PM Pashinyan addresses the probability of peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan

 11:54,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has referred to the possibility of establishing peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, outlining the principles within which it would happen.

In his opening remarks at the Ministerial Meeting of Landlocked Developing Countries, which the capital Yerevan is hosting, Pashinyan said that there are three main principles.

First,  the agreements on the unblocking of transport links should  be based on the principle of sovereignty, jurisdiction, equality and reciprocity of countries.

Secondly, Armenia and Azerbaijan should fully recognize each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, based on the understanding that Armenia's territory covers 29,800 square kilometers and Azerbaijan's 86,600 square kilometers.

According to the third principle, Armenia and Azerbaijan should reaffirm their unconditional commitment to the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration as the political basis for the border demarcation. 


“These principles were reached during negotiations with the President of Azerbaijan in Brussels, and these agreements had been recorded in the statements by European Council President Charles Michel after tripartite meetings on May 14 and July 15, 2023,” noted the PM.

"If Azerbaijan does not abandon the already reached agreements, signing a peace treaty with Azerbaijan in the near future becomes very realistic.

Armenia reaffirms its commitment to these agreements. And the main question is about the possibility of signing the peace treaty between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the near future.

One can focus on the facts that indicate that the probability of such an event is not high, and one can focus on the facts that can create a more positive impression that the probability of such developments is high.

"Both groups of facts exist. Yesterday an exchange of captured persons between Armenia and Azerbaijan took place, which is a very important event. I would prefer not to focus on facts that inspire pessimism. 
I would like to consider yesterday's event as a ‘zero point’ from which we will be able to at least make efforts so that all further developmets will indicate an increased probability of signing a peace treaty-rather than the opposite," Pashinyan said.

Repatriated Armenian prisoners being questioned as victims

Panorama
Armenia – Dec 14 2023

Some of the Armenian prisoners who returned from Azerbaijani captivity on Wednesday are being questioned as victims, Armenia’s Investigative Committee said.

“All necessary investigative measures will be taken with regard to all of them. Those who are being interrogated have the victim status," Investigative Committee spokesman Gor Abrahamyan told Panorama.am on Thursday.

Azerbaijan released 32 Armenian prisoners in exchange for two soldiers held in Armenia.

EU to Expand Armenia Mission by 50%, Says Foreign Affairs Chief

o

The 100-person EU Civilian Mission in Armenia launched on Feb. 20

The European Union’s foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell on Monday announced that the bloc will expand its mission in Armenia by 50 percent.

This announcement comes after EU foreign ministers last month approved the expansion of the EU mission in Armenia.

“Today the EU Council decided to strengthen our civilian mission in Armenia, increasing our presence on the ground from 138 to 209 people, this is an important increase in the size of the mission and it is a way to increase the stability of Armenia’s international border with Azerbaijan,” Borrell said.

The EU’s 100-person monitoring mission to Armenia began in February. In the fall Canada said it would join the mission, becoming the first non-EU country to be folded into its activities.

Before meeting with Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan, Borrell told reporters that the situation in Armenia requires the EU’s strong support.

“Many things are happening in the whole region, it is important to continue to pay attention to them and, in particular, to Armenia, that has been in a very difficult situation and still is,” Borrell told reporters ahead of the EU Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels.

Armenia Under the Gun: Azerbaijan’s Territorial Ambitions Extend Beyond Nagorno-Karabakh

Foreign Affairs
Dec 8 2023

In late September, one of the most shocking human upheavals since the century began took place in the former Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, a small, hilly patch of territory nestled within Azerbaijan. After three decades of tensions and conflict, it took just one day in September for Azerbaijan to seize the disputed enclave. Armenia stood largely on the sidelines, not strong enough to intervene, causing Nagorno-Karabakh’s population of some 120,000 ethnic Armenians to flee en masse in one of the starkest examples of forced displacement in the twenty-first century. And yet international attention soon drifted away from the South Caucasus. Azerbaijan has faced no international consequences for its actions, a fact made all the more striking by the possibility of a new war in the region.

The fall of Nagorno-Karabakh did not resolve all the problems between Armenia and Azerbaijan. These two neighbors have never established diplomatic ties and do not engage in trade, and their citizens cannot freely visit one another. Both countries have now raised three generations of people who view the other side as the enemy. Their shared borders are lined with miles of military positions, and their border skirmishes just in the past three years have resulted in more casualties than the fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh over the same period.

Much is at stake. After more than a decade of rearmament and arms deals with Israel, Turkey, and other countries, Azerbaijan’s military is far more powerful than Armenia’s; it could within a matter of hours take control of swaths of Armenian territory. Its forces have already occupied a series of positions in southern Armenia. Observers fear that Azerbaijan might be preparing another offensive, with the goal of securing a route to its own exclave of Nakhichevan—a region of around 100,000 people that is separated from Azerbaijan by a sliver of Armenian territory. An aggressive Azerbaijani military action to establish this corridor could lead to the partition of Armenia, creating hundreds of thousands of new refugees in the process. With outside powers, including Armenia’s erstwhile ally Russia, preoccupied by conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, Armenia cannot count on external support.

The best way to avert another war is for international powers, including the United States and its Western allies, to pressure Armenia and Azerbaijan to return to the table and urgently resume peace talks, which last happened during the summer and have not occurred again owing to Azerbaijan’s refusal to attend new meetings. Issues concerning Nagorno-Karabakh—such as the return of its former residents—must be set aside in favor of settling several abiding disputes, notably over borders and the corridor linking Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan. Western powers have tried to put pressure on Azerbaijan by signaling that its reluctance to return to talks may cost it bilateral trade deals and other planned projects. But it could simply decide that the battlefield is once again preferable to the negotiating table, flexing its superior military muscle in pursuit of its growing ambitions.

