Mining in Armenia

PRESS RELEASE
The Greens Union of Armenia
Contact: Dr. Hakob Sanasarian,
President of The Greens Union
Address: Mamikoniants St. 47-13, Yerevan, Armenia.
Telephone: (374-2) 257 -634.
US Contact: Dr. Anne Shirinian, phone/fax (732) 462-9089
E-mail: [email protected]

A FEW WORDS ABOUT MINING AND PRIVATIZATION OF MINES IN ARMENIA

August, 2005

A government Decree # N 1677-², dated December 12, 2004, privatized
the Copper-Molybdenum mine of Zangezur, by selling its shares to 3
companies. This was done under a private property law/regulation,
violating the fact that the mine was NOT a private property but a public
one – it belonged to the government. No public body or office or entity
was consulted regarding the privatization of the mine and its associated
works, such as the processing plant. By another Decree # N 1768-²,
dated December 16, 2004, the government ordered the proceeds from the
sale of the mine and its works (132 million USD) to be credited to the
extra-budgetary, foreign currency account of the Ministry of Finance and
Economics of Armenia.

Last year, in 2004, the mining works processed 8.5 million tons of raw
material and generated about 130 million USD for the government of
Armenia, according to official sources.

Meanwhile, in the towns of Meghradzor and Sotk, the privatized mines of
gold are producing the raw material, which is then moved to the “Ararat”
gold processing plant (also privatized), where gold is extracted from
the raw material. Work conditions are so inhuman at the mines that the
miners have resorted to a strike resulting in dismissals from employment
in large numbers, even though the miners’ demands were reasonable, such
as access to drinking water and toilet facilities, a certain regard for
worker safety, pay for overtime hours, living wages, compensation for
limbs lost on the job, vacation time, firings should be explained/
justified, etc. Indeed, work conditions are brutal and unsafe at the
mines; miners work at 2370 meters above sea level, where winter-time
temperatures can drop to -40deg Celsius, workers are not given a chance
for a break at the fire to get warmed and are dismissed regularly for
complaining, and, recently, the mining company has lagged in paying them
their monthly wages. Finally, according to mining experts, the company
is exploiting the mine with total disregard to conventional mining
methods, such that after the company leaves, the mines will become
useless for any further exploitation.

United States Outlines Assistance to Armenia — Fiscal Year 2005

USSTATE.INFO.GOV
17 August 2005

United States Outlines Assistance to Armenia — Fiscal Year 2005
Fact sheet covers aid from October 1, 2004, to September 30, 2005
The following State Department fact sheet outlines U.S. assistance to
Armenia for fiscal year 2005 (October 1, 2004-September 30, 2005):
U.S. Department of State
Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs
Washington, D.C.
August 15, 2005
FACT SHEET
U.S. ASSISTANCE TO ARMENIA — FISCAL YEAR 2005
Armenia has made significant progress in political and economic reform, as
evidenced by its eligibility in FY 2005 to receive grants from the
Millennium Challenge Account. While economic growth has been strong in
certain sectors, it has yet to provide significant benefit to the vast
majority of the population. As such, U.S. assistance focuses on assisting
small- and medium-scale enterprise sector growth that will involve more
Armenians in the country’s expanding economy. Democracy, economic, and law
enforcement programs are targeted towards strengthening democratic
structures and foundations in Armenia and supporting regional stability and
security. All U.S. Government assistance programs include anti-corruption
components designed to strengthen local capacity for combating this pressing
global problem. In addition, U.S. Government assistance programs support
interaction between Armenia and its neighbors in an effort to increase
regional stability and encourage resolution to ongoing conflicts.
The estimated $84.4 million budgeted by all U.S. Government agencies for
assistance programs in Armenia in FY 2005 is allocated roughly as follows
(based on information available as of the date of this fact sheet):
Democracy Programs
$11.4 million
Economic & Social Reform
$43.5 million
Security & Law Enforcement
$19.1 million
Humanitarian Assistance
$1.5 million
Cross Sectoral Initiatives
$8.9 million
Democracy programs in Armenia aim to increase citizen participation in
public affairs, strengthen the rule of law, build the capacity of the
National Assembly, improve local and state governance, and support
independent media. U.S. assistance programs continue to support grassroots
advocacy groups and initiatives that bring together local government
officials and citizens to solve community problems; develop civic education
materials and curricula; strengthen the work of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs); and educate citizens about their rights.
Small grant-making programs support the work of NGOs to foster civil
society, enhance local government accountability, and support local media.
Journalists, editors, and managers of media outlets are trained in business
management, fact-based journalism, and investigative journalism. Training
and exchange programs reach out to the next generation of Armenian leaders
and give them first-hand experience with the day-to-day functioning of a
market-based democracy. In 2005, the U.S. Government sent 186 Armenian
citizens to the United States on academic and professional exchange
programs. Since 1993, the U.S. has funded the travel of approximately 4,550
Armenian citizens to the U.S. on these programs in fields such as
management, democratic strengthening, social service provision, and NGO
development.
Broadening the base of economic growth through job creation and labor market
development is the primary goal of our economic assistance programs. U.S.
programs seek to increase access to credit for entrepreneurs, develop
markets for agribusinesses, improve tax and customs performance, improve
budget management, strengthen central bank supervision, enhance the
legislative framework for businesses, and boost progress in promising
sectors, such as information technology, tourism, and agriculture. U.S.
advisors support a budget training center for government employees with
equipment, training materials, and technical advice.
The U.S. Department of Agriculture’s (USDA) Agricultural Development
Initiative in Armenia provides targeted and sustained technical, financial,
and marketing assistance to small- and medium-sized agribusinesses and
farmer-marketing associations. Increased production and improved marketing
have resulted in thousands of jobs in the agribusiness sector benefiting
farmers throughout Armenia. In 2005, USDA has extended its program to
working with the Government of Armenia to improve data collection in
agriculture, adopt international sanitary standards, and to develop policies
that promote increased trade in agricultural products.
U.S.-funded social reform programs provide technical support to a
centralized data administration center to improve the administration and
tracking of family benefits for Armenia’s poor while decreasing the
population’s dependency on government assistance. U.S. Government technical
assistance helps the Ministry of Labor and Social Issues design, administer,
and distribute a new social security card to ensure that benefits flow to
the unemployed and the needy. U.S.-supported health programs work to
strengthen national institutional capacity for primary health care reform
and to reinvigorate the provision of primary health care services at the
facility level in order to meet immediate needs of Armenia’s population
Security and law enforcement assistance programs aim to improve stability in
Armenia and in the region, as well as to enhance Armenia’s current support
of the Global War on Terrorism. To promote interoperability with U.S. and
other North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces, the Foreign Military
Financing, International Military Education and Training, Joint Contact
Team, and State Partnership programs provide professional military education
and exchange opportunities, enhance peacekeeping capabilities, and modernize
military communications. The U.S. Government also provides nonproliferation
assistance for Armenia, including funding peaceful research activities with
biological and chemical scientists. The U.S. is funding science centers,
bio-chem redirect, and bio-industry initiative programs and is working
through the multilateral International Science and Technology Center in
Moscow to engage scientists from the former Soviet Union in transparent,
sustainable, and cooperative civilian research projects. U.S. funding also
provides nonproliferation assistance to the Civilian Research and
Development Foundation (CRDF). The U.S. continues to fund safety
improvements at the Metsamor nuclear reactor and support Armenia’s nuclear
regulator.
Our Export Control and Related Border Security Assistance (EXBS) program
continues to work with Armenian export control officials, customs, and
border guards to improve their prevention capabilities against weapons
proliferation and other illicit trafficking.
A variety of U.S. programs provide assistance to reform Armenia’s law
enforcement and judicial sectors. These programs have helped to establish
computer classrooms for law enforcement training, provide expertise for
modern curricula at law enforcement academies, and provide technical
assistance to judges and lawyers to help establish an independent judiciary.
The U.S. is also providing upgrades to the law enforcement computer
infrastructure in order to connect regional police precincts with central
offices. In addition, assistance programs support the government and NGOs in
Armenia to help address trafficking in persons.
Donated humanitarian commodities valued at approximately $10 million —
including medicines, pharmaceuticals, medical equipment and supplies, school
equipment and supplies, clothing, and food — are shipped and distributed to
the most needy Armenians in the country’s rural towns and villages. The U.S.
has supported a medical outpatient clinic in the city of Alaverdi since
October 2001. In addition, the U.S. Government will provide additional
food-aid commodities to be distributed to vulnerable groups through the
World Food Program’s relief operations. USDA executes a program to install
or repair village water wells in selected villages with drinking water for
domestic and livestock use and for crop irrigation. One hundred communities
benefited from this program through FY 2005.
U.S. Government support for humanitarian demining programs helps communities
in border regions by recovering valuable lands that can now be used for
agricultural development and public use. The Earthquake Zone Recovery
Program provides assistance for housing compensation/rehabilitation and
other economic and social programs in the Shirak and Lori regions and the
surrounding areas. This program will house roughly 6,500 people through the
use of vouchers and housing grants by the end of 2005, when the project will
be completed.
Currently, the Peace Corps has more than 80 volunteers who teach English and
conduct seminars in business and community development and environmental
education.

