Babayan

In April, a teenage boy was stabbed in Yerevan, by a man who suspected
he was gay. A few months earlier, a transgender woman was beaten, her
apartment set on fire. In both cases, the attackers were released.
These are just two of the many hate crimes that have targeted LGBTQ
Armenians in recent years in Armenia, which didn’t decriminalize
homosexuality until 2003.

Coincidentally, in March, Glendale’s Roslin Art Gallery and WeHo-based
Gay and Lesbian Armenian Society (GALAS) announced they would co-host
“The Many Faces of Armenians: A Celebration of Queer-Armenian Art,” a
small but significant group show that’s the first of its kind in the
United States.

The local Armenian community, the largest of the diaspora, is home to
many Armenian artists and several Armenian galleries, not to mention
the soon-to-be-built Armenian American Museum in Glendale, slated to
open in 2022. So a show of this nature only seems fitting.

But exhibit organizers, including GALAS board member Lousine
Shamamian, admit they initially struggled to attract submissions from
queer Armenian artists, who battle the stigma of homosexuality and
pressure from their family, culture and the Armenian Orthodox Church,
the oldest Christian church in existence.

“I thought we would get bombarded by art,” says Arno Yeretzian, owner
of Roslin, which is housed inside Abril Bookstore, his 40-year-old,
family-owned business. “Based on our history, we should understand how
it feels to be the other, to be outcasts and to be oppressed. But
Armenia is pretty intolerant, and some immigrant communities outside
are even more conservative. There’s still this fear of coming out. Not
everyone is public about it.”

So the gallery expanded its criteria to include both queer and
queer-friendly artists who celebrate “notions of queerness and
otherness.” “Things came trickling in, so I got excited,” Yeretzian
says.

The show received some two dozen submissions. Among the nearly 20
participating artists, most are L.A.-based and some identify as queer.
Their mixed-media work incorporates Armenian history and iconic
symbols—the Armenian Genocide, Mount Ararat, pomegranates, etc.—that
defiantly confront not only the duality of two cultures but of being a
gay immigrant, a minority within a minority. The exhibit features
local as well as artists from abroad who have likewise embraced
queerness and otherness in their featured work such as Kamee
Abrahamian, Tarek Apelian, Mariam Arzuyan, Lisa Baroutgian, Rouzanna
Berberian, Kristine Anahit Cass, Vatche Demirdjian, Sophia Gasparyan,
Anna Kostanian, Ani (Alik) Lusparyan, Levon Mardikyan, Mari
Mansourian, Salpy Semerdjian, Gagik Vardanyan, and Seeroon Yeretzian.

Sophia Gasparian, 46, a mother of two who was born in Yerevan and
lives in Silver Lake. Gasparian’s paintings and street-style collages
often integrate images of children; her “Explain This to Your God”
features two boys holding hands with muted rainbow colors hanging
above.

“To be honest, I don’t care what the community thinks,” Gasparian
says. “What matters to me is that my children grew up open-minded. I’m
very confident with who I am. The church doesn’t decide what’s moral
for me.”

Also in the show is Levon Mardikyan, 61, who’s from Turkey, where his
family dates back centuries. Mardikyan’s prints display vintage
photographs and artifacts from Turkey alongside modern pieces, such as
“Yin Yang Yan,” which includes the announcement of his wedding to his
partner of 33 years and even their cake toppers.

“It’s symbolic of male camaraderie,” says Mardikyan, who lives in Northridge.

At 19, Ani (Alik) Lusparyan, a Cal State Los Angeles student from
Glendale, is the show’s youngest artist. Lusparyan looks not only at
the clash of being Armenian and queer but at body-image issues,
especially in “Coming Home,” a semi self-portrait of a nude woman
standing in front of the famous Mount Ararat with a forget-me-not
flower— a symbol used to commemorate the centennial of the 1915
Armenian Genocide—placed between her thighs.

“The work that I do is very intertwined with cultural, sexual and
gender-identity affirmations,” Lusparyan says. “They’re a sense of
self-love and belonging, that my ancestors created this body and I
should be proud. They show that Armenia is my home and this is my
culture and yet I can be queer and exist within these boundaries.”

Throughout the exhibit’s run, the gallery will host related events. On
Friday, June 15, there will be a film preview and fundraiser for the
in-progress cut of the science-fiction short film “Transmission”,
followed by a discussion with filmmakers Anahid Yahjian, Emily
Mkrtichian, Kamee Abrahamian, and lee williams boudakian. On Tuesday,
June 19, there will be a panel discussion titled, “Self-_expression_ in
the Armenian LGBTQ Community” featuring author/performer Nancy
Agabian, author Christopher Atamian, and GALAS president Haig
Boyadjian, moderated by Rosie Vartyter Aroush, Ph.D. On Thursday, June
21, Equality Armenia will sponsor an evening with New York-based
author Christopher Atamian, presenting his recently published book, A
Poet in Washington Heights. On Saturday, June 23, author/performer
from New York, Nancy Agabian will present a solo performance about
domestic violence exploring the power dynamics among genders titled,
“Family Returning Blows.” The exhibit will close on Thursday, June 28,
along with a talk by Rosie Vartyter Aroush, Ph.D. titled, “A Life of
Otherness: The intersection of Queerness and Armenianness within
familial and communal networks.”

“The Many Faces of Armenians: A Celebration of Queer-Armenian Art,”
runs through June 28 at Roslin Art Gallery, 415 E. Broadway, Suite
100, Glendale. For more information, call (818) 243-4112.

This article appeared in the L.A. Weekly on June 7, 2018.

**********************************************************************************************************************************************

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Remembering the ‘Iron Duke’: Former Gov. George Deukmejian lauded as aleader who ‘viewed himself as ordinary but did extraordinary things’

Orange County Register (California)
Sunday
Remembering the ‘Iron Duke’: Former Gov. George Deukmejian lauded as aleader who ‘viewed himself as ordinary but did extraordinary things’
 
By Chris Haire
 
 Read by Mark F. on 6/9 Deukmejian died May 8 at age 89. He was known as a tight-fisted, tough-on-crime governor who had a calming influence on California politics in the 1980s.
 
 
 
It was not an elegy, but an ode to a life well-lived.
 
Gov. George Deukmejian, who died last month, was remembered in a series of affectionate eulogies Saturday afternoon during a public memorial service in Long Beach, his adopted hometown.
 
Hundreds sat in the wood-paneled Terrace Theater for the “celebration of life,” as Deukmejian’s political colleagues and proteges, as well as his son, lauded the two-term Republican governor, describing him as a self-effacing but dynamic leader who reshaped California’s judicial system and reined in spending.
 
But those tasked with summing up Deukmejian’s 89-year life also spoke about a man who cherished moments of calm while away from the political fray, who held to his beliefs but was unafraid to change his mind, and who acted on what was moral, rather than what was politically expedient, even if it meant standing against his political allies.
 
“He was a good, decent, humble man,” said former Long Beach Mayor Bob Foster, “who viewed himself as ordinary, but who did extraordinary things.”
 
Deukmejian, born in upstate New York, built a 29-year career in California politics, and was highly regarded by Republicans and Democrats alike for his bipartisanship and integrity. He served as governor from 1983 to 1991. But in Long Beach, he was equally known for his decadeslong love affair with the city as for his political accomplishments.
 
During Saturday’s memorial, Foster and four other speakers led the audience through the highlights of the governor’s political career and the less well-known anecdotes of his personal life, including:
 
• The time he held firm against the gun lobby to sign a bill banning assault weapons, his actions stoked by the slaughter of children in a Stockton schoolyard.
 
• His penchant for strolling down Belmont Shore’s Second Street in search of his beloved ice cream.
 
• His determination to crack down on crime and appoint tough-willed, conservative justices.
 
• The moment when the “Iron Duke” momentarily went “soft on crime,” slapping his knee, rather than spanking one of his daughters as his wife, Gloria, had urged after the child misbehaved.
 
The soft on crime moment came, jokingly, from George Deukmejian Jr., who offered a glimpse into his father’s personal side that the public rarely saw, someone who easily blended in as the average lawn-mowing American family man.
 
“His face was familiar, but he was often misidentified,” his son said, recounting the time a museum tour guide discussed how unpronounceable she found the name Deukmejian with the governor standing in front of her.
 
There was also the time Deukmejian video recorded his son, 1 year old at the time, sitting under a Christmas tree with an electrical cord in his mouth (though the filming suddenly halted when Deukmejian realized the child aimed to bite the live wire).
 
Or the time that same troublesome son performed a splash-happy cannon ball into the pool as the governor snoozed on a raft.
 
“People say my dad never cursed,” Deukmejian Jr. said, reminiscing about how his bratty behavior often derailed his dad’s frequent longing for peace and quiet. “But he called me the offspring of a female house pet.”
 
The audience erupted, laughing and applauding.
 
The other speakers were:
 
• Marv Baxter, a retired California Supreme Court justice who recalled that Deukmejian set his sites on the governor’s job “because the attorney general doesn’t appoint judges, the governor does.”
 
• Ken Khachigan, Deukmejian’s senior campaign strategist and a family friend, who portrayed how revered the governor became in the Armenian community.
 
• Steve Merksamer, the governor’s chief of staff from 1983 to 1987, who detailed the tough choices his boss and mentor made as the state’s chief executive.
 
The trio, as well as Foster, rattled off Deukmejian’s political accomplishments: appointing more than 1,000 justices, boosting the assault-weapons ban, balancing the state budget without raising taxes and persuading the University of California Board of Regents to divest from companies in then-racially segregated South Africa. Nelson Mandela himself acknowledged that California’s policy shifts helped bring an end to apartheid.
 
“He was a wonderful man,” Baxter said. “And a great governor.”
 
Merksamer, who once worked in the state attorney general’s office, remembered meeting with Deukmejian during his campaign to become California’s chief prosecutor in 1978. Deukmejian wanted to meet with Merksamer and another colleague to learn more about the attorney general’s office and how it operated.
 
“He didn’t ask for contributions, didn’t talk about himself at all,” Merksamer said. “He just wanted to know how the system could be made better. And he picked up the check, too.”
 
The speakers spoke kindly of Gloria, who at one point received a standing ovation, for her ability to endure the scrutiny of the public eye as the state’s first lady and raise her and Deukmejian’s children largely out of the limelight.
 
The couple’s son described her as someone who mourned for her husband but didn’t wear her heart on her sleeve and was strong for her family.
 
“Clearly, she’s running the family now,” he said.
 
And Foster said of Deukmejian: “He married well.”
 
But the eulogies were not the only moments that provided insight into the governor’s personality.
 
The Long Beach Symphony Players performed a medley of George Gershwin compositions from “An American in Paris.” The up-tempo brass-band tunes were some of Deukmejian’s favorites, said Donna Lucas, a former Deukmejian staffer who emceed the memorial.
 
And there were two videos — “a life in pictures” montages — one of career highlights, the other of the family man.
 
The former showed pictures of Deukmejian with President Ronald Reagan and Bob Hope, sound bites and videos from speeches, and him dancing with Gloria at his inaugural ball.
 
The latter montage showed photos of Deukmejian with Santa Claus, at his children’s weddings and spending time at home.
 
The final photo showed Deukmejian’s back as he sat on a bench, on the pier, looking out at the ocean.
 
It looked as if the governor, so used to the clamor of Sacramento, was at last enjoying a little of that peace and quiet he so coveted.

Knesset Approves Debate on Recognizing Armenian Holocaust

The Jewish Press


Knesset Passes Motion to Vote on Armenian Genocide

Hamodia
Wednesday,
Armenians marched long distances before being massacred in Turkey in 1915. (AP Photo)

YERUSHALAYIM

Wednesday, at 2:58 pm | ט' סיון תשע"ח

While the diplomatic crisis with Turkey churns onward, the Knesset decided on Wednesday to put recognition of the Armenian Genocide to a vote for the first time.

Meretz chairwoman Tamar Zandberg, who advanced the issue, declared that “this is our moral and historic obligation. Some things are above politics.”

Until now, Israel has avoiding taking a formal stand on the question of whether the massacre of an estimated 1.5 million Armenians by Turkish forces in World War I should be classified as genocide. Turkey has made its sensitivities about the matter known — that it rejects the allegation — and Israeli officials have put relations with Turkey above the questions of history and morality.

The motion passed 16-10 in a mostly empty plenum. A vote on the recognition itself will probably take place next Tuesday, according to Zandberg’s office.

Zandberg and Knesset Speaker Yuli Edelstein, who supports the move, sought to dispel the impression that the bill was introduced in retaliation for Turkey’s hostile actions in recent days, including expulsion of the Israeli ambassador, calling for an investigation of the Gaza bloodshed and threatening a boycott of Israeli goods.

“The Knesset must recognize the Armenian Genocide because it’s the right thing to do, as people and as Jews,” Edelstein said. “For years I’ve been calling to fulfill this moral obligation.”

At the same time, Edelstein said he is “embarrassed to hear elected and public officials talking about the recognition of the genocide as an appropriate Zionist response to Turkey’s despicable acts after recent events on the Gaza border.

“Since when does Ankara pull the strings on our morality? Does history change according to our relations with a ruler like Erdogan?” Edelstein asked.

Zandberg refuted the link to the current tensions with Ankara, noting that she submitted the motion before they started, and that Meretz has done so on the closest possible date to Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day, on April 24th, each year since 1989.

Among the 29 countries that have officially recognized the Armenian Genocide are Canada, France, Germany, Russia, Lebanon and Syria.

Jacqueline Karaaslanian announces about termination of LUYS Foundation activities

Armenpress News Agency , Armenia
Thursday
Jacqueline Karaaslanian announces about termination of LUYS Foundation activities
 
 
YEREVAN, MAY 10, ARMENPRESS. Founding Executive Director of Luys Foundation of LUYS Foundation Jacqueline Karaaslanian has announced about the termination of the activities of the Foundation. ARMENPRESS reports Jacqueline Karaaslanian posted an open letter on the Facebbok page of the Foundation, which runs as follows,
 
“Nine years ago exactly, then President Serzh Sargsyan and Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan of Armenia offered me the opportunity to head LUYS, their newly created and visionary Education Foundation. The goal was to grow a generation of critical thinkers and innovators to ensure that Armenia will thrive and participate on an equal footing with leading nations.
 
Giving youth access to the best education meant empowering them to question everything and become agents of change for the country. Our LUYS Website went live on May 9th 2009 and we started granting scholarships to Armenian students accepted at the world’s top universities.
 
LUYS has been one of the greatest adventures in my life. I began my work in education with the Centre Mondial Informatique et Resources Humaines, a program supported by Francois Mitterrand, France’s President at the time, in order to bring technology education to every citizen in the world. I then joined the founding members of MIT’s Media Lab lead by Nicholas Negroponte along with 12 exceptional world Scientists such as Seymour Papert and Marvin Minsky, the founding fathers of Artificial Intelligence. The MIT Media Lab researchers and scholars are often described as the inventors of the Future obsessed with making the world a better place.
 
Learning combined with action to create positive change is the MIT Know-how that I brought into Luys. I was blessed to work with the most amazing, daring and diverse group of passionate Armenian scholars and scientists, some 550 of them engaging in building the new knowledge economy of the Republic of Armenia.
 
Today, I wish to express my deep gratitude to the Founders of LUYS, its Scholars, my incredibly smart and dedicated Staff, the many Advisers and Friends and the community we created together. What an enriching experience it has been to work and continuously learn and grow with you all.
 
During these past weeks Armenia has been the center of the world’s attention for an unparalleled set of events that lead to a change of government while keeping peace and understanding on all sides. This incredible accomplishment is to be credited to all who now stand together to imagine and build the future of Armenia.
 
“Armenia rewards the Bold”. This is the best description and tag line that comes to my mind and that I am borrowing from GK Brand Armenia.
 
Today May 10th 2018 is the day that the Luys Staff and myself have been asked to cease our work serving the LUYS Foundation. I wish to reassure all present scholars and already registered ones for 2018-2019 that their scholarships will be honored. Official communications will issue further information.
 
Change is growth. It always comes with a shift of mindsets and power. It teaches us to let go, give and create. As the Luys motto would state; Learn, Do, Co-create. LUYS has delivered on its promise during these past nine years. Today a new era is born.
 
Let us all remember that Knowledge is power and shows the path to prosperity when it is combined with the language of peace and trust. Armenia must continue investing in education.
 
Investing in Knowledge and Youth is our only way to building a thriving Armenia. I firmly believe that education is the solution to every present and emerging global challenge.
 
Today, I take leave of LUYS with gratitude to all my fellow Armenians and always with trust in the future ahead”.
 
ENGLISH: Editor/Translator –Tigran Sirekanyan

A new chapter for Armenia | View

EuroNews
May 8 2018
 
 
A new chapter for Armenia | View
 
By Qnar Manoukyan
 
I live and work in Yerevan, Armenia’s capital. When the great news was announced about Nikol Pashinyan being elected as the new prime minister, I was on my way to Republic Square, in the heart of the city.
 
It is very hard to express with words what I’ve witnessed today. This is a rebirth, a new awakening of the Armenian nation. I have never seen my country so thrilled, in the best meaning of the word. People of all ages, backgrounds and mindsets are sharing in this united victory. Most of them are in white t-shirts with Pashinyan’s picture or with the word “dukhov,” which means courage. They are singing, dancing, crying, smiling, hugging and congratulating each other. When the name of the new prime minister was announced everyone started chanting “yes/victory/Nikol.” May is a month of victories for Armenians and now another immense triumph has been added to the list. Yerevan is one big party now.
 
I am extremely proud to live in this period of my country’s history. Armenia has been in socio-economical, political crisis. It has been corrupted. Things seemed like they couldn’t get any worse. Today, everyone hopes only for positive changes in the future. We hope to become a developed, successful country where everyone has equal rights and opportunities.
 
Last year, I spent the second semester of my Master’s degree in Kyiv, at the Taras Shevchenko National University. I was very excited and eager to understand the Maidan revolution. Every time I walked the streets where historic events had unfolded, I was curious, asking myself why the Ukrainians succeeded and why we, in Armenia, could not do the same. I left the country believing the answer was that the right time had not yet arrived. Now, we have joined the “people of freedom.”
 
As a representative of Armenia’s young generation, I feel responsible for shaping the future of my country through civil society. I first joined the protests against the government in April. I was involved in closing the streets and was present every evening in Republic Square. I was inspired by the organisational part of the movement. There were calls for peaceful demonstrations and non-violent acts. Hope united many: not only in Yerevan and other major cities, but also villages, universities and schools. Obviously, it was time for change.
 
Qnar Manoukyan (third from right) and friends during Armenia's Velvet Revolution protests (supplied by author)
 
Civil disobedience in Armenia has taken place many times before with different consequences. From my personal perspective, the Armenian people are what make this, the Velvet Revolution, remarkable. There is no other example of such a peaceful civil disobedience in our history, where people sang or danced, did not clash with police, had barbecues on the streets and had fun. It was organized and accomplish only by Armenians without any foreign influence. Another important factor was a leader who could unite, inspire and take initiative.
 
I hope it will take a very short time to reap the benefits of the revolution. I’m content with the prime minister’s plans both at the national and international level. The prime minister made an announcement today on foreign policy, stressing that Armenia would continue to strengthening its ties with the EU, with a vision to liberalise the visa regime and implement the new partnership agreement. This will open new professional opportunities for Armenians and will reinforce the Armenia-EU relationship.
 
The Velvet Revolution is complete. It was about people and for people. We have started a better and brighter page of history.
 
Qnar Manoukyan is a graduate of Yerevan State University’s Regional Master’s Programme in Human Rights and Democratization in the Caucasus.
 
Opinions expressed in View articles are not those of euronews.
 

What explains Russia’s uncharacteristic indifference to the revolution in Armenia?

Brookings Institution
May 7 2018


Pavel K. Baev 
Monday, May 7, 2018

he April revolution in Armenia came as a huge surprise to the Russian leadership, as it did for most stakeholders in the multiple conflicts in the Caucasus. But you’d expect that Moscow would have been better informed. There had been expert warnings about the brewing discontent in this impoverished South Caucasian state, but the Kremlin is not generally interested in even moderately independent expertise. President Vladimir Putin called and “warmly congratulated” the Moscow-friendly Serzh Sargsyan when he was appointed prime minister in mid-April (although by protocol, he didn’t have to), and from that moment, the Russian official and mainstream media completely ignored the street protests in the Armenian capital of Yerevan.

That silence stimulated rather than tempered fierce debates on this turmoil in Russian social media networks. Putin pays scant attention to these sources, but his briefings tell him mostly what he wants to hear, and this tightly managed information flow possibly reinforced the self-deception in the proverbial Kremlin corridors that nothing of import was happening. Sargsyan’s resignation on April 23 came, therefore, as a shock, and while the propaganda machine scrambled to explain it away, Putin was—not for the first time during his long reign—paralyzed into inaction. In the crucial two weeks when opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan advanced his claim for the position of prime minister, Moscow remained indifferent and uncharacteristically aloof, which will definitely have serious repercussions not only for the Russian-Armenian relations, but also for Russia’s profile in the international arena.

The dominant discourse in Russia on the subject of revolutions has been strongly negative, in contrast with the Soviet glorification of this phenomenon as an “engine of progress.” The proposition that a forceful overthrow of legitimate order brings only chaos and violence is accepted as a political axiom, while discussions on such politically incorrect issues as the “right for rebellion” are reduced to the margins of blogosphere. This fierce condemnation goes beyond the rational stance of an authoritarian regime, which firmly controls the elections and finds street protests a threat to its existence. Vladimir Putin tends to take this issue personally, still feeling the old profound shock from watching helplessly as angry crowds marched by the Dresden KGB headquarters back in November 1989 and, more recently, reflecting on the horrible end of Muammar Gadhafi.

What makes this natural rejectionism particularly aggressive is the assertion that the so-called “color revolutions” in Russia’s neighborhood—as well as the hopeful Arab Spring in the Middle East—were instigated and manipulated by the United States and the European Union. The elevation of conspiracy theories to the level of state policy makes Russia’s opposition to various attempts at forceful “regime change” a part of its fast-evolving confrontation with the West. In portraying himself as a champion of counter-revolution, Putin claims leadership in the global resistance against the U.S. policy of preserving its eroding “hegemony.” The “color revolutions” were even defined as a new form of warfare, despite scant enthusiasm among the top brass for elaborating on this theoretical innovation.

Moscow’s lack of response to the explosion of street protests in Yerevan goes strikingly against this ideological counter-revolutionary stance. For sure, there were no anti-Russian or pro-EU slogans in the peaceful rallies across Armenia, and Pashinyan asserted that the alliance with Russia would remain strong—this allowed opinion-influencers in Moscow to venture that the unfolding crisis was different from “color revolutions.” In the previous series of street protests in summer 2015, friendship with Russia was also never questioned, but it didn’t stop Moscow from inventing Western interference. Explaining the new Russian passivity is hard to find, but Syria may well be a part of it.

Many intentions and ambitions determined Putin’s risky decision to launch a military intervention into the Syrian civil war in September 2015, and a prominent one among them was the perceived need to stop and push back the wave of revolutions. The explosion of social anger in the Arab world and the uprising in Ukraine were caused by vastly different drivers, but from Moscow’s perspective, the Tahrir and the Maidan were parts of the same Western conspiracy. By early 2018, however, the Arab Spring retreated, leaving behind two collapsed states (Libya and Yemen), two forcefully suppressed upheavals (Bahrain and Egypt), and only one success story (Tunisia), while the Ukrainian breakthrough degenerated into political squabbles in Kiev and military deadlock in Donbass. Syria is no longer a key battlefield in the struggle against revolutions, but just a permanently mutating violent disaster. Putin declared “victory” in the war against the rebels of various persuasions, only to find Russian forces entrapped in new spasms of fighting.

Moscow is stuck with an ostracized dictator who can only sustain his grasp on power with large-scale military support from Russia and Iran, but this “brotherhood-in-arms” involves all sorts of troubles. The Russian forces stay clear from the escalating conflict between Iran and Israel in Syria, as well as from the fighting between the Turkish army and the Kurdish forces, while trying to preserve the “de-conflicting” mode with U.S. forces. This complicated maneuvering means that Putin’s order to reduce Russian forces cannot be executed, because without a good many boots on the ground, Russia cannot influence the new post-ISIS phase of the Syrian war and cannot ensure security of its two bases (Khmeimin and Tartus). This imperative to sustain the intervention signifies a protracted stress for the Russian navy and air-space forces—and undercuts the ability to launch new military interventions.

At the moment when politics were heating up in Armenia, Russia’s Syrian engagement was not only demanding more resources from Moscow (for instance, for rebuilding the Syrian air defense system), but was also demanding attention to the fast-transforming crisis. Meanwhile, there were escalating tensions in U.S.-Russia relations after the U.S. Treasury enforced new heavy-hitting sanctions, which compelled some mainstream Moscow experts to question whether the Trump administration really aimed at undermining the elite support for Putin’s regime. The need to monitor the developments on the Korean peninsula, where Russia’s exposure is high but the impact is low, was another source of stress, so the system of political decisionmaking in Moscow faced significant overload, which inevitably results in miscalculations and procrastinations.

Russia’s political system is centralized to the extreme—and that the attention span of the “decider” is inevitably limited.

The proposition that the non-response to the crisis in Armenia was a mistake might appear far-fetched, but it rests on the fact that Russia’s political system is centralized to the extreme—and that the attention span of the “decider” is inevitably limited. Since the start of the Ukraine crisis in early 2014, Putin has shown little interest in the conflict transformations in the Caucasus, and never developed a particular chemistry with Sargsyan. The quick end to the escalation of fighting in Nagorno Karabakh in April 2016 was taken as proof positive of Russia’s capacity for controlling the status quo. The Kremlin administration was also quite preoccupied with ensuring that no undesirable disturbance would upset Putin’s presidential inauguration on May 7. It is quite possible that Putin’s aids dismissed Pashinyan’s Gandhi-style march across Armenia in early April as a mere theater by a marginal trouble-maker.

While a military intervention was certainly out of the question, Moscow has mastered the application of a wide range of hybrid means that could have been effectively deployed in support of the friendly dictator-in-distress in Yerevan. But Moscow missed the right moment for such indirect power projection, and even Pashinyan’s high-impact posts on Facebook were not attacked by the infamous Russian troll factories. Corruption, which is the main irritant for Armenians, has produced many profitable links between Moscow and Yerevan that are ideally suited for manipulating elites and crowds; yet, they remained idle. That Sargsyan made the hard decision to say “I was wrong,” rather than ask Moscow for emergency support, is testament to the strength of a very particular war-forged Armenian political culture that remains profoundly incomprehensible for the Kremlin. His astounding resignation could have triggered an over-reaction from Russia, but Putin couldn’t find a counterpart to connect with and wasn’t inclined to grace the intrigues of the beleaguered Republican party with his attention.

Russia’s ability to provide security guarantees to post-Soviet autocrats is seriously compromised.

In hindsight, a wise analyst might suggest that if Moscow had attempted a hybrid intervention in the Armenian crisis and failed, the damage to its international positions would have been significantly greater. The chances for forcefully suppressing the protests at their early stages were, however, as good as in Moscow, where peaceful rallies on May 5 were brutally dispersed, so the Kremlin’s rather unconvincing pose of “non-interference in internal affairs” is dubious. It is possible that the unsatisfactory experiences from Syria informed Moscow’s self-restraint, as resources for proactive foreign policy moves are now assessed with greater care. The Occam’s razor explanation, however, leaves an observer with the notion that Putin and his court made the mistake of ignoring the beginning of the explosive crisis—but avoided the more serious blunder of attempting a belated intervention. Russia’s ability to provide security guarantees to post-Soviet autocrats is seriously compromised, but a reproduction in Moscow of a joyful triumph of street democracy in Yerevan remains rather improbable.

https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2018/05/07/what-explains-russias-uncharacteristic-indifference-to-the-revolution-in-armenia/



The Critical Corner – 05/07/2018

A History of Armenian Critical Thought… 
 
Armenian News Network / Armenian News
May 7, 2018
By Eddie Arnavoudian

The criticism of an unjust, iniquitous social order, of oppressing and exploiting states and ruling classes is not a Marxist invention! The intellectual critique of foreign and domestic states and elites forms a solid axis in the cultural and intellectual legacy of every nation. Among Armenians too, besides the sycophantic, self-serving glorification of ugly elites, by hired pens of a kept intelligentsia, often priestly, there is an ancient critical tradition worthy of recall and recovery. 
 
From 5th century Moses of Khoren whose powerful ‘Complaint’ against the Armenian ruling establishment startles with contemporary relevance, to 20th century novelist Shirvanzade’s denunciations of heartless Armenian capitalists in Baku, the history of Armenian critical thought shines with challenges to the devastation of community and national life by foreign and domestic elites. 
 
Today when every radical criticism of society (or indeed even the mildest – by Jeremy Corbyn in Britain for example) is denounced or dismissed as dangerous or irrelevant Bolshevism, a reminder of the history of Armenian critical questioning of power can inspire us to hold firm as we battle against forces that today destroy not just community and nation but the very natural world in which these must exist. 
 
 
Part IV: The 18th Century Bourgeois Age
 
I. The Madras Troika
Unlike Britain or France, Armenia did not have a bourgeois revolution that ridding itself of the feudal order and absolute monarchy would set the basis for the evolution of a constitutional democratic republic or state. Nevertheless flowing from specific and peculiar historical, social and economic circumstances the history of Armenian thought registers a coherent and comprehensive 18th century ideological challenge to Ottoman and Iranian feudal occupation and to the Church-dominated Armenian feudal order, a challenge that runs together with a vision of an independent, democratic constitutional Armenian state. 
 
The outstanding exponents of this 18th century worldview were the troika of Joseph Emin (1726-1809), Movses Baghramian (c1720s-c1790s) and Shahamir Shahamirian (1723-1797). All three were rooted or anchored in a hugely wealthy Armenian merchant class settled in Madras, India, with parents or grandparents often hailing from historical Armenia. Born in Iranian Hamadan, Emin and family migrated to India where they prospered as merchants (See Note 1). Originally from Garabagh, Baghramian lived in New Julfa and after adventurous journeys through Russia and the east he settled in Madras where he became tutor to Shahamir Shahamirian’s children. The latter’s birthplace is unknown but his family had also moved from New Julfa to settle in Madras where he made his fortune in the jewelry trade. In 1771 Shahamirian opened his famous printing presses that published the Troika’s works and attracted the rage of the heads of the Armenian Church in Etchmiadzin.  
 
Introducing us to the thought of this Madras Troika, Gevorg Grigoryan’s ‘From the History of Progressive Armenian Socio-Political Thought’ (208pp, 1957, Yerevan) shows them not just as thinkers but as activists reaching out to Armenian forces in western Ottoman and eastern Iranian occupied Armenia as well to the Georgian and Russian monarchies with the ambition of building a united front to liberate Armenian lands from Ottoman and Iranian occupation.
 
The Troika’s political ambition went further. Their opposition to foreign occupation was premised on opposition to the feudal order. In the wake of the liberation of Armenia their intent was to remove the Church-dominated Armenian feudal order and replace it with a democratic, constitutional state after the fashion of the UK. Here the Constitution that described the Madras Troika’s political vision represented a sort of anti-feudal, anti-colonial bourgeois manifesto for struggle, right up to and including armed struggle if necessary.
 
For the Troika an independent Armenian state was envisaged as a safe haven for Armenian commercial and merchant capital that operating in international markets without the protection of its own state was beginning to be challenged and undermined by European competitors. Though limited by their class and their times, their vision had nevertheless a radical, even revolutionary dimension. It was fashioned not only by opposition to imperial domination, by opposition to Armenian Church feudalism, but also by an honourable internationalism and by substantial elements of a state welfare system for the common people. 
 
Leo who was often zealous in his denunciation of wealthy Armenian capitalist merchants, was unrestrained in his enthusiasm for the Troika. To the Armenian community they offered, he wrote ‘the cutting edge of European progressive thought’, ‘the most advanced then available’.  In his opinion Movses Baghramian was ‘a revolutionary thinker’ and the hugely wealthy Shahamir Shahamirian was ‘that Indian domiciled revolutionary jeweler’. Both, together with the ‘small circle of Madras and India based merchants’, glowed liked ‘extreme red revolutionaries’. 
 
Leo’s enthusiasm is understandable. The Troika’s intellectual legacy shows them to have contributed a noteworthy anti-colonial and anti-feudal chapter to the history of modern Armenian thought. These men were oppositionists in the best sense, critics and not just of foreign foes but of domestic forces blocking national progress and development. They were men who looked, found wanting, and sought to act! 
 
 
II. The historical and economic foundations
Historically the path for organic, territorially based Armenian bourgeois economic, social and political development was destroyed twice. The 9th-11th century Bagratouni state had registered substantial economic advance producing seeds of potential capitalist development. In 1049 it fell to Byzantine machinations from the west and Seljuk invasion from the east. Armenian elites readily abandoned their homeland and begun to set up base across the globe. 
 
Not all elites left. In eastern Armenia right into the 16th century stubborn resistance with efforts to recover statehood were accompanied by economic growth that by the late 16th and early 17th centuries formed a new hub for a national revival. The process was cut short by the 1500-1639 Hundred Year Ottoman-Iranian war and the forcible deportation of entire Armenians communities from developing homelands into Iran there to serve Iranian economic development. (See 17th century Arakel Tavrizhetsi’s ‘The History’ – a compelling and tragic account. For a comment you can visit ‘The Critical Corner’ 02/29/2016 at http://www.tcc/tcc-20160229.html)
 
Driving a sturdy merchant class out of Armenian homelands Shah Abbas’s deportations blocked the development of Armenian forces of production in Armenia proper. A new wave of Armenian merchants and traders spread across the globe. British occupied India was one site for settlement. There Armenian capital amassed huge wealth. Acting collectively they formed joint enterprises and began to extend into small scale manufacturing, purchasing plantations and other sources of raw materials. On his death Shahamirian left a fortune of 23 million roubles. He was just one among a group of wealthy merchants that included Shehmiranian, Khojajanian, the Raffaelian brothers, Karamanian, Ohanjanian, Geragian, Babajanian and many others (p25-26). 
 
Together Armenian merchants and capitalists wielded a degree of such economic power that it forced concessions from British imperialism. Representing a significant force in the British occupied Indian economy in 1688 the British East India Company felt compelled to codify equal rights for Armenian capital. Armenian capital grew rapidly, developing its own independent interests. But as British power grew, as it drove out Dutch and French competitors, its unappeased hunger for profit, and its fear of a potentially significant commercial rival pushed it to turn on Armenian wealth. 
 
Armenian capital resisted. It drew up a programme for Armenian autonomy in Madras (p123). It joined Indian forces in revolts against British authority. In 1763 Armenians joined Mir Gassim Ali’s armed uprising. Among the rebel army’s leadership was famous Armenian merchant Grigor Haroutyounianan. The Indian rebel army also included an Armenian battalion. But by 1772, having fortified their subjugation of India, the British made their anti-Armenian move: An act of Parliament rescinded Armenian capital’s privileges. Armenian capital in India was endangered!
 
Beyond India, Armenian wealth had developed in Western Europe, in Russia, in Poland and Ukraine. But here too as in India, European capitals undergoing national development began assault on Armenian business (See the concise ‘History of the Armenian People’, Yerevan, 1975, pp696-697). Across the world Armenian merchants and traders began to feel the fragility of positions that lacked the protection of independent statehood. So the more combative representatives of an emerging globally-based Armenian bourgeois class began to contemplate the restoration of independent Armenian statehood as an effective guardian of their interests. Among them there were significant divergences of vision
 
Within the Tsarist empire where Armenian commerce was prominent in the Northern Caucuses and Astrakhan men such as Hovsep Arghoutian produced an outline of Armenian statehood that in contrast to the Troika represented a right wing clerical programme seeking to restore Armenian feudal estates and relations, within which commercial capital would operate. Against such trends it was the intellectual representatives of India-based Armenian wealth menaced by British greed who elaborated the most progressive platform for an independent and democratic Armenian state as a safe harbour for their wealth accumulation. 
 
 
III. The philosophy and the constitution
Hovsep Emin has left us a gripping and illuminating autobiography, the ‘Life and Adventures of Joseph Emin’ (1792, written in English; a 1918 edition has a substantial stock of Emin’s letters). Baghramian’s legacy is the first Armenian language socio-political pamphlet (‘Նոր Տետրակ որ Կոչի Յորդորակ’ 1772) that underlines the principle of political organization that he opposed to the individualism he had noted in Armenian life (p48). Shahamirian’s exhaustive and all-encompassing ‘Constitution’ (Որոգայթ Փարաց 1773) details the entire structure of an independent democratic Armenia. These offer a full description of the Troika’s world view, in their democratic virtues and their sometimes terrible backwardness.
 
The Troika’s outlook was shaped by the conservative wing of European and British Enlightenment philosophy and politics. They were opposed to the 1789 French revolution (p128-129) and were indiscriminate admirers of Europe who never referred to its brutal slave-owning foundations. Emin for example lauds European education thus:
‘If the Europeans had not devoted themselves to education and that in one of the smallest regions of the globe, they would not have been able to stand against Asia or Africa, and moreover they would not have discovered and civilized America (p71).’
 
One gasps and moves on! The Madras Troika were also Christians ascribing nature’s and humanity’s existence to divine creation (p57-58).
 
Yet in the context of Ottoman and Iranian occupation and of the collaborationist feudal Armenian Church that dominated 18th century life Emin, Baghramian and Shahamirian were bourgeois radicals, even revolutionaries. In their Christianity one could say they represented a sort of anti-feudal liberation theology that put the Bible to good democratic use. The Biblical narrative of creation here formed a pillar. Shahamirian:
‘In his struggle against feudal absolutism and against the class rule of the feudal Church, in his affirmation of the rights, the  freedom and equality of the individual and in defence of a rational organisation of society…based himself on the Christian principle that God created all men and women as equal. (p62)
 
Arguing that ‘God created everyone equal’ Joseph Emin opposes absolutist and feudal servitude:
‘A rational person cannot willingly become slave to someone else and must be especially careful not to accept the superiority of his own Christian brethren, for God has created all of them equal…(p78)’
 
Christian convictions were combined with aspects of Enlightenment philosophy and natural law. All human ill, all woe and suffering are born of obscurantism and ignorance, of prejudice and irrationality that conceal Divine and natural truths. Overcome these with education, reason and enlightenment and men and women can begin to create a social order in harmony with their human essence. ‘On earth’ writes Shahamirian ‘man/woman are born naturally equal (p79)’. The rule of law and of constitutional government as the most rational form of social organisation flows from this Divine and natural equality. In contrast, the danger of individual tyranny and of absolute rule is evident, Shahamirian writes, in Armenian history: 
‘Absolute monarchy, individual rule and authority and willful individual action have been the cause of the infinite troubles that have befallen Armenia and the Armenian nation… (These) have reduced us from a state of nobility and happiness to that of being enslaved by others. We have become objects of insult and scorn (p82-83).’
 
This was the starting point of the Troika’s criticism of the Armenian Church that they judged to be an obstacle to national liberation, progress and development. According to Emin:
‘Generally in the last few centuries the Armenian Church and clergy has not only not helped to liberate the Armenian people from the Turkish-Iranian yoke, but in preaching …patience and obedience it has held them back from struggle…has reconciled men to submissiveness…(and)  has destroyed their will to fight… (The Church) ‘…shackles the Armenian people’s spirit (p63-64, 69).’
 
Baghramian asserted that the Church should have no leadership role in the national struggle. It should not even be a partner! Arguing that ‘a layperson has no right to interfere in the affairs of the Church’ he concluded that the clergy ‘should have no right to interfere in the work of the secular world (p65)
 
And so from remote Madras, without reference to the actual Armenian conditions and forces, Shahamirian produced his inspired Constitution, a veritable statement of struggle against Iranian, Ottoman and Armenian feudalism, ironically first published in 1789! The new democratic state was to be headed by an elected legislative assembly and an executive, with its own army and its own judicial systems. The Constitution proclaimed all people equal before the law, irrespective of gender, race, nationality and religion. It encouraged the development of trade and markets by removing a broad band of feudal restrictions (p120-121).  
 
Besides its democratic structures, this Constitution had substantial features of a national welfare system, a social democratic dimension one could say. After meeting requirements of national security, all state income was to be devoted to health and education. A hospital was to be built in every town. Other clauses catered for orphans, for those unable to work and for the elderly who had no family (p116). Separating Church and state, education would be removed from Church hands (Clauses 155, 156 and 397 of the Constitution) and become obligatory for both sexes. With education and enlightenment always central to the Troika, the Constitution required schools to be set up in every town and village (p118). Additionally proposals for a humane prison regime insisted on cleanliness, healthy conditions while also allowing for weekend home visits and even conjugal rights.  
 
Its progressive and democratic qualities notwithstanding, this was a bourgeois nationalist Constitution designed to benefit an Armenian capitalist and landowning class. So even as all nationalities were deemed equal before the law (Clause 2, 3, 10, 128) and even as there was to be complete religious freedom (Clause 5) the Constitution decisively discriminates. It secures Armenians, and only those belonging to the official Armenian Church, the dominant and leading role in political and economic life. 
 
Only Armenians, men, not women and only those affiliated to the official Armenian Church could be elected to public office (p104)!  To secure Armenian economic primacy, at a time when agriculture was still dominant, the Constitution stipulated that only Armenian men affiliated to the Armenian Church could own land (p104)! No account was taken of the multi-national citizenry of an imagined democratic Armenia! Here another underlining of the breach between the objective reality of the homeland and the Troika’s ambitions, revealing a narrow bourgeois nationalist class dimension.
 
Armenian women like non-Armenians were subject to discrimination that made them second class citizens. Despite formal equalities, despite opposition to what was termed the ‘Asiatic’ abuse of women, despite women’s rights to education and the prohibition of forced marriage, the Constitution offers women no role in public economic and political life. And shockingly in the sphere of family law they alone, not the man, would be punishable if unfaithful in conjugal relations (p114)!
 
Representing the political dreams of a segment of Armenia capital being edged out from British occupied India Shahamirian’s Constitution bore little or no relation to actual political, social, economic and demographic conditions in Armenian homelands. But its democratic and social foundation, its anti-imperial and anti-feudal thrust despite its awful limits, reserves for it a valuable place in the history of Armenian democratic thought. Significantly and thought provokingly in all their endeavours the Troika strove for Armenian freedom conscious of the rights of the Georgian and Aghvan peoples too (p133-136, 142,143, 179, 181, 188-190).
 
 
IV. The struggle for statehood 
Emin, Baghramian and Shahamirian were no desk-bound dreamers. Opposed to the selfish egoism so prevalent in public life today, for the Troika the highest form of civic virtue, of public service was active patriotism! Emin indeed turned down a lucrative career in the Russian Tsar’s army to devote his energies to the national struggle despite impossible odds. Men of action, to advance their aims they sought direct links with political and social forces in Armenia. 
 
Mature foundations and social forces for the realisation of an independent Armenian republic did not exist in historic Armenia. Nevertheless the Troika’s efforts did coincide with significant national political fermentation in both Ottoman and Iranian controlled Armenia, most particularly in the eastern Armenia semi-autonomous principalities of Garabagh. With these forces the Troika sought to establish active political relations.
 
Though the Garabagh principalities had lost position and power since the failure of their 1720s uprising against Ottoman and Iranian power, they remained prominent enough for Emin, Baghramian and Shahamirian to regard them as decisive forces for Armenian liberation.  In his history that covers the period Leo writes that for the Madras activists Garabagh was ‘the base for the entire Armenian liberation movement and so they ‘strove to generalize the Garabagh movement across the entire Armenian land and nation (Leo p314 and 282).’
 
Ferment for liberation was also evident in western Armenia, particularly in the region of Mush-Sassoun where the destruction of Armenian life and of their communities was driving people to the edge. The scale of catastrophe is underlined by a frank contemporary Turkish historian who tells of destruction, of forced labour and super-exploitation (See ‘History of Armenia’, 1972, Volume IV, p203). In Mush Emin established relations with Bishop Hovann, progressive leader of the Armenian Church in the region (See Note 2). They discussed projects of liberation that included possible armed uprisings against Ottoman forces. 
 
The paucity of local forces in a contest against Ottoman and Iranian power led the Madras Troika to seek Tsarist aid. This turn to a great power was not however the usual manifestation of Armenian dependency politics. The Troika, and especially Shahamirian, attempted to act as an independent not comprador trend of Armenian wealth. Shahamirian’s Constitution grants Tsarism a prime role in liberating Armenia from Ottoman and Iranian clutches but insists that Tsarist Russia respect the Armenian constitution and does not attempt to impose Russian feudal relations on the land (p139-140). It also demands that as the Armenian state built up its own defences Tsarist troops steadily withdraw from Armenia (p141-142).
 
In the late 1750s and 1760s Emin and Baghramian travelled through Armenia, Georgia and Russia negotiating, mobilising and working to build alliances with Mush and Garabagh as well as with the Georgian and Russian monarchies. Shahmirian, though he never left Madras, maintained systematic correspondence with Garabagh principalities and the Armenian Church in Etchmiadzin that he courted as possible allies. In this courting are evident those terrible contradictions arising from the absence of mature democratic forces in historic Armenian homelands. In search of practical allies the Troika was forced to seek collaboration with the leadership of an Armenian feudal estate that regarded them as the devil incarnate! With an Enlightenment bent they perhaps hoped that rational discussion and consideration would raise the Church leadership above its own material class interests and prejudices. Alas that this would not be so! 
 
A liberated Armenia would face a huge obstacle, a formidable foe in the feudal Church. Through the centuries it had been able to preserve its status as a vast landowning estate with substantial holdings grouped around monasteries in Etchmiadzin, Datev, Gandzasar, Haghbad, Sanahin and Abragounis in the east and Aghtamar, Varak, Narek and Mush in the west.  With 40 different forms of taxing the peasants living on its estates the Church kept them in check with a combination of obscurantist mystification and preaching of passivity. And if this failed they happily turned to occupying state forces to repress resistance (p15-16). 
 
Hugely wealthy and integrated into Iranian imperial power (p153) the Vatican of the Armenian Church, Etchmiadzin, then headed by Simeon of Yerevan arduously sought to thwart the Troika. It obstructed and tried to sabotage Troika relations with Georgian monarchs (p151) and the Garabagh principalities (p152). Opposed to all members of the Troika Simeon of Yerevan was particularly enraged by Baghramian. When Shahamirian sent Simeon a copy of Baghramian’s pamphlet he received a letter by return denouncing Baghramian for uttering ‘words of the devil’ and instructing Shahamirian to collect up and burn all copies of the pamphlet. He goes further demanding that Shahamirian also close his own printing press and stop sending ‘dangerous letters’ to Garabagh’s leadership. He demanded in addition that Shahamirian expel Baghramian from Madras (p156-159)! 
 
The measure of the progressive quality of Troika’s ideological programme and political initiatives was this ugly hatred from the Church, the dominant faction of the Armenian establishment. Against this reactionary, obscurantist feudal force the Troika’s world view, its ideology and programme however remote from the objective conditions that obtained in Armenia, represented and for a time became a genuine, democratic challenge for progress. 
 
* * *
 
Alas the Madras Troika’s practical ventures came to nothing. The homeland did not have the native forces sufficiently strong to uphold a constitutional democratic banner in a struggle for liberation and progress. So the Troika’s vision dissipated leaving little or no influence on the next stage of the national liberation movement into the 19th and 20th centuries. 
 
Some have been harsh in their evaluation! In Volume 2 of ‘The History of Armenian Intellectual Culture’ Arakel Arakelian is utterly dismissive. Emin is depicted as something of a charlatan, while together he claims, the Troika’s:
‘…ideals smashed to smithereens against the rocks of reality.  Their ideas…found no fertile soil and did not develop in the grim reality of 1750s Armenia (p149)’
 
Yet in their anti-colonial ambition, in willingness to take up arms, in opposition to the Church led feudal order in Armenia and in their determination not to bend to Russian feudalism, in their struggle for a genuinely independent statehood and in their concern for the well-being of the common people, the Madras Troika’s ideological vision and work constitutes a rich episode in the history of Armenian national development and nation-building. They were self-made individuals doing their own class and national bidding, not that of another state or nation. They may not have succeeded but compared to 19th century comprador and conservative Armenian capital’s influence and role in the liberation movement the Troika’s was a superior independent light of progressive thought from which we can learn today!
 
Today, for all its limited, 18th century bourgeois vision and conception the Troika’s world view puts them head and shoulders above our contemporary elites. They strove to free Armenia and build an independent nation, develop its economy and its civic society not rob it and gift its resources and business to foreign capital. They did not want to be compradors. While our current elites sell off our national wealth and happily act as agents for foreign business the Troika’s vision embodied a genuinely independent and developed Armenia – independent economically and politically. 
 
 
Note 1
Leo offers the best brief biographical sketch of this truly extraordinary fellow whose authenticity is vouched for among others by British political philosopher Edmund Burke! Leo brings Emin alive both as an adventurous patriot and a determined visionary. See Leo’s ‘History of the Armenian People’, Volume III, Part 2, pp282-321, Yerevan, 1973).  
 
Note 2
Leo in the same volume offers a good account of the Hovann-Emin relationship. They seem to have clicked together almost perfectly. Incredibly Hovann assured Emin that he could mobilise 40,000 western Armenian soldiers to fight Ottoman tyranny if Emin and the Georgian monarchy could put 200 of their troops on occupied Armenian soil! A critical evaluation of the relationship between the two awaits its author.



Eddie Arnavoudian holds degrees in history and politics from
Manchester, England, and is Armenian News's commentator-in-residence on
Armenian literature. His works on literary and political issues have
also appeared in Harach in Paris, Nairi in Beirut and Open Letter in
Los Angeles.
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Հայաստանի Հանրապետության ազգային անվտանգության ծառայությունը կիբեռհանցավորության դեմ պայքարի շրջանակներում ձեռնարկված մեծա­ծա­վալ օպերատիվ-հետախուզական միջոցառումների և քննչական գործողությունների արդյունքում 2018 թվականի ապրիլի 18-ին վնասազերծել է ՀՀ քաղաքացիներից բաղկացած հանցավոր խումբ, որը համակարգչային տեխնիկայի օգտագործմամբ մի շարք քաղաքացիների բանկային հաշիվներից հափշտակել է առանձնապես խոշոր չափե­րով գումար:


ԱԱԾ-ի մամուլի կենտրոնից հայտնում են, որ նշված դեպքի առթիվ ՀՀ ԱԱԾ քննչական վարչությունում հարուցված քրեական գործի նախաքննությամբ ձեռք բերված փաստական տվյալների համաձայն՝ 2017-2018 թվականների ընթացքում հանցավոր խմբի անդամները, նախապես ուսումնասիրելով «odnoklassniki.ru» սոցիալական կայքի օգտատերերի տվյալները, ընտրությամբ թիրախավորել են Արցախի Հանրապետության 26 բնակիչների, այնուհետև արտերկրում բնակվող նրանց ազգականների անվամբ ստեղծել են կեղծ էջեր և սկսել են նամակագրություն վարել վերոնշյալ քաղաքացիների հետ` համոզմունք ձևավորելով, թե իբր ֆինանսական աջակցություն են ցանկանում ցուցաբերել նրանց։ Այդկերպ մոլորության մեջ գցելով Արցախի բնակիչներին` շինծու պատրվակով նրանցից խնդրել ու ստացել են բանկային քարտերի տվյալները, այդ թվում՝ գաղտնաբառերը, որոնց օգտագործմամբ քարտային հաշիվների վրա առկա գու­մար­ները փոխանցել են իրենց իսկ կողմից տնօրինվող տարբեր էլեկտրոնային դրամա­պա­նակ­ներին ու բանկային քարտերին, ապա` կանխիկացրել և հափշտակել:


Քրեական գործով հանցավոր խմբի 5 ան­դամ ձերբակալվել է, ներկայումս ձեռնարկվում են անհրաժեշտ օպերատիվ-հետախուզա­կան միջոցառումներ և քննչական գործողու­թյուն­ներ՝ նրանց հանցակիցներին բացահայտելու և տուժած անձանց ամբողջական շրջա­նակը պարզելու ուղղությամբ։


Նշված հանցագործությունից տուժած քաղաքացիները կարող են դիմել ՀՀ ԱԱԾ քննչական վարչություն` 011-56-27-24 և 010-57-94-07 հեռախոսահամարներով:


ՀՀ ազգային անվտանգության ծառայությունն իր առջև դրված խնդիրների լուծման նպա­տա­կով շարունակում է միջոցներ ձեռնարկել` օտարերկրյա քաղաքացիների կողմից Հայաստանի Հանրա­պե­տու­թյան տնտեսության բնականոն զար­գաց­ման և քաղաքացիների իրավունքների դեմ ուղղված հանցագործությունների բացահայտման, կանխման և խափանման ուղղությամբ։


Հիշյալ գործառույթների իրականացման շրջանակում 2017-2018 թվականներին բացահայտվել են նաև անդրազ­գա­յին հանցավոր խմբերի կողմից համակարգչային տեխնիկայի օգտագործմամբ, բան­կերի համակարգչային ցանցեր ապօրինի ներթափանցելու, պահվող տեղե­կատ­վու­թյա­նը տիրանալու և դրա միջոցով առանձնապես խոշոր չափերով հափշտակություններ կա­տա­րե­լու դեպքեր:


Այսպես`


Հայաստանում գործող բանկից հափշտակություններ կատարելու դիտավորությամբ ՌԴ մի խումբ քաղաքացիներ միջնոր­դա­վորված եղանակով ՀՀ քաղաքացիներին չնչին գումարներով շահագրգռել են բացել ար­տար­ժույթային հաշվեհամարներ և ստացած բանկային քարտերը փոխանցել իրենց: Այնու­հետև հանցավոր խմբի անդամները համակարգչային տեխնիկայի օգտագործմամբ՝ վնասաբեր ծրագրեր տարածելու միջոցով հեռա­կա հասանելիություն են ստացել բանկի համակարգչային ցանցին, ավելացրել այդ քարտերի զրոյական հաշվեկշիռներն ու կանխիկացման սահմանաչափը, որից հետո Մոսկվա, Սանկտ Պետերբուրգ և Ռիգա քաղաքներում գործող բանկոմատներից ՀՀ քաղաքա­ցիների անվամբ բացված պլաստիկ քարտերով կանխիկացրել են շուրջ 160 հազար ԱՄՆ դոլարին համարժեք գումար։


Հիշյալ դեպքի առթիվ ՀՀ ԱԱԾ քննչական վարչությունում քննվող քրեական գործով ՀՀ 2 քաղաքացու մեղադրանք է առաջադրվել համակարգչային տեխնիկայի օգտագործմամբ կատարված հափշտակությանն օժանդակելու համար, բացահայտվել են նաև հանցա­գոր­ծության կատարմանը ներգրավված և ՀՀ-ից դուրս գտնվող մյուս անձանց ինքնություն­նե­րը, որոնց հայտնաբերելու և պատասխանատվության ենթարկելու ուղղությամբ ձեռնարկ­վում են համապատասխան միջոցներ:


ՀՀ ԱԱԾ քննչական վարչությունում քննվող մեկ այլ քրեական գործով ձեռք բերված նախ­նական տվյալների համաձայն՝ Իսպանիայի Թագավորության, Լիտվայի Հանրապետության և Վրաստանի թվով 4 քաղաքացիներից բաղկացած հանցավոր խումբը, Հայաս­տա­նում գործող մեկ այլ բանկից առանձնապես խոշոր չափերով հափշտակություն կատարելու նախ­նական համաձայնությամբ, ապօրինի տիրացել է ԱՄՆ-ում գործող բանկերի համա­կարգ­չային ցանցում պահվող տեղեկատվությանը՝ քարտապանների մուտքանուններին և գաղտնաբառերին: Այնուհետև, առանց այդ քարտա­պան­ների իմացության, վերջին­նե­րիս հաշվեհամարներից առցանց եղանակով ավելի քան 32 մլն ՀՀ դրամին համարժեք գումար են փո­խան­ցել Հայաստանում իրենց անվամբ բացված դրամային և ար­տարժույթային հաշվե­հա­մարներին, և փորձել են բանկոմատներից կանխիկացնել գումարները, սակայն հանցագործությունն իրենց կամքից անկախ պատճառներով չեն կարո­ղա­ցել ավարտին հասցնել, քանի որ ՀՀ-ում գործող բանկի աշխատակիցների կողմից գործարքները կասկածելի են գնահատվել, և հա­շիվ­ները սառեցվել են, իսկ բանկային քարտերը` արգելափակվել:


Անդրազգային հան­ցա­վոր խմբի անդամների ինքնությունները բացահայտվել են, միջոցներ են ձեռնարկվում նրանց հայտնաբերելու և պատասխանատվության ենթարկելու ուղղությամբ:


Վերոհիշյալ քրեական գործերի շրջանակներում ՀՀ ԱԱԾ-ն ակտիվորեն համագործակցում է օտարերկրյա իրավասու մարմինների և Ինտերպոլի հետ՝ անդրազգային հանցավոր գործունեության սխեմաները բացահայտելու, առերևույթ հանցանքներին առնչակից բոլոր անձանց պարզելու և հայտնաբերելու ուղղությամբ: Հանցավոր խմբերի գործունեության մե­խա­նիզմների և կիրառած եղանակների մասին հայտնվել է նաև շահագրգիռ ֆինանսական կազ­մակերպություններին` բանկային համակարգի խոցելիությունը բացառելու նպատակով համապատասխան միջոցներ ձեռնարկելու համար:


ՀՀ ազգային անվտանգության ծառայությունը Հայաստանի Հանրապետության քաղաքա­ցի­­ներին հորդորում է անվտանգու­թյան նկատառումներով և վերը ներկայացված իրավիճակներից խուսափելու նպատակով զերծ մնալ բանկային քար­տե­րն ու դրանց գաղտնաբառերն այլ ան­ձանց փոխանցելուց, իսկ հաշվեհամարների շարժի վերա­բեր­յալ կասկած հարուցող տվյալների առկայության դեպքում անհապաղ դիմել սպասարկող բանկեր։


Աբխազիայից վերադարձած ուսուցիչները հյուրընկալվեցին Սփյուռքի նախարարությունում

Please find the attached press release of the Ministry of Diaspora.

Sincerely,
Media and PR Department
(+374 10) 585601, internal 805

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Հարգանքով`
Մամուլի և հասարակայնության հետ կապերի վարչություն

(+374 10) 585601, ներքին 805


103. Հրանուշ Հակոբյանն ընդունեց Աբղազիայից վերադարձած ուսուցիչներին.docx

application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.wordprocessingml.document



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