The conflict over the status of Nagorno-Karabakh has flared periodically for around a century, but it became deadlier in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union, when Armenia and Azerbaijan reemerged as independent states. Competing territorial claims and interethnic tensions led to the first Nagorno-Karabakh war in the early 1990s, which the Armenian side won decisively. Armenian troops took over not only Nagorno-Karabakh but also seven adjacent Azerbaijani regions. An uneasy truce held for a quarter of a century until 2020, when a six-week Azerbaijani offensive—known as the second Nagorno-Karabakh war—upended the status quo in the region. Aided by powerful new drones and artillery, Azerbaijan routed Armenian forces and retook most of the territories it had lost in the 1990s, although it stopped short of seizing all of Nagorno-Karabakh itself. Fighting ended after Russia brokered a cease-fire deal and sent peacekeepers to Nagorno-Karabakh, which remained home to around 120,000 ethnic Armenians. Moscow also sent military and security personnel to patrol the Armenian border with Azerbaijan.

But this arrangement was never stable. Soon after the cease-fire was reached, soldiers on both sides started establishing new military positions along the new line of contact and digging trenches. Azerbaijan, whose military decimated the Armenian army in 2020, poured further resources into its armed forces and provided its troops with more training and modern technology. Unlike Armenia, Azerbaijan had the advantage of lucrative oil and gas resources. It also benefited from its deepening ties with Turkey and Israel, both of which provided training and weapons to the Azerbaijani army. Armenia could not match these efforts. It was unable to replenish the weaponry and ammunition stocks it depleted in 2020 or to boost the morale of its beleaguered soldiers.

Azerbaijan’s military operation in September was swift and devastating.

Initially, Russia exerted some measure of control in the region through regular diplomatic contact with leaders in both countries. That changed in February 2022, when Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine and shifted its attention away from the South Caucasus. Azerbaijan quickly grasped that Moscow could no longer play a dominant role in the region. Over the course of several months in 2022, Azerbaijani troops took over territory not only inside Nagorno-Karabakh but also on the Armenian side of the border with Azerbaijan. In December 2022, Azerbaijani forces started blocking the 40-mile Lachin corridor, the only road connecting Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh. Without reliable access to food, medicine, and other goods, its population descended into humanitarian crisis, with some residents of the enclave succumbing to malnutrition. Entangled in Ukraine and eager to stay on good terms with Azerbaijan and its close partner Turkey, Russia did little to deter Azerbaijan’s aggression.

Since the spring and summer of 2022, the United States and the European Union have attempted to step into the breach. They had for decades cooperated with Russia to keep the situation in the South Caucasus stable, but relations between the Kremlin and the West broke down amid the Ukraine war. The West tried to facilitate talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan to head off further escalation, and the EU deployed a small civilian mission to patrol the frontline on the Armenian side of the formal border between these two countries in February 2023. This angered Moscow, which spoiled the Western-led efforts to arrange talks between Azerbaijani officials and the de facto local Armenian leadership of Nagorno-Karabakh. By stymying these talks, Moscow may have inadvertently facilitated the seizure of the enclave; Azerbaijan decided that arms, not talks, would change the facts on the ground.

Azerbaijan’s military operation in September in Nagorno-Karabakh was swift and devastating. Within a matter of hours, Azerbaijani soldiers had taken control of the main roads in the enclave and surrounded its capital, Stepanakert. Once local authorities had surrendered and a cease-fire was in place, rivers of cars filled with Armenians streamed out of the enclave on the single road toward Armenia. Over the following week, the entire population left, and Nagorno-Karabakh’s local leadership formally dissolved the self-proclaimed republic.

Tens of thousands of displaced people have spent the last two months in search of new homes in Armenia. Few of these refugees believe that the war is over. During my travels to these border areas in recent weeks, almost everyone I spoke with feared the breakout of a fresh war.

Armenia has every reason to be worried. A new conflict over the southern part of the country would in military terms closely resemble the recent Nagorno-Karabakh operation, but on a bigger scale and with the added significance of occurring on what is indisputably the sovereign territory of another state. It would take mere hours for Azerbaijani troops to seize much of Armenia’s critical infrastructure, particularly in the country’s southern regions, leading to the major displacement of civilians. Armenia could well have no alternative but to surrender and accept any terms proposed by Azerbaijan.

One area where Armenia is particularly vulnerable is near Jermuk, a once popular mountain spa resort. In September 2022, Azerbaijan made incursions along 120 miles of its border with Armenia, leaving its troops deep inside the neighboring country, including near Jermuk. Azerbaijani troops there have fortified their positions on the mountains overlooking an uninhabited gorge through which a road passes to Azerbaijan’s exclave of Nakhichevan. Military experts say that Azerbaijani troops would likely require just two days to traverse the gorge, a feat that could effectively sever the southern region of Armenia, known as Syunik, from the rest of the country.

Armenia fears this sword of Damocles dangling over its head. Since fighting flared last year, Armenia has been calling for the withdrawal of Azerbaijani troops from its territory and has advanced specific proposals to limit weaponry and increase the physical separation between armed forces stationed along the border. Armenia insisted that these measures would prevent the kinds of minor skirmishes that could quickly escalate into a full-blown war. But Azerbaijan, in a position of enormous relative strength, has not agreed to these sorts of measures. For over two years, the two countries have tried to discuss the demarcation of their joint border, both bilaterally and with the participation of Western officials. An agreement on the course of the border could in theory facilitate a withdrawal of Azerbaijani forces from Armenian territory. But this ongoing process shows little promise of success. In late November, Armenian and Azerbaijani senior officials met again at their joint border. They discussed only the agenda and format of potential future talks, not the substance of the problem itself.

The peculiar geography of South Caucasus fuels these tensions. Azerbaijan’s exclave of Nakhichevan is separated from Azerbaijan by a narrow strip of southern Armenia. Azerbaijan has long demanded the creation of a special route through this territory to connect Azerbaijan with its exclave. It has advocated a route, which it calls the Zangezur corridor, that would run through Armenian territory near the border with Iran. Ultimately, that corridor would also give Azerbaijan greater access to Turkey, which borders Nakhichevan. The proposed route would go through about 25 miles of Armenian territory. In the final article of the Russian-brokered cease-fire deal in 2020, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia committed to establishing special controls along this route exercised by the Russian border guards. Armenia is now willing to allow unimpeded movement for Azerbaijani cargo and citizens, but it still is not ready to cede complete control of the route to Russia. For its part, Azerbaijan claims it is willing to discuss Armenian participation in passport and customs controls but still insists on special security protections, which in its view, has thus far been offered only by Russia.

Since the deal was first brokered, both local and foreign diplomats have considered this topic “low-hanging fruit” because the warring countries had an interest in making the agreement happen. Azerbaijan seeks an additional route through Nakhichevan to Turkey. This would help funnel economic support that could be used to reconstruct the regions near Nagorno-Karabakh that had been destroyed during three decades of Armenian control. For Armenia, the corridor can help end what it considers a blockade by Azerbaijan and Turkey, both of which have kept their borders with Armenia closed because of the conflict. Russia and Turkey also have a stake in the project. Moscow wants an additional overland route to Turkey, a major trade partner—and one that has not joined Western sanctions during the Ukraine war. And in a speech at the UN General Assembly in September, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan called for the opening of this corridor, which in theory would provide Turkey an additional trade connection to Central Asia and then China.

In the last three years, both Russia and the West have been attempting to proactively mediate talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan to reach a deal regarding the corridor. The parties came up with smart solutions for arranging joint passport and customs controls, and the EU even offered to invest in constructing a new railroad that would run through the Armenian section of the route. Azerbaijan remains concerned, however, about which entity, if not Russia, would guarantee the security of the route. After Russia failed to head off Azerbaijani attacks in September, Armenia distrusts Russia and does not want it to have any involvement in the operation of the corridor. Instead, Armenia now promotes a project that it calls a “Crossroad of Peace,” which promises a more peaceful and prosperous region if Azerbaijan drops its remaining demands and agrees to open its borders with Armenia.

Such posturing aside, an agreement regarding the corridor could be within reach because many of the technical issues appear to have been mostly resolved. But to make progress, both countries need to resume talks. Otherwise, the dispute will drag on, deepening frustration in Azerbaijan, as well as in Russia and Turkey, and potentially contributing to more tensions and even a new war.

If Armenia and Azerbaijan do not return to the negotiating table, a war grows ever more likely. Over more than 30 years of their conflict, these two countries have been close to sealing a deal many times. They failed on every occasion, leading to greater militarization of the region, increased tensions, new wars, and more circumscribed prospects for peace and development. The recent events in Nagorno-Karabakh and the exodus of the entire Armenian population from the enclave are tragic. But in the absence of a diplomatic solution to the remaining issues relating to border demarcation and the corridor, a new war could carve up Armenia.

Restarting talks will not be easy. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has already skipped two planned meetings with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan organized by the EU in October. The United States has recently put pressure on Azerbaijan to head back to the negotiating table, engaging more directly with Azerbaijani leaders and also signaling that Azerbaijan’s refusal to return to talks might have costs that Western states have previously refrained from imposing, including pausing bilateral cooperation projects or even placing travel bans on some Azerbaijani officials. So far, this approach has not yielded results. In late November, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken had to call Aliyev to get his country to agree to the visits of U.S. envoys to the region. At the same time, Azerbaijani officials have advocated for talks with a different format and agenda purely on their country’s terms.

Even as the West remained at loggerheads with Russia over the war in Ukraine, Russian officials agreed to reopen lines of communication relating to the South Caucasus shortly before the September war in Nagorno-Karabakh, meeting with Western counterparts several times. These channels will not fundamentally change Russia’s confrontational attitude toward the West, but they could, at the very least, promote better mutual understanding and create some opportunities for risk management. Western officials should work to keep these channels open. 

Despite their failure to prevent the recent war in Nagorno-Karabakh, the United States and the EU are still the only powers both willing and able to push negotiations forward. Their readiness to continue shuttle diplomacy between Armenia and Azerbaijan is helpful, and the West should continue to try to bring Azerbaijan back to the negotiating table. The prospects for success in the Western-led process may now look small, but if Azerbaijan does not see any reason to return to the table, it may seek to advance its interests on the battlefield instead.

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/armenia/armenia-under-gun

RFE/RL Armenian Service – 12/08/2023

                                        Friday, December 8, 2023


Armenian Official Hopes For U.S. Pressure On Baku

        • Astghik Bedevian

Armenia - Sargis Khandanian of the ruling Civil Contract party attends a session 
of the National Assembly, Yerevan.


A senior Armenian lawmaker expressed hope on Friday that the United States will 
press Azerbaijan to agree to fresh U.S.-mediated peace talks with Armenia.

“We hope that our U.S. partners will make sufficient efforts and maybe also put 
pressure on Azerbaijan so that negotiations continue in Washington,” said Sargis 
Khandanian, the chairman of the Armenian parliament committee on foreign 
relations.

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken was scheduled to host talks between the 
Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers in Washington on November 20. 
However, the Azerbaijani side cancelled them in protest against what it called 
pro-Armenian statements made by James O’Brien, the U.S. assistant secretary of 
state for Europe and Eurasia.

O’Brien visited Baku and met with Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev and 
Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov earlier this week. He said he told them that 
Blinken still “looks forward to hosting” the top Armenian and Azerbaijani 
diplomats soon. It is not yet clear whether he reached with them any agreements 
to that effect.

In what may have been a related development, a U.S. special envoy for the 
Armenia-Azerbaijan peace talks, Louis Bono, met with Foreign Minister Ararat 
Mirzoyan in Yerevan on Thursday. The Armenian Foreign Ministry said Mirzoyan 
reaffirmed his readiness to meet with Bayramov in the U.S. capital.

His meeting with Bono coincided with the announcement of an Armenian-Azerbaijani 
agreement to exchange prisoners and take other confidence-building measures. The 
United States and the European Union were quick to welcome the deal. They said 
they hope that it will facilitate an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty sought by 
them.

Khandanian cautioned, however, that implications of the prisoner swap, agreed as 
a result of direct contacts between Baku and Yerevan, should not be 
overestimated. The two sides have only solved a “humanitarian issue” and it 
remains be seen whether they can make similar progress on other fronts, he said.

In recent weeks, Baku has repeatedly accused the Western powers of pro-Armenian 
bias and proposed direct negotiations with Yerevan.




Armenian Government Issues Jobs Data On Karabakh Refugees


Armenia - Refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh ride in a truck upon their arrival at 
the border village of Kornidzor, September 27, 2023.


Over 5,350 ethnic Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh have found jobs in Armenia but 
thousands of others remain unemployed more than two months after fleeing their 
homeland following an Azerbaijani military offensive, a senior Armenian official 
said on Friday.

News agencies quoted Ruben Sargsian, a deputy minister of labor and social 
affairs, as saying that about one thousand of them have been hired by Armenian 
schools, colleges and other educational institutions. More than 1,800 others now 
work for local entities involved in services, manufacturing and construction, 
Sargsian told a news conference. He said nothing about the occupations of other 
officially employed Karabakh refugees.

More than 100,000 ethnic Armenians making up Karabakh’s virtually entire 
remaining population fled to Armenia in late September as Baku regained full 
control of the region after two days of fighting that left hundreds of soldiers 
from both sides dead. Most of them have since struggled to find new housing and 
sources of income. In Sargsian’s words, 3,737 refugees had the official status 
of an unemployed person as of December 4.

Armenia - Ethnic Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh walk along the road from 
Nagorno-Karabakh to Kornidzor in Syunik region, September 26, 2023.

According to Karabakh’s exiled leadership now based in Yerevan, some 6,000 
Karabakh Armenians have left for other countries, mainly for Russia, for these 
reasons. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian said on November 23 that their 
out-migration from Armenia has essentially stopped not least because of various 
aid programs implemented by his government.

“I have repeatedly said that our policy on our sisters and brothers forcibly 
displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh is as follows: if they are objectively unable or 
unwilling to return to Nagorno-Karabakh we will do everything to have them stay 
in Armenia,” he said.

However, many refugees complain that Armenian ministries, law-enforcement 
agencies and local government bodies are rejecting their job applications on the 
grounds that they do not have Armenian citizenship or are not registered in 
permanent places of residence in the country.

Pashinian and other government officials declared in October that the refugees 
are not Armenian citizens despite the fact that virtually all of them hold 
Armenian passports. Some legal experts disputed those claims.

Armenia - Newly arrived refugees from Nagorno Karabakh register at a government 
aid center in Kornidzor, September 26, 2023.

“I don't know anyone in my circle who has landed a job in the [Armenian] public 
sector,” Armen Petrosian, a former martial arts coach who worked at the Karabakh 
ministry of education and sports until the exodus, told the Hraparak newspaper 
on Friday.

Petrosian said that he applied for corresponding jobs at the Yerevan mayor’s 
office or sporting schools administered by it but was told that the municipal 
administration is “not an employment center.” He accused the Armenian government 
of “doing everything” to reduce the number of the Karabakh refugees. Many of 
them blame Pashinian for the restoration of Azerbaijani control over their 
homeland and its depopulation.

Earlier this week, Yerevan Mayor Tigran Avinian told municipal officials to be 
“a bit more active” in helping Karabakh Armenians find jobs. But it is not clear 
whether he encouraged them to hire refugees.




West, Russia Hail Armenian-Azeri Prisoner Exchange


Two flags of Armenia and Azerbaijan fluttering in the wind.


The United States, the European Union and Russia have praised Armenia and 
Azerbaijan for agreeing to swap prisoners held by them and to take other 
confidence-building measures.

Under the agreement announced late on Thursday, Azerbaijan will free 32 Armenian 
prisoners of war in exchange for Armenia’s release of two Azerbaijani soldiers 
and support for Baku’s bid to host the COP29 climate summit next year.

“This commitment represents an important confidence building measure as the 
sides work to finalize a peace agreement and normalize relations,” Matthew 
Miller, the U.S. State Department spokesman, said shortly after the announcement.

EU Council President Charles Michel was also quick to welcome the deal, calling 
it a “major breakthrough in Armenia-Azerbaijan relations.”

“I now encourage the leaders to finalize the Armenia-Azerbaijani peace deal [as 
soon as possible,] tweeted Michel.

The Russian Foreign Ministry expressed its “satisfaction” with the prisoner 
exchange the following morning.

“This contributes to mutual strengthening of trust and opens up new 
opportunities for furthering the Armenian-Azerbaijani normalization process in 
line with the comprehensive trilateral agreements reached by the leaders of 
Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia in 2020-2022,” said Maria Zakharova, the ministry 
spokeswoman.

Zakharova specifically hailed Yerevan’s stated support for the holding of the 
COP29 in Baku. She said that Russian President Vladimir Putin’s special climate 
envoy has “held contacts with Baku and Yerevan aimed at reaching a common 
understanding” on the UN climate summit.

The chairman of the Armenian parliament committee on foreign relations, Sargis 
Khandanian, stressed, meanwhile, the deal is the result of direct negotiations 
held by Baku and Yerevan. He gave no details of those talks.

Khandanian also said the release of the prisoners is “a matter of hours or 
days.” The Azerbaijani government publicized overnight the list of the 32 
captives that will be repatriated by it. Most of them were taken prisoner in 
Nagorno-Karabakh in December 2022 just weeks after a Russian-brokered ceasefire 
stopped the Armenian-Azerbaijani war.

According to Yerevan-based human rights groups, Baku held at least 55 Armenian 
captives as of Thursday. They included 41 POWs, six civilians and eight current 
and former leaders of Karabakh arrested following Azerbaijan’s September 
military offensive in Karabakh. The Karabakh leaders are not covered by the 
latest deal.



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2023 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Asbarez: 32 Armenian POWs to be Released after Yerevan, Baku Announce Joint Deal

EU Welcomes the Deal, Calls for Resumption of Talks

The governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan announced a prisoner exchange deal whereby 32 Armenian soldiers detained by Azerbaijan will be released. In return Armenia will also release two Azerbaijani soldiers currently in custody in Armenia.

In a joint statement issued by the offices of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan, it was announced that as a result of talks between the two offices “an agreement has been reached on taking tangible steps towards building confidence between two countries.”

“The Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan share the view that there is a historical chance to achieve a long-awaited peace in the region. Two countries reconfirm their intention to normalize relations and to reach the peace treaty on the basis of respect for the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity,” the statement said.

As a sign of goodwill, the deal stipulates that Armenia will support Azerbaijan’s bid to host the 2029 Climate Summit by withdrawing its own candidacy.

“The Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan do hope that the other countries within the Eastern European Group will also support Azerbaijan’s bid to host. As a sign of good gesture, the Republic of Azerbaijan supports the Armenian candidature for Eastern European Group COP Bureau membership,” said the statement.

“The Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan will continue their discussions regarding the implementation of more confidence building measures, effective in the near future and call on the international community to support their efforts that will contribute to building mutual trust between two countries and will positively impact the entire South Caucasus region,” the statement concluded.

The latest prisoner deal followed U.S. Assistant Secretary of State James O’Brien’s visit to Baku, Azatutyun.am reported. O’Brien discussed with Aliyev U.S. efforts to kick-start talks on the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty. In what may have been a related development, a U.S. special envoy for the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace talks, Louis Bono, met with Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan in Yerevan on Thursday.

European Council President Charles Michel welcomed the Yerevan-Baku joint statement.

“Delighted to welcome a major breakthrough in relations as they issue a joint statement. Welcome in particular release of detainees and unprecedented opening in political dialogue,” Michel said on X, formerly Twitter.

“Establishing and deepening bilateral dialogue between sides has been a key objective of the EU-led Brussels process: today’s progress is a key step. I now encourage the leaders to finalize the peace Armenia-Azerbaijan deal ASAP,” added Michel.


The Keys of Mother Arax

An essay by Catholicos Karekin II of the Great House of Cilicia (1983-1994), later Karekin I, Catholicos of All Armenians (1994-1999), collected in his anthology Հող, մարդ եւ գիր (Echmiadzin 1996). This translation is dedicated to the people of Artsakh, whose land will never cease to wait for their return. 

***

This is the spiritual record of a 1972 pilgrimage along the Iranian side of the River Arax to the ancient monastery of St. Stephen the Protomartyr, elaborated with historical details taken from the chronicles of Arakel Tavrizhetsi, and written particularly under the impression of the desolated landscape of Old Julfa. 

***

Ruin was on all sides: death, collapse, houses guttering in flames. A baleful desert wind had begun to blow over Armenia, a wind which seemed to hunger for the Armenian highland. Often enough already, it had released its malignant breath over the land and the Armenian people living and creating life upon it. Did it take some pleasure from the Armenian soil? By its bitter-breathed visitation, homes were reduced to rubble, churches to ruins, trees to cinders, fields of grain to trampled straw, and people to corpses or beings like corpses, wearing under the names of “captive,” “exile” and “refugee” the very shadow of death. 

 The seventeenth century had newly opened over Armenia. The yoke of slavery was manacled fast around the necks of the Armenian people. The Ottoman ruined and plundered. Taxes oppressed to the point of strangulation. Even breathing had become a kind of torment. Armenia’s buoyant and invigorating atmosphere had become stifling for her native children. The hope of some reprieve had given way to a passionate thirst for liberation, a prospect whose horizon, however, remained so unfathomably distant as to seem unattainable. 

But a gleam of hope suddenly shone from the East, when the people, stooped and gasping under the weight of oppression, heard that the Shah of the Persians was coming to battle the Ottoman Sultan. When the Shah and the Sultan clashed, when force neutralized force, the Armenian expected the yoke to become lighter upon him, to open his chest and breathe freely and deep, to sing his plow song and enjoy the bounty of the soil with a calm heart and unconstrained delight.

With hope spreading from their hearts to their hands, the Armenians opened their arms to welcome the new king, the mighty lord of Persia, Shah Abbas, whose fame had reached Armenia from distant Isfahan long before he arrived. 

When, crossing the Arax River, the Shah set foot on Armenian soil, the lively people of the flowering settlement of Julfa—princes and nobles, artisans and merchants, city-dwellers and laborers, young people and old adorned in clothing “shot through with gold” and “wonderful to the sight,” priests with burning candles, precious frankincense, smoke ascending ring on ring from brimming thuribles, choirs and musicians with songs “befitting to the day,” pure-hearted children in the tender springtime of life bearing golden cups of sweet and fragrant wine—led the august monarch of Imperial Persia over roads bedecked in many-colored carpets from the bank of the Arax to the center of their prosperous city, the stately home of Khoja Khachik.¹ Perched on his seat of honor in that ornate mansion, the son of the khoja, golden tray in hand, offered gold heaped on gold to the gold-hungry Shah. As though entering into competition with the hospitable Prince Khachik, all the other prominent Armenians brought gifts worthy of their illustrious city, offering the best portions of what they had saved in order to satiate the Shah and to rid themselves of what would otherwise surely be taken by violence—“everything, even all of their livelihood.”²

For three days and three nights, there was revelry in Julfa. The king was honored and welcomed in the most lavish manner, witnessing greater luxuries with each passing day. The people of Julfa fed the Shah with delectable foods and fortified him with wines delicately perfumed with the scent of the flowers of Armenia, rendering to him everything that is fitting to a king…

The king observed, and he saw. But no one else could see what he saw. None could read the thought that was taking form in his mind. The Shah did not see only gold. Beyond the wealth, his gaze found its source, that Armenian facility which had amassed it from stone and soil, sea and river, from distant parts of the world, from all manner of trades and arts: the constructive and creative will which here in the stark isolation of the mountains had built up the city of Julfa into a center of commerce and a haven for new feats of craftsmanship. In the proud testimony of the contemporary historian Arakel Tavrizhetsi, “It was a great and illustrious settlement at that time, renowned in all the Eastern world.”

He saw. What he saw, he did not say. He stored it away in the folds of his mind and journeyed on into the depths of Armenia—Yerevan and Van, Baghesh and Arjesh, Manzikert and Alashkert, Ani and Berkri, Artske and Basen, Gandzak and Shirak, Kars and Kaghzvan, and he reached as far as Karin. He saw it himself. He saw it through the eyes of his generals and soldiers as well: everywhere the same people, subject to trial and persecution, laboring under the extremest burden of taxation, a people who kept their land green, wrought cathedrals out of the mountain cliffs, a people who marked their graves with curiously woven stones in the image of crosses blooming into flower. A people who turned the deserts³ of their monasteries into oases of the mind, who drew the subtlest colors from the roots of trees, fashioned parchment from animal skins and made pens of reeds, pens which brought forth an abundance of miniatures and illuminated manuscripts. 

The king saw.

And all at once his mind flew back, returned to his newly constructed capital of Isfahan in the arid interior of Persia, and he thought of the glory he had yet to build for himself…The king was a man of lofty dreams. He wished to build a capital to match the greatness and wealth of his empire. He wished to trace the borders of his empire with the compass of his heart’s urgent desire. He needed graceful hands, productive hands, capable merchants, experienced and versatile artists and artisans, whether from Europe or any other part of the world—only let them be in his capital, for his capital. 

The king saw. 

And the idea that had ripened in his mind saw the sun and came to life. He decided to tear these people from their native country, take them from their own land into Persia, and especially to that place for which his heart beat most fervently—Isfahan. 

His order was abrupt and irrevocable. The mighty emperor knew that an even greater force, under the command of Sinan Pasha, was arriving to repel his advance into the depths of Armenia, over which the Ottomans considered themselves lords and masters. Time was short. The people were many. The road was long. It was necessary to move quickly. 

First he sought with persuasive words and rhetorical art to create the semblance of a voluntary exodus. He called for the eminences of the Armenians and said to them: 

“You have heard, no doubt, that the Ottoman armies have reached Karin and even now are on the march into the depths of Armenia. Soon they will arrive. Our army and theirs will surely meet. Among their ranks number many ‘brigands and bandits and rogues,’ adventurers who know neither law nor order, neither authority nor command, men who, heedless of their commanders and careless even of their own lives, will attack simple people, rob, destroy and plunder, commit outrages against families—and you will surely fall victim to ruin or captivity at their hands. In my mercy, I wish to deliver you. Therefore, let all the children of the Armenian nation come out from their homes, their villages and cities and journey ahead for a few days, so that when the Ottoman armies arrive we may do battle against them. If the Almighty graces us with victory, at that time the people will return to their homes and will remain as our subjects. And if the Almighty grants the victory to them, we will depart and you will return to live as their subjects.” 

The council of the Armenians fell to consideration. Their leader and guide was Father Hovhannes, a learned and thoughtful priest, much devoted to the nation, whom the people in their affectionate and familiar way called “Agha Derder.”

It was autumn in Armenia. A green-tinted yellow was scattered over the mountains and fields, like manna from God’s invisible fingers. After the weary effort of spring and summer, the people deservingly waited for the soil to give birth, to enjoy the fruits of their labor. The grain of the fields had come out in golden ears. The threshing grounds had woven towers and walls of grain-sheaves around themselves. The storerooms of the Armenian homesteads were empty, but cleaned and swept in the hope of receiving their winter inhabitants—root vegetables from the Armenian soil. The grapes in their clusters had begun to glimmer yellow and red; they were filled with life-giving juice. The treading-basins had been prepared, and the clay jugs gave off a glint like the light from happy eyes, prepared to receive new wine imbued with life from the sun of the Armenian world. 

The Armenian nobles looked for a long time at the fields and the threshing-floors, the orchards and barns. It was beautiful, this Armenian world. There was a sweet breath of laughter in the lives of the Armenian people as they braided their own pattern upon the work of God’s hands. Armenian life was boiling over with activity. Everyone was ardently given over to his or her own work. They had to provide for the winter ahead. How could they travel at this, of all times? How could they leave the pregnant fields and the laden orchards? How could they bury the hope of tomorrow’s life? How could they abandon a single stone, a single bush or scrap of ground, their ancestral homes, their churches domed on the peaks of hills, standing out of the gorges, embroidered in stone into the mountain slopes? Where else should they go? And why? Especially in this autumn season, their native land was so sweet to them, its scent so enchanting, that going away seemed a thing as grave and as unthinkable as suicide. 

The eminences of the Armenians went to the Shah and said to him:

“Great king, you see that it is autumn now. We have only just celebrated the Feast of the Cross. This season is our time for working. None of the people have made preparations to leave. Everything they own is still in the fields, or on the threshing-floor, or hanging from the branches of trees. We have no pack-animals or other means of transportation ready. How can we take to the road like this? The able-bodied might walk, but what about the elderly and the children? So we ask your Greatness to delay your command until spring, when we will all be ready to leave.” 

After relating this episode in living words gathered from witnesses to the scene, Tavrizhetsi, the historian of the day, adds: “Thus they spoke, that perhaps the hour might pass from them.”

Like their heavenly teacher given over to spiritual agony in the Garden of Gethsemane, they wished for this cup to pass from them, because they sensed that what was offered, presented with such diplomatic cunning, was the cup of death. Their departure from Armenian soil would mean a twin death: the death of the people, and the death of the land. To leave the land for good and all, to renounce the land, would mean subjecting to an earthquake the ground of their collective national existence. 

Like their heavenly teacher given over to spiritual agony in the Garden of Gethsemane, they wished for this cup to pass from them, because they sensed that what was offered, presented with such diplomatic cunning, was the cup of death. Their departure from Armenian soil would mean a twin death: the death of the people, and the death of the land. To leave the land for good and all, to renounce the land, would mean subjecting to an earthquake the ground of their collective national existence. 

But this device of the Armenian elders was all too transparent to the sharp eyes of that seasoned diplomat, the Shah. It was like child’s play to that resourceful master. Shah Abbas’s intention could not be diverted—it was necessary to take the Armenians to populate his country, to mix their sweat with his soil. Such an irrigation would doubtless bear fruit; he himself had seen that rock-quarry called Armenia—and the people who brought forth life and art from the rock. 

Not heeding the pleas of the Armenian leaders, he sent his generals into various provinces of Armenia, some that he had seen, and others he had learned of from his subordinates. Amir-Ghouna, Allahverdi and Mahmoud, along with other commanders who have remained nameless, received an order from the king: “Wheresoever they might undertake it, to drive the people abroad and leave nothing breathing to remain.” With whetted swords and appetites, the generals fell upon the Armenian provinces “as fire driven before the wind passes through dry reeds,” and with swift movements wrested the inhabitants from their native places, turned them out from the homes of their fathers, and drove them like flocks or wild herds to the Ararat Plain. “And they filled the wide plain from horizon to horizon.”

Tears in their eyes, their eyes on the land, the Armenian multitudes looked for a final time at their houses consumed in flames, heard the crackle and shudder of blazing logs. They saw the crops their hands had brought forth going up in fire and smoke, and instead of the smell and taste of warm bread fresh from the tonir they breathed in the stench of the inferno. All of Armenia burned. The country gave way to a spectacle of scorched fields and incinerated forests, shattered villages and cities. 

And all of this was to ensure that the advancing Ottoman army, confronted with a wasteland, would be unable to feed itself and redouble its advance. 

A classic policy…

But not only that. 

So widespread and forceful was the campaign of burning and destruction that in the mind of Shah Abbas it was also and especially a device to break the people from their age-old strongholds and cradles. The first reason was military strategy—to leave desolation in the path of the enemy. But the second motive was a political one. It is to this second intention that the historian alludes when he concludes his description of these heartrending scenes with the words: “So that the people, seeing all of this, would become broken-hearted and never more return.”

Shah Abbas was not afraid of the people. 

But he was afraid of the love for the soil that was nested in their hearts. 

***

After killing the land—and that in such an excruciating fashion—there followed an attempt to eradicate the love of the soil from the people’s hearts. Because the Shah had not only seen the orderliness of the land and its masters’ skilled industry; his eyes had penetrated further to read the love of the fatherland stored up like blood in the hearts of the people. 

What the Shah had seen was witnessed also by a 17th century Portuguese traveler, the Augustinian priest Father Antonio de Gouvea:

“It moved the heart to see this orphaned people, and what they were doing before the gates of their city. Some fell to the ground, embraced the soil, kissing it again and again; others made their farewells to their fatherland and habitations in such heart-wrenching words that it was as though the very walls had consciousness.”

In identity with their inhabitants, the walls became “walls of lamentation” at the moment of their distress. After such long years of intimacy and friendship, those walls could not have failed to receive the love and spirit of their inhabitants, whose warm breath and hands’ caresses were traced layer upon layer into the very stone and mortar. 

It was as though the land bore as much love for the people as the people had for the land, suffering with them often, rejoicing on rare occasions. When the people were with the land, a fountain rose up from it. When they mixed their hands in the soil, grain and grape, bread and wine, life and gladness sprang forth. When the cliffs felt the fine and able touch of their masters’ wonder-working hands, they ceased to be cliffs and became sacredly carved, patterned and eloquent stones, column and statue, arch and dome, khachkar and monument. 

The land has a heart of its own, if we have a heart to feel its heart beating.

The land has a life of its own, if we have breath to feel its life breathing.

Fire could burn the grass of the field, the stalks and the heads of the grain, the branches and fruit of the trees, the posts and beams of the houses. Blows could break down wall and pillar, pulverize statue and khachkar. But neither fire nor violence could reach the heart of the land and of the stones, where the Armenian heart also beats. 

The heart of the land belongs to the Armenian people. Its secret ways are known to them alone, because they have put their heart there, sowed their life there. Because their ‘treasure’ is there, their entire history. And the people know well the words of their beloved Heavenly Teacher, Jesus: “For where your treasure is, there will your heart be also.” 

But it would be premature to submit ourselves to the overwhelming current of such meditations. I will continue to follow the historian and his account; there is still much to see in his picture of this people, depicted on the road of exile with the love of the land remaining its soul. 

***

The land has a heart of its own, if we have a heart to feel its heart beating.  The land has a life of its own, if we have breath to feel its life breathing.  Fire could burn the grass of the field, the stalks and the heads of the grain, the branches and fruit of the trees, the posts and beams of the houses. Blows could break down wall and pillar, pulverize statue and khachkar. But neither fire nor violence could reach the heart of the land and of the stones, where the Armenian heart also beats. 

Amassed in hundreds of thousands, in great haste because the Ottoman army was at the Persians’ heels, the Armenian people were brought out of the heart of their country, the Ararat Plain, and driven into Iran. 

The crossing of the River Arax is one of the most calamitous events in the known history of the Armenian people. I will pass over it, so as not to repeat descriptions so often repeated, sketched in stark black lines by the pens of Armenian chroniclers, annalists and historians, descriptions of a kind which send anguish spiraling from the heart to the bowels. The many drowned in the water were joined by the many devoured by the sword. When all was done, the number of the dead equaled the number of the living survivors. 

Here is just one small corner of that panorama of human destruction, like a single detail in a heaving seascape summoned up by Aivazovsky’s brush. A detail which is the most significant of all, the most characteristic of our people and its sacred marriage with the land. There is an invisible, mystical narod4 binding our people with its natural world. 

narod which many men and states have tried to unravel, supposing that the divorce of the two would be the death of both.  

narod which Armenian grandfathers have always passed down to Armenian grandchildren, with a Khrimianesque blessing.5

narod whose history has been told in a thousand and one episodes by the likes of Tlgadintsi, Zartarian, Hamastegh and Oshagan; those who immortalized the Armenian soil with the wondrously formed power of our written language before returning to dust and earth themselves.

And here is one scene in the history of that narodwhich shines forth lucidly in the otherwise sad and revolting, death-colored history of the Armenian people’s exodus from Julfa. 

The Shah had seen Julfa. The luster of the Julfans’ golden presents had shone into his eyes and remained there. As a guest in the house of Khoja Khachig he had seen what skilled tradespeople they were, their facility for commerce. Among all the people deported from Armenia, the Julfans had a special place in the mind of the Shah. With care and caution he made arrangements for their exodus to Isfahan. 

He assigned this delicate task to his general Tahmazghuli, a Christian apostate of Georgian origin. The Shah prepared a decree instructing him to drive the people of Julfa “expeditiously” into Persia “and leave none to reside there, not even a one.” For him, the skill and grace of every last Julfan was a stone in the city which he would build to his glory. 

Tahmazghuli gave his assignment a ceremonious character. He called for the city elders. In the public square, in the presence of the people, he read the decree in which it was plainly ordered “that they should rise up out of their places and go into the land of Persia.” He threatened to put to death by torture anyone who dared to disobey the rule of the all-powerful Shah. Then heralds ascended to the rooftops of the city and with voices like alarm bells proclaimed the order to every Armenian household. In their high, strained voices, the heralds screamed:

“We give you three days’ term to leave the city and to set out for Persia. In three days, if any man is still found in the city, we will punish him and his entire family with death, and appropriate all of his goods. And as for malingerers or those who try to hide, their properties will belong to whoever can reveal their hiding places, and their heads will belong to the King.”

The command smelled of death to a people who had witnessed much death already. Their minds and hearts had no more room for the idea of death, for more grief and anguish. The reddened waters of the Arax were reflected red in their pupils, like a fog darkening the sun. With tears in their eyes, the natives of Julfa began to gather their belongings in preparation to depart. 

Many of the soldiers, along with bandits gathered like predatory birds from the surrounding Turkic villages, entered the city, and the looting began. It was a marvelous opportunity—not one to be missed. The plunder was rich, their appetites sharp and insatiable. 

Abandoned in spirit, drained of strength, broken-hearted and plundered, the people of Julfa left their homes and, stream on stream, began to pass over the roads of their city toward the edge of the Arax River. They had heard the river’s monotonous sound every day of their lives. But it was a song sweet to their ears, sweet as a folktale telling of centuries long gone by.6 The river was the source of all the order of their lives. The gentlest and most loyal friend they had known. They had woven songs on its banks, joined in play with its lapping and chuckling waves and their thousands of graceful games. And now, for those who had fallen into the waters and remained there, the river had become an all-consuming grave, and, for those who passed over alive, a barrier of thorns separating them from their fatherland. 

Like rivulets of tears, the people passed side by side over the roads of Julfa to gather under the city walls. The walls defending the city had become walls of lamentation. Some of the people mourned for their homes and workshops, others for their native soil, some for the churches and others for the graves of their forebears. With piteous voices, with tearful laