COVID-19: Armenia reports 138 new cases in one day

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 11:09, 26 January, 2021

YEREVAN, JANUARY 26, ARMENPRESS. 138 new cases of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) have been confirmed in Armenia in the past one day, bringing the total number of confirmed cases to 166,232, the ministry of healthcare said today.

472 more patients have recovered in one day. The total number of recoveries has reached 155,404.

5 more patients have died, raising the death toll to 3052.

1938 tests were conducted in the past one day.

The number of active cases is 7018.

The number of patients who had coronavirus but died from other disease has reached 758 (5 new such cases).

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Parents of missing soldiers protest outside Armenian government

Panorama, Armenia
Jan 27 2021

Parents of soldiers who went missing during the recent war in Artsakh on Wednesday staged a protest outside the Armenian government building, demanding that the authorities take urgent action to find their children.

One of the missing soldiers’ father recalled officials’ election promises to do everything for the sake of people.

"Where are they now? Why are they in office? Why do we have to gather here?” the angry father said.

Another protester said many commanders who “fled the battlefield” during the war are now honored as heroes and appointed to various posts. He said all responsible officials must be held to account.

Another protesting father presented the feats performed by his son during the war, adding that "there are officers who did not take part in the fight, but were awarded titles." He announced that if their soldier sons' feats are not properly appreciated, he will “turn everyone upside down.”

The parents said the Defense Ministry officials reach them for any news from their sons, whereas the ministry itself should have provided information to them.

“Those responsible must pay the price,” they said. 

COVID-19: Armenia reports 59 new cases, 265 recoveries in one day

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 11:06,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 29, ARMENPRESS. 59 new cases of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) have been confirmed in Armenia in the past one day, bringing the total number of confirmed cases to 166,728, the ministry of healthcare said today.

265 more patients have recovered in one day. The total number of recoveries has reached 156,910.

2 more patients have died, raising the death toll to 3069.

1190 tests were conducted in the past one day.

The number of active cases is 5984.

The number of patients who had coronavirus but died from other disease has reached 765 (3 new such cases).

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Armenia ex-deputy defense minister on Davit Tonoyan’s interview and Nikol Pashinyan

News.am, Armenia
Jan 26 2021

Armenia ex-deputy defense minister on Davit Tonoyan's interview and Nikol Pashinyan
13:58, 26.01.2021

I was expecting former Minister of Defense of Armenia Davit Tonoyan to give an interview that would be totally different in terms of style, quality and format, especially after the war that took place in the fall. This is what former Deputy Minister of Defense of Armenia Artak Zakaryan told reporters today.

According to him, the defense minister bears a totally different and more significant responsibility than other high-ranking officials, especially during a war. “All this played an essential role in Armenia’s defeat, and members of the opposition and various experts and specialists have talked about all this several times, yet all the comments and observations remain unanswered,” the ex-deputy defense minister said.

In response to the comment that Tonoyan tried to warn the opposition to not make him primarily responsible for the failures of the Defense Army of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), Zakaryan said this reminds him of an attempt to justify himself and be defensive.

“When Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan resigns, he will also try to justify himself and be defensive. There might be a lawsuit filed against Pashinyan, but I don’t know who will agree to defend him,” he said, adding that, in spite of this, Pashinyan, whom he described as a pathological liar, won’t have problems with self-defense since he is capable of using any trick to defend himself.


Platonic Armenia: a transition to tyranny?

New Eastern Europe
Jan 13 2021

Following the revolution in 2018, Armenians were satisfied that they finally overcame a corrupt regime. After losing a war and experiencing democratic backsliding, the people who brought Pashinyan to power might be the ones bringing him down

January 13, 2021 - Tatevik Hovhannisyan

If we follow Plato’s understanding of regime transitions, it appears that Armenia can soon become a ‘tyranny’. This issue can be traced back to the beginning of the ‘Karabakh’ movement and the desire for independence from the Soviet Union.

The Soviet Union was a classic example of a totalitarian regime. It possessed a centralised government that faced little to no opposition, as well as an (at least publicly) obedient citizenry. In relation to Plato’s description of tyranny, it appears that many modern totalitarian regimes have adopted a very similar model of rule.

Despite this, when the pressures of Soviet totalitarianism proved too much to bare, citizens searched for ways to change the system. Starting in Poland with the rise of Solidarity, demonstrations against the region’s communist regimes soon resulted in a domino effect reaching other countries, including Soviet Armenia. Following this, ethnic Armenians also started to demand the independence of the Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) autonomous region from Soviet Azerbaijan.

Both the people and political elite of the ‘Karabakh’ movement expressed their desire to see an ‘aristocrat’ among them become the leader of their newly established country. This was Levon Ter-Petrosyan, the first democratically elected president of Armenia in 1991. He was chosen as he was a prominent scholar, highly intelligent (‘wise’, as Plato would say), spoke six or seven languages, and was able to negotiate and represent his nation well. For a short time, Armenia enjoyed the rule of its ‘wise’ leader, who was even able to give speeches in the UN General Assembly in English. As Plato said, however, a ‘Philosopher King’ will only remain on the throne until “the gold is mixed with copper and the iron with silver, and as a result the balance between virtue and human weaknesses is shifted”.

In keeping with Plato’s outlook, Levon Ter-Petrosyan was eventually removed from the throne by the country’s ‘timocrats’ or ‘warriors’. In the case of Armenia, these soldiers were those who fought in the war in Nagorno-Karabakh in order to make sure that Ter-Petrosyan could not “give back the lands”. This outcome would have been unacceptable for the warriors, as Artsakh represented the base of their power and influence. How could they let him give away their pride – the region for which they had fought without the final status for Nagorno Karabakh? Besides, there was also an ongoing security issue for both Artsakh and Armenia, which was ‘ensured’ by the adjacent regions to Artsakh (until the status of Artsakh will be solved). This issue does not exist any more as the recent Moscow-brokered agreement between Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia those regions were given back to Azerbaijan. The current situation has created new challenges for Yerevan and the internationally unrecognised Republic of Artsakh.

A ‘timocracy’ often emerges due to the inherent drawbacks of ‘aristocracy’. In reality, a timocratic system represents a combination of both aristocratic and oligarchic elements. Power is crucial in a timocracy, which is strengthened at the expense of virtue. The desire to accumulate property is very typical in this system. The seeds of this type of rule were already planted under Ter-Petrosyan. These later blossomed during the rule of Robert Kocharyan, the second president of Armenia. With warriors in power, strict order and rule is maintained in the country. Subsequently, citizens must become more obedient to their government. Eventually, the warriors’ desire for power grows at such a rate that timocracy gradually turns into an ‘oligarchy’.

Such oligarchic rule was clear during under Kocharyan and it became even stronger under his successor Serzh Sargsyan. In an oligarchy, those who have money become the leaders of the country. As a result, materialism grows and becomes a key part of the oligarchic system. Laws are written to protect the property of those in power and their relatives. During this time, strict measures are taken to protect the property of the oligarchs. In an oligarchy, the society is divided into rich and poor and this social polarisation eventually becomes so clear that one day the society finds itself threatened by revolution. Following this, the ‘democratic’ leader comes to power. In the case of Armenia, this occurred as a result of the “Velvet Revolution” in 2018.

In a democracy power belongs to the people. Despite this, the leaders, who are meant to be the voice of the people, may start doing what they want without consulting the population. This issue is typical in societies where there are no established democratic traditions. During and right after the revolution, the Armenian people were mostly willing to ignore minor violations and infringements by the new leader. After all, Nikol Pashinyan was “their king”. Should the ‘king’ continue to ignore previous promises, however, the people may start to behave in a similar way to their beloved leader of the revolution. Blocking the streets, for example, is a method that has proven to work well in Armenia. This has become a key tactic for various interest groups in the country. For example, importers of right-hand drive vehicles blocked government buildings and organised a demonstration in order to challenge a decree that threatened their business interests. There are many other examples of these protest tactics in the country. Today, Pashinyan has become a victim of his own success. His own revolutionary tactics are now being used against him by people demanding his resignation following the country’s recent capitulation.

According to Plato, “democracy is the son of oligarchy”. If in many cases the oligarch, according to him, has temperate characteristics, the democrat is characterised to have insatiable desires. In Armenia, for example, the oligarchs were earning money by evading taxes, while the revolutionary government justified its own desire to earn money by introducing a bonus system for its “well-deserving” public servants. Or when many oligarchs were found to be smoking marijuana in private, the democratic parliament members started to speak about the necessity of legalising the drug. Whilst this is not necessarily a bad thing, this should not be a priority immediately following the country’s military defeat in Nagorno-Karabakh. Military and civilian captives are still being held by Azerbaijan, their return still remains a crucial issue and many people are homeless and jobless as a consequence of the war. There are more urgent challenges to deal with at the moment!

Democrats are by nature adventurous and this creates the instability that leads them to lose control. This situation can ultimately lead to anarchy. This appears to describe what is happening in Armenia now. After the disgraceful capitulation, Nikol Pashinyan is unable to manage government affairs and has been distracted by micromanagement. Referring to Plato, democrats in an anarchic society are usually afraid of being killed as they soon find themselves with many enemies. After the revolution in 2018, Pashinyan could freely walk the streets. Now, his security in parliament has been strengthened with additional forces from the police. This is an example of how a democratic leader can become a tyrant.

Nikol Pashinyan in 2018. Photo: Ավետիսյան91 wikimedia.org (cc)

The end of the cycle

Pashinyan is not able to run the country because he has spent all his life criticising the previous regime. The ability to criticise government and have an effective opposition is essential to building truly democratic institutions, but not enough to govern. The prime minister should have spent time strengthening state security, enhancing democratic institutions, creating favourable conditions for investment and improving strategic relations in accordance with the country’s geopolitical peculiarities. However, he has shown that he now only acts in accordance with his own desires. He has divided the country into ‘black and white’. He started to abuse the power by violating the principle of independence. For instance, he has publicly ordered the courts to open cases against the officials of previous corrupt regimes and has even demanded that the police and the national security services “hunt” his opponents. Overall, he has turned hatred into a principle of governance and lies into a form of governing. The country’s military capitulation has led to anarchy and no public institution has functioned properly ever since.

This situation can not last for a long time. According to Plato, a new cycle should start with the creation of an aristocracy. Plato’s aristocrat, when updated for modern times, resembles a modern technocrat. Today’s Armenia needs technocrats and it does not matter what political party they represent. This is because both the country’s ‘old’ and ‘new’ political factions include many acceptable politicians. Armenia must put an end to this distorted ‘democracy’ and anarchic regime. The country needs a technocratic government, which will help the country rise from its knees, establish the rule of law and continue on its chosen path to real democracy otherwise it will collapse.

This article was originally published in Armenian in the daily online news outlet Aravot.

Tatevik Hovhannisyan is a political scientist, specialised in political communications and civil society affairs. She is a graduate of the “Hannah Arendt” Promotion at the College of Europe in Natolin, 2019-2020.

Asbarez: Tatoyan Urges Authorities to Thwart Baku’s Efforts to Prosecute Armenian POWs

January 10,  2020



Armenia’s Human Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan

Authorities In Armenia Should Take Into Account The Circumstances Referenced In This Statement When Engaged In Any Negotiations 

On December 28, 2020, the Permanent Representative of Azerbaijan to the United Nations (UN) addressed a letter to the UN Secretary General. The letter was distributed to the UN General Assembly and the Security Council.

The letter contains issues related to the citizens of the Republic of Armenia  (RA) who are being held captive in Azerbaijan, and their respective rights. Thus, the Human Rights Defender of Armenia considers it necessary to address those parts of the letter. In particular:

1. Paragraph 6 of the appendix to the letter of the Permanent Representative of Azerbaijan to the UN states, that within the framework of the anti-terrorist measure, the Azerbaijani authorities “found” 62 Armenian servicemen, who were drafted mainly from Shirak, and who are currently “detained” and are under “investigation” in Azerbaijan.

The letter refers to the Armenian servicemen as members of a subversive group of the Armenian Armed Forces and, it mentions that they were sent to the “Lachin region of Azerbaijan” ostensibly to carry out terrorist acts against Azerbaijani personnel and civilians.

Then, among other issues, the representative of Azerbaijan, mainly using the segment about the referenced Armenian servicemen held captive in Azerbaijan, made political conclusions, including proposing to the UN, that it take certain actions against Armenia. The letter concludes on the same premise that Armenia has violated the trilateral statement signed by Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, on November 10, 2020.

2. The Human Rights Defender of Armenia hereby states, that it is absolutely reprehensible to link the issue of Armenian servicemen in captivity in Azerbaijan with territorial issues, and to improperly politicize such issue. This affront grossly violates the post-war humanitarian processes and the international human rights mandates and standards.

Like the 62 Armenian servicemen referred to in the Azeri letter, all of the other Armenian servicemen are also prisoners of war. They were in their places and positions at the time of their “detention” solely in their lawful course and scope, and for the purpose of performing their legal duties, to serve in the army. They must be released and returned to Armenia without any preconditions. This conclusion is based on the results of the monitoring and investigation of the Human Rights Defender of Armenia and is supported by sound and incontrovertible evidence.

Therefore, initiating criminal proceedings against the 62 Armenian servicemen in captivity in Azerbaijan, detaining them, and in particular, calling them “terrorists,” is a gross violation of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in general. They may not be prosecuted or detained for participating in the hostilities. These are requirements that are specifically enshrined in the Third Convention of 1949.

3. The Human Rights Defender of Armenia also considers it necessary to make a special report on the politicization of human rights by Azerbaijan, and the humanitarian issues ripened by its misconduct in the post-war process, all of which are impermissible under international norms and standards.

The return and/or release of prisoners is independent of any political process.

This must be ensured immediately after the cessation of hostilities.

This is a universally applicable automatic requirement that exists in international law in every case, whether or not it is enshrined in specific conflict resolution documents.

Therefore, point 8 of the tripartite declaration of November 10, 2020 has an autonomous meaning and should act exclusively with an autonomous interpretation. In any case, it should not be considered in connection with, or with dependence on, other points of that announcement.

4. It is absolutely inappropriate to interpret the November 10 tripartite statement as if it applies only to the situation before the signing of that statement. Such an approach grossly violates human rights and the post-war humanitarian process.

The referenced statement should be discussed in the framework of both before November 10, and all the situations that arose after it, and for as long a period as there is an objective need for the protection of human rights and the humanitarian process due to the aftermath of hostilities.

Moreover, the Human Rights Defender notes that, in practice, there have already been cases when the Azerbaijani armed forces captured Armenians after the November 10 tripartite statement, but they later were returned to Armenia.

5. It is a matter of fundamental importance that the Azerbaijani authorities are delaying the return of 62 Armenian prisoners of war by distorting the legal process, and by artificially labeling them with the status of “suspects” or “an accused,” and are using detention as a form of punishment.

Inasmuch as international humanitarian law prohibits unjustified delays in the release of prisoners of war, and it considers any such delay as constituting a “war crime,” it is clear to the Human Rights Defender that the Azerbaijani authorities are unquestionably abusing legal processes to achieve their goals. Their conduct is contrary to international laws and norms.

This behavior of the Azerbaijani authorities directly contradicts the intentions of the parties who are the signatories to the trilateral statement executed on November 10th.

The point is, that based on the requirement of point 8 of that statement, the Republic of Armenia has already transferred to Azerbaijan, perpetrators of crimes in Artsakh, including two convicted murderers of civilians. Azerbaijan has also handed over Armenia, some Armenians who were “formally” convicted in that country on the same principle.

Therefore, the above also makes it rather obvious that, even by initiating criminal proceedings and making the Armenian servicemen suspects or labeling each of them as an accused, the delay in the return of the captives is not only quite obviously artificial, it is also a clear abuse of legal processes; and, it violates not only international humanitarian law, but also the November 10 trilateral statement and the intentions of the parties that signed it.

6. The research and the results of the investigation of the Human Rights Defender of Armenia continue to consistently confirm that the Azerbaijani authorities initially artificially delayed the release of the captives of the Armenian side, and otherwise deprived them of their liberty, and continue to avoid announcing the real number of the Armenians in captivity.

Moreover, the evidence gathered by the Human Rights Defender’s Office confirms that their number is higher than that which the Azerbaijani authorities have thus far confirmed (referring to the already returned 44 prisoners).

The Human Rights Defender has registered numerous cases when, despite the overwhelming evidence confirmed by videos and other evidence, the Azerbaijani authorities deny people access to them and/or delay the approval process for visitations.

Studies have already shown that all of this is being done to cause mental suffering to the families of the captives and to the Armenian society in general, to play with the emotions of the Armenian society, and to keep the atmosphere tense. This applies equally to prisoners of war and civilians.

7. The absolute urgency of the issue of the release of prisoners should be considered in the context of the organized policy of propaganda of anti-Armenianism and hostility in Azerbaijan.

The reports published by the Human Rights Defender of Armenia, which are based on objective evidence, confirm the deep roots of the anti-Armenian policy in Azerbaijan, the encouragement of hostility and atrocities by the Azerbaijani authorities, and even by their cultural figures.

This issue is closely related to the letter of the Permanent Representative of Azerbaijan to the UN, in the sense that the Armenian servicemen, first of all, protected the rights of their compatriot Armenians, as well as protection of their health, property and other vital necessities. This issue is especially important against the background of the war crimes and crimes against humanity, the mass destruction of peaceful settlements in Artsakh, all of which were committed by the Azerbaijani armed forces; and, such similar acts are still being committed.

8. I, therefore, call to the attention of the United Nations and other international human rights bodies all of the issues addressed in this Declaration.

9. The highest authorities of Armenia should take into account the circumstances referenced in this statement of the Human Rights Defender when engaged in any negotiations.

Based on these principles, the highest bodies of the Armenian government must act in such a way, and with such guarantees, that the return of our compatriots to the Homeland is ensured within the framework of the humanitarian and human rights processes.

Arman Tatoyan
The Human Rights Defender of Armenia

Armenia-Azerbaijan: Putin urges ‘next steps’ after peace

Deutsche Welle, Germany
Jan 11 2021
Armenia-Azerbaijan: Putin urges 'next steps' after peace
 
The leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan are in Moscow for their first meeting since a Russia-brokered deal ended hostilities in the Nagorno-Karabakh region.
 
Russian President Vladimir Putin hosted Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders on Monday in their first meeting since a peace agreement halted six weeks of fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh.
 
Putin, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev discussed the agreement signed last November. Putin said the peace agreement "created the necessary basis for a long-term and full-format settlement of the old conflict."
 
Pashinyan and Aliyev did not shake hands at the meeting before sitting down opposite of Putin.
 
What was the outcome of the meeting?
 
Putin thanked both Pashinyan and Aliyev for their cooperation during mediation efforts that were aimed at "stopping the bloodshed, stabilizing the situation and achieving a sustainable ceasefire." He said it was time to discuss the "next steps" in the peace agreement.
 
Pashinyan said Armenia was ready to discuss the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. However, the maintained the exchange of prisoners of war still had to be resolved.
 
The three countries agreed to set up the first working group meeting on January 30.
 
What is the Nagorno-Karabakh region?
 
The Nagorno-Karabakh region is a disputed territory that is in western Azerbaijan, but is under the control of ethnic Armenian forces. Those forces have been supported by Armenia since a separatist war ended in 1994. It claimed independence from Azerbaijan following the war, but it is not recognized internationally.
 
The region saw major fighting again in September 2020 as the Azerbaijani army pushed into the area. More than 6,000 people were killed in the six weeks of battle.
 
The peace agreement that followed saw Armenia cede territory back to Azerbaijan. Under the deal, Russia deployed nearly 2,000 peacekeeping troops to the region. They will remain in the area for at least five years. Putin said the "next steps" in the agreement should look into demarcation lines and humanitarian issues.
 
How did the peace agreement affect the region?
 
A Russian-brokered ceasefire in November stopped the conflict between Azeri and ethnic Armenian forces, but tensions remain with occasional fighting. Both sides continue to hold prisoners of war and there have been disagreements about a potential transportation corridor in the region.
 
Pashinyan said the issue surrounding the prisoners of war was not resolved during Monday's meeting.
 
The ceasefire sparked mass protests in Armenia against Pashinyan, demanding his resignation. Protesters have claimed he mishandled the conflict, but he defended the deal as a necessary move that prevented a full Azerbaijani takeover.
 
Aliyev has said the conflict was a historic righting of wrongs, which Armenia has rejected.
 
What is the international influence in the region?
 
Azerbaijan has been supported by Turkey. Both countries shut their borders with Armenia since the 2020 conflict began. The blockade has weakened the economy of the landlocked country.
 
Dmitry Trenin, a political analyst for the Moscow Carnegie Center, said the talks would allow the Kremlin to reaffirm its influence in the region.
 
"(The) peacekeeping function is Moscow's advantage in its competitive relationship with Ankara," Trenin tweeted on Sunday.
 
kbd/rt (AFP, AP, Reuters)

Protest against Pashinyan’s trip to Moscow held in Yerevan

Panorama, Armenia

Jan 11 2021
Protest against Pashinyan's trip to Moscow held in Yerevan
 
 
A protest against Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan's trip to Moscow was held in capital Yerevan on Monday.
 
Early this morning, police closed off all the roads, including Isakov Avenue, leading to the Zvartnots Airport, not allowing activists to hinder Pashinyan's visit to Moscow. As a result, the premier’s motorcade reached the airport without obstacles.
 
Afterwards, police officers reopened Isakov Avenue and citizens continued the protest chanting "Nikol the traitor”.
 
Trilateral talks of Armenian Prime Minster Nikol Pashinyan, Russian President Vladimir Putin and President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev are scheduled for Monday, January 11, in Moscow at the initiative of the Russian head of state. The sides plan to discuss the implementation of their November 9, 2020 statement on Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as further steps to resolve problems of the region. On the sidelines of the visit, Pashinyan will also hold a separate meeting with Putin.
 
"We learned that Pashinyan managed to reach the airport and escape. But I warn Pashinyan again that if he signs an anti-Armenian document, Armenia's airspace will be closed for him. We would like to tell those negotiating with him that Pashinyan does not represent Armenia and the documents [that may be signed] will be disputed, they will become a subject of discussion. Since Nikol managed to sneak into the airport, we will end the protest and warn that if an anti-Armenian agreement is signed, not the streets, but the whole of Armenia will be closed for him," one of the protesters told reporters.
 

Armenpress: Minister Arshakyan presents latest achievements of Armenian technology field to Dutch Ambassador

Minister Arshakyan presents latest achievements of Armenian technology field to Dutch Ambassador

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 11:00,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 14, ARMENPRESS. Minister of High technological industry Hakob Arshakyan received on January 13 Ambassador of the Netherlands to Armenia Nico Schermers, the ministry told Armenpress.

At the meeting the minister highlighted raising the efficiency of the cooperation between Armenia and the Netherlands at various directions of the high technological field, as well as implementing and developing joint programs.

The Dutch Ambassador said it’s an honor for him to work in Armenia and added that he is aware of the achievements of the Armenian technological sector, is interested in the high technologies and is ready to contribute to expanding the technology cooperation between the two countries.

Minister Arshakyan introduced the Dutch Ambassador on the latest achievements of the Armenian technological sector, the ongoing projects, including the Virtual Bridge, the Engineering City and the Cybersecurity Excellence Center.

“Through our various projects we aim at creating communication between the provinces and Yerevan, as well as connecting Armenia with the technology centers of the world, by creating cooperation opportunities with the leading companies and potential investors”, the minister said, adding that Armenia has a great potential of technology mind.

The Dutch Ambassador expressed readiness to work on deepening the bilateral cooperation in the field of high technologies.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Turkish press: Revitalization of Turkey-EU relations

European Union countries experienced hard times during Donald Trump’s presidency in the U.S. During a period of time when the U.S. weakened the internal bonds between EU countries, the U.K. left the union, and France and Germany, as the leading members of the EU, sought to pursue their own national interests.

Now, the EU will enter a phase of recovery with the presidency of Joe Biden, who will seek to strengthen the European axis in NATO and the international arena.

In the meantime, Turkey faced a series of national and regional challenges, including the Syrian civil war, an attempted coup d’etat, the struggle against the PKK and Daesh, the refugee crisis, the Libyan civil war, the changing balance of power in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict and more.

Appearing at first glance to be a democratic movement, the Gezi protests in 2013 emerged as a design of the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) to realize George Soros’ model of a “color revolution” with the support of global powers.

Following the end of the Gezi protests, FETÖ attempted to implement a bureaucratic coup d’etat via its cadres in the judiciary and police on Dec. 17 and Dec. 25 in 2013.

Even though the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) overcame this scheme, FETÖ attempted to realize a full-fledged coup d’etat in 2016. Under the veil of a religious charity and educational organization, FETÖ was a global spy ring that was directly used by global powers.

Preventing the coup d’etat with the support of the people, the AK Party government brought Turkey’s war on terror to a whole new level. The Turkish military conducted a series of cross-border operations in Syria, which dealt devastating blows to the PKK and Daesh, and defeated the Bashar Assad regime in Idlib.

Turkey adopted a proactive foreign policy not only in Syria and Iraq but also in Libya, the Eastern Mediterranean and Azerbaijan. After overcoming all these national, regional and international challenges, Turkey has now returned to its reformist vision.

Even though Turkey-EU relations were troubled during the last five years, two recently emerged political dynamics will probably conclude with a rapprochement between Ankara and Brussels: the prospective strengthening of the EU by Biden’s coming to political power and Turkey’s entry into a reform process after successfully dealing with internal and external threats.

Turkey’s new reform process is comprehensive, covering the fields of democracy, judiciary, urbanization, administration and the economy. Since the economies of Turkey and the EU have become interwoven thanks to the customs union, neither side has the luxury of breaking up their relations.

Particularly, Turkey’s manufacturing industry and its import-export network with European countries provide a win-win scenario for the economies of both sides. Thus, EU-Turkey relations will most probably enter a new phase of rapprochement and revitalization.