(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: )

http://usinfo.state.gov

Russia meets obligations on military pullout from Georgia

Russia meets obligations on military pullout from Georgia

RIA Novosti
August 16, 2005

MOSCOW, August 16 (RIA Novosti, Andrei Malyshkin) — Russia has honored
all of its 2005 obligations on withdrawing its military bases from
Georgia, a senior officer said Tuesday.

Colonel Vladimir Kuparadze, the deputy commander of Russia’s troops in
the South Caucasus, said: “We have pulled out what we were supposed
to withdraw in 2005. Yesterday, the fifth column … crossed the
Russian-Georgian border. It was the last column to be withdrawn
this year.” The HQ of Russia’s group of forces in the South Caucasus
said 53 vehicles, 42 trailers, and tons of military hardware had been
withdrawn from Georgia. Moreover, he said materiel from Russia’s former
12th military base in Batumi, Georgia, had arrived in Russia’s Black
Sea port of Novorossiisk and been unloaded.

Kuparadze said Russian and Georgian diplomats were drawing up a
schedule for pulling out the rest of the equipment from two Russian
bases. “After this document is signed, the military will begin the
second stage of the withdrawal,” he said.

The deputy commander also said that Georgia had not yet started
repairing the bridges necessary for withdrawing Russia’s hardware of
the 62nd military base in Akhalkalaki, which is close to the Armenian
border. So Russia cannot deliver the equipment to Batumi for further
shipment by sea.

“It would be easier for us to pull out the hardware and the personnel
by train, and not by sea from Batumi, but Georgia has not yet allowed
us to send trains via Abkhazia [a self-proclaimed republic], which
is the only railroad route,” Kuparadze said.

Under a joint statement made by the Russian and Georgian foreign
ministers on May 30, Russia must withdraw its military presence from
Georgia in 2008. The bulk of Russia’s weapons will return to Russia,
and the rest of it will be delivered to a Russia military base in
Gumri, Armenia.

BAKU: Iranian Specialists Not To Repair Shusha Mosque

Iranian Specialists Not To Repair Shusha Mosque

Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
Aug 17 2005

The Iranian embassy in Baku has dismissed reports saying that
Iranian specialists will be involved in repairing the Shia mosque in
Azerbaijan’s historic city of Shusha occupied by Armenia.

The Armenian Church bishop Pargev Martirosian said last week that
he would take the mosque under his patronage and Iranian specialists
would be invited to repair it.

Pundits say that by making the move, Armenian clerics aspiring to
present themselves to the international community as “humanists”,
aim to cast a shadow on the friendly relations between Azerbaijan
and Iran, which has repeatedly stated that Nagorno Karabakh is an
integral part of Azerbaijan.

The Caucasus Clerical Office has condemned the Armenian bishop’s
statement, terming it as hypocrisy.

Young Football-Players From Artashat Win Hope Cup

YOUNG FOOTBALL-PLAYERS FROM ARTASHAT WIN HOPE CUP

YEREVAN, AUGUST 16, NOYAN TAPAN. The Hope Cup finals were held in
Yerevan, during which the winners of the youth football championships
of the Armenian marzes played with each other. The team of the city
of Artashat (Artashat marz) became the Armenian champion. The teams
of the Koghb village (Tavush marz) and Martuni city (Gegharkunik
marz) took 2nd and 3rd places. The organizers also awarded prizes to
the best players: Armen Karapetian (Martuni) was announced the best
goalkeeper, while Harutyun Fahradian (Artik), Artur Nasibian (Koghb)
and Hovik Harutyunian (Artashat) – the best full-back, half-back and
forward respectively.

Ottawa: Court told of horrific car attack

The Ottawa Sun
August 9, 2005 Tuesday
FINAL EDITION

COURT TOLD OF HORRIFIC CAR ATTACK;
EX-BOYFRIEND WANTED TO KILL ME: DOC

BY DEREK PUDDICOMBE, OTTAWA SUN

A HEALTH Canada employee says she felt like a caged animal waiting
to be slaughtered at any moment as her former lover continually
threatened to kill her if she didn’t continue their relationship.

Three months after Lillian Arakelyan, 39, said she broke off what
she called an abusive and controlling relationship with her Armenian
boyfriend living in the U.S., he was back in Ottawa waiting for her
in an underground parking lot at her Cooper St. apartment building —
the spot where she says a brutal attack and assault took place.

Arakelyan said she had just got into her car on the morning of Aug.
3, 2004 and was about to close the car door when Gagik Artsrunyan
grabbed her and pulled her from the vehicle.

THROWN, KICKED, PUNCHED

“He grabbed me and dragged me to his car and threw me in the back
seat of his car,” said Arakelyan, who described to the court how she
was repeatedly kicked and punched during the alleged attack.

After the struggle she broke free, but said the accused caught up
with her, began to choke her, and again dragged her to his car.

Breaking free, she managed to make it to her car and began to drive
away. But she said the accused again caught up with her and jumped
into the back seat area, where he proceeded to punch her in the back
of the head.

“He was threatening to kill me and said nobody leaves him and that
he would follow me everywhere,” said Arakelyan.

Managing to drive to the Ottawa police station on Elgin St., Arakelyan
got the attention of two officers.

Arakelyan said her former boyfriend told police he only wanted to
retrieve a few belongings from her home. With promises to leave
Arakelyan alone and leave the country, he left.

However, for the next three days Arakelyan, a Canadian citizen
since 2001 after arriving in the capital from Armenia to complete
post-graduate work at the University of Ottawa, said her life was a
living nightmare.

‘I FELT TRAPPED’

The foreign-trained physician told the court that Artsrunyan hadn’t
left the country and had made dozens of phone calls and visits to
her home and witnessed him sitting in a car outside her home.

“I didn’t want to leave my apartment and I felt trapped fearing for
my life,” Arakelyan told Crown prosecutor Walter Devenz.

Arakelyan told the court she first met Artsrunyan in Armenia when
she was 16, but hadn’t heard from him since arriving in Canada seven
years ago.

She said he contacted her in May or June 2003, suggesting they start
a relationship.

After some hesitation, a relationship ensued with Artsrunyan, living
in Portland, Ore., at the time, but the affair quickly deteriorated.

Artsrunyan is charged with two counts of criminal harassment, three
counts of uttering threats and forcible confinement and assault.

The trial continues today.

System of a Down carves a distinct path

Miami Herald, FL
Aug 15 2005

System of a Down carves a distinct path

Bandmates draw on their roots and shared cultural history for their
singular prog-thrash sound.

BY EVELYN McDONNELL

[email protected]

Among the myriad norm-deviations that make System of a Down one of the
millennium’s strangest musical acts is the fact a holocaust indirectly
spawned the group.

>>From 1915-23, an estimated 1.5 million Armenians were killed by the
Turkish government in a horrific campaign of massacres, deportation,
starvation and torture. For System, this history is something more
than prime heavy metal song fodder: It’s personal.

“Because of the genocide, Armenians scattered,” System bassist Shavo
Odadjian explains over the phone from his Los Angeles home. A number of
the displaced, including 4-year-old Odadjian and his future bandmates,
eventually made their way to America’s 20th-century promised land:
Hollywood. While many rock groups have their genesis in high school,
System of a Down is probably the first whose members all attended an
Armenian-American academy (albeit during different years).

Odadjian, guitarist/singer Daron Malakian, singer Serj Tankian and
drummer John Dolmayan all speak Armenian. And while their music
isn’t filled with Armenian instruments, their shared ethnic history
undoubtedly unites them — and shapes their distinct world view and
musical vision.

“We’ve all grown up not the same, but with very similar morals and
values,” says Odadjian. “We know how it is. We know not to talk about
anyone’s mother and sister.”

That cohesion has allowed System to carve a distinctive path through
the contemporary soundscape. They’re a thrash band that throws in
operatic trills. Progressive in their musical tastes and politics,
they’ve shot a video with Michael Moore. On Mesmerize, their recently
released fourth album, they mostly seem to be channeling the goofy,
artsy ghost of Frank Zappa, if he were in Metallica. (The Mesmerize
tour brings System to the Office Depot Center on Wednesday.)

The band members’ experiences as progeny of the Armenian diaspora
provided the fuel for Mesmerize and Hypnotize, its companion CD to be
released in late fall. Malakian’s family fled from Armenia to Iraq
before winding up in California. (Malakian was born in Hollywood,
Odadjian in Armenia, Tankian and Dolmayan in Lebanon.) His personal
and politicized fear, anger and sorrow drive Mesmerize, from the
opening Soldier Side, through the fierce anti-war B.Y.O.B. to the
melancholy Sad Statue, in which the Statue of Liberty — the beacon
of immigrants — weeps over her torn domicile.

“He sees it totally differently,” says Odadjian of Malakian’s view
of the war in Iraq. “It’s not because he’s from there, but because
it’s family. He doesn’t know when he’s going to get that call saying
something’s happened to somebody.”

DIFFERENT DYNAMIC

Malakian’s need to express his feelings on global politics changed
the very dynamic of the band. For the first time, on Mesmerize,
the guitarist wrote the majority of lyrics and sings leads, while
Tankian, the traditional frontman, plays such instruments as acoustic
guitars, piano and synthesizers (and cowrites and sings). It’s as if
Keith Richards and Mick Jagger traded roles in the Rolling Stones.
And unlike the famously rancorous Glitter Twins, System’s songwriting
partnership apparently made the transition smoothly.

“He’s always been a singer,” Odadjian says of Malakian. “I was not
surprised; we’re really good friends. I was surprised how Serj took
it so well and felt just like me: If you do something well, why would
I hold you back? We don’t let ego get in the way.”

Odadjian is also Zen about the way Malakian’s increased auteurship ate
into his presence on Mesmerize. The guitarist recorded many of the
bass parts himself, although Odadjian says the media has overplayed
this change.

“The way we did this album was a little different. The others we
wrote songs, played them for a while and then recorded. This time
around, Daron had a vision. He wanted the bass playing to be similar
to guitar. The way I play bass is different. I did my stuff, and he
went in with my permission, with no ego, and redid some of the tracks
the way he wanted. Some songs are me, some are not.”

Odadjian does admit that he did, for the first time, take bass lessons
while recording Mesmerize/Hypnotize.

The fact System’s members can so beatifically absorb one member’s
power move/creative burst is a testament to their strong roots. The
group formed in ’95, when Odadjian met Malakian and Tankian at a
shared rehearsal area. At first Odadjian was the group’s manager,
but eventually passed those duties on to professionals.

“That was the hardest thing to give up,” he says. “We’ve always been
forewarned that the industry will take you and make you into something
you’re not. Luckily that hasn’t hit us. We’ve totally made our own
path and not strayed.”

Dolmayan joined in ’96. System built a reputation by gigging before
releasing their self-titled debut, on Rick Rubin’s American label.
Rubin, the legendary rock and rap producer, produced the band’s four
records to date, including ’01’s Toxicity, which became an unlikely
multiplatinum global hit with such singles as Aerials and Chop Suey!

Of course System’s intensely dramatic, sometimes grandiose music
has also earned the group its share of detractors. For the haters,
the best thing about Mesmerize is the fact it’s mercifully short,
just 36 minutes. Odadjian says the group chose to release the two
CDs separately, rather than as a double album, because they thought
songs would get lost to modern listeners’ short attention spans.

“The youth of today has ADD, or at least they like to say they do.
The school we came from, albums were 11, 12, 13 songs, and every song
meant something. With 20 songs, people are going to skip songs they
can’t relate to.”

TEAM PLAYERS

Odadjian designs System’s stage shows, has directed several of their
videos, including the current Question, and is in charge of their
album art. “We look at the group as a team. Whoever’s good at what
they do, they do it. I have a visual thing.”

For the Mesmerize tour, Odadjian uses a lot of mirrors and stainless
steel. He says he was inspired by being in a small bar that seemed
twice as spacious because of a mirror on one wall. “I want to touch
every sense. It’s crazy, but not overdone.”

With his videos and the CD art, Odadjian says he tries to supplement
the songs, not duplicate or explicate them. Like the band’s odd name,
or such lyrics as “Gorgonzola gonorrhea,” some things are better
left unprobed.

“We don’t like to explain what we mean. It takes away the mystery.
It’s good to leave it to the person that’s seeing it or experiencing
it. I think our band is like an abstract painting.”

Russian Withdrawal

Russian Withdrawal

August 13, 2005
Batumi, Georgia

Russian self-propelled surface-to-air missiles systems Kub (SA-6
Gainful according to the western classification), without missiles,
were loaded onto Russian landing ships at a Russian military base in
the Black Sea port of Batumi in Georgia, Friday, Aug. 12, 2005.

After long and tense negotiations, Russia this year agreed to close
the two bases by the end of 2008.

The long-awaited withdrawal that is to take several years began
Saturday when the vehicles left a Russian base in the Black Sea port
of Batumi _ one of two Soviet-era bases remaining in Georgia.

(AP Photo/Seiran Baroyan)

The Associated Press.

A Representation Gap: Neery Melkonian

NYFA Interactive
amp;fid=6&sid=17

Spotlight: A Representation Gap

Neery Melkonian

Although the prominence of the Middle East in political rhetoric (and
action) is affecting the amount of work by Middle Eastern artists
American audiences see, a problem remains. US-based Middle Eastern
artists often gain prominence and are shown more frequently
internationally. Are American curators not proposing sensitive and
thorough shows involving Middle Eastern artists? Are American
institutions threatened by the nature of their work, which is
frequently critical of American political policies? Or, more grimly,
are both true?

An online article in the January 26 issue of the Beirut Daily Star
entitled `Promoting an Alternative Image of the Arab World’ notes that
in 2004 artist Mona Hatoum, poet Mahmoud Darwish, and architect Suad
Amiry were all recipients of prestigious European awards, supposedly
based on merits and not the contemporary politics that have thrust the
Middle East very much into the spotlight of the western world. Similar
opinions were echoed in 2004 when Zaha Hadid, the Iraqi-born British
architect, became the first woman to receive the Pritzker Architecture
Prize.

Even if such awards are politically motivated, they don’t negate the
worthiness of their recipients, who are pioneers in their respective
fields and have been producing remarkable work for decades. A more
pressing issue to consider might be whether such recognition is
capable of altering the effects of vast representational imbalances
Middle Easterners have been experiencing in the US, culturally and
otherwise, for over a century.

Much like the delivery of news on the Middle East in the mainstream
media, curatorship has recently lacked when it comes to mediating
works by artists from this region. Without nuance, the translations of
work by Middle Eastern artists risks confining its legibility to the
ghettos of the contemporary art world instead of reaching larger
audiences. A brief overview of recent visual art trends (biennials,
mid-career surveys, and thematic exhibitions) demonstrates a growing
interest here in the works of Middle Eastern artists. But the
translatability of this delayed and somewhat sporadic reception within
a market-driven international art scene and its corresponding `global’
aesthetics also reveal certain patterns which beg some questions and
pondering. Namely, US-based Middle Eastern artists usually gain
recognition in Europe and elsewhere before the stamp of acceptance
comes from cultural institutions in the US.

For example, until the 1997 New Museum’s opening of Mona Hatoum’s
15-year survey exhibition (organized by the Museum of Contemporary Art
in Chicago), the artist enjoyed much broader recognition in Canada and
Europe, despite’or maybe because of’the more overtly political content
of her earlier performance work. Similarly, New York-based Egyptian
artist Ghada Amer, known for her painstakingly stitched canvases that
appropriate pornographic imagery from popular culture, was shown at
the Istanbul, Johannesburg, and Venice Biennales (1995, 1997, and
1999, respectively) before significantly cracking the US art scene in
2000, when she was included in the Whitney Biennial; P.S.1’s Greater
New York; and had solo shows at Deitch Projects, New York; and the
Institute of Visual Arts, Milwaukee. The majority of New York-based
Walid Raad’s Atlas Group exhibitions between 2002-2004 were
international. Emily Jacir’s now-iconic Where We Come From series, in
which the artist (who possesses an American passport) performed favors
for’and the fantasies of’Palestinian citizens who aren’t privileged
with her freedom of movement, recently came under a scrutiny in the US
that it didn’t face when it was shown at the 2003 Istanbul
Biennial. Earlier this year, away from cosmopolitan centers, the
Jewish Federation of Kansas pressured Wichita’s Ulrich Museum of Art
to place brochures and a sign expressing their views in the gallery
where Where We Come From was scheduled to be shown. A nationwide
letter-writing campaign succeeded in convincing the university to
withdraw their decision.

It’s perhaps because of such controversies that the University of
Illinois’ Krannert Art Museum’s group exhibition Beyond East and West:
Seven Transnational Artists references the region without naming it,
but expands its geography by including a US-based Pakistani artist and
a British-born, part Iraqi artist. It might be worth mentioning that
five of its seven artists were part of a Middle East diaspora(s)
exhibit called Between Heaven & Hell (which I conceived in 1994) that
was unexpectedly canned (along with its curator) by the organizing
institution after it had received funding from the Rockefeller
Foundation and the NEA. The curatorial premise of Between Heaven &
Hell (which has been available online for nearly a decade) also
reverberated in the promotional materials of the more recent exhibit.

Granted, the term `Middle East’ has been problematic since its
colonial inception, but to render it invisible’even if just in the
`packaging’ of a touring exhibit’speaks to an erasure or denial of
sorts. To substitute the term `diasporas’ with yet another charged
term, `transnational,’ doesn’t help us unpack our (mis)understanding
of the Middle East, either. Just as projecting a different (imaginary)
cartography avoids the pitfalls of (actual) geopolitical remapping of
the region. Don’t such assumptions affirm that post-colonialism has
produced what some call `imperialism without colonies’?

Though mediating through languages outside their own, during the last
decade a number of Middle Eastern diaspora artists and cultural
producers have finally gained legitimacy within the competitive and
territorialized space of the international art world. Run by a circuit
of cosmopolitan dealers, collectors, curators, art publishers, and
intellectuals, these artists’ works are curated, brokered, managed,
and written about in ways which confront us with familiar questions:
who represents whom? How is a discourse framed? What happens to
national and cultural specificities (including ethnic minorities in
the region such as Azeris and Kurds) in homogenized `global’
exhibition practices? Are the production and dissemination of these
forms of knowledge available to broader audiences, including Middle
Eastern communities living in the West?

The internationalization of contemporary art by Middle Easterners
living in the West began nearly ten years ago, even though the
westward migration of Middle Easterners can be traced back to the end
of the Ottoman Empire and the following remapping of the region by
European colonial powers. The tragic survival story of the
Armenian-American painter Arshile Gorky (and the lesser known sculptor
Raoul Hague, Gorky’s compatriot and contemporary) stands not only as a
testament to the era’s grand project of Modernism (the formation of
nation states, displacement of large populations, ethnic cleansing,
and genocides) but also to the relegation of art to exile and the
struggle for survival. No wonder such experiences found expression
best in the homogenized aesthetics of abstraction.

Currently, the inclusion of Middle Eastern artists within the art
world’s `mainstream’ doesn’t equate to the more committed integration
of broader representational concerns. Without conscience-formation,
exhibitions, biennials, and prizes risk becoming markers of passing
trends, void of meaningful currency and vulnerable to the changing
appetite of shoppers in the expanding global art malls.

Neery Melkonian is an art writer based in New York. She was formerly
Associate Director at the Center for Curatorial Studies Museum, Bard
College, and the Director of Visual Arts at the CCA in Santa Fe. She
spent the last five years producing art-based projects in the war-torn
and disputed enclave of Nagorno Karabagh, Armenia (arbitrarily annexed
to oil rich Azerbeijan by Stalin). Melkonian was born and raised in
the Middle East to parents who were survivors of the Armenian genocide
and immigrated to the United States, where she pursued graduate
studies in art history at UCLA.


New York Foundation for the Arts
155 Avenue of the Americas, 14th Floor
New York, NY 10013-1507
Phone: 212.366.6900
Fax: 212.366.1778
Email: [email protected]

http://www.nyfa.org/level3.asp?id=394&

Cyprus unlikely to extradite oil-for-food official

Cyprus unlikely to extradite oil-for-food official

Wed Aug 10, 2005 9:54 AM ET

By Michele Kambas

NICOSIA (Reuters) – Cyprus is unlikely to extradite the Cypriot former
head of the U.N. oil-for-food program to face allegations of receiving
bribes, a senior government official said on Wednesday.

Benon Sevan, a Cypriot of Armenian descent known to be in Cyprus as
recently as last Saturday, was accused by U.N. investigators of
receiving nearly $150,000 in kickbacks for oil allocations under the
program he headed from 1997 to 2003.

Sevan has strongly denied any wrongdoing.

It was not immediately clear whether the former diplomat, who waived
his diplomatic immunity by resigning from the U.N last weekend, would
voluntarily return to the United States if criminal charges were
brought against him.

“I am not even aware of him being here,” Cypriot Foreign Minister
George Iacovou told Reuters.

However, asked how authorities would respond to any request, another
official replied: “There is a constitutional prohibition on
extraditing one of our nationals to another jurisdiction.”

If a formal extradition request was filed, a court could cite the
constitution to block it, he said.

A U.N. inquiry committee, headed by former U.S. Federal Reserve
chairman Paul Volcker, recommended that Sevan, who ran the $67 billion
humanitarian program for Iraq, and Alexander Yakovlev, a former
U.N. purchasing officer, should be prosecuted.

The report is the first to accuse U.N. officials of outright
corruption in connection with the program.

It accused Sevan of getting kickbacks after receiving oil allocations
on behalf of a trading company run by a relative of former
U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali.

Sevan, 67, issued a statement last weekend saying he had been made a
scapegoat.

He said the sum represented remittances from an elderly aunt who
raised him in Cyprus. The woman died last year. However, the report
said the windfall coincided with debt obligations on the part of
Sevan, stung by losses on the stock market and the costs of running
two residences.Sevan keeps a low profile when visiting his native
Cyprus, where Armenians represent less than five percent of the
population.”I have known him for such a long time. I refuse to believe
that he would jeopardize 40 years of service for $150,000,” said a
friend. “He wouldn’t be involved in such dirty business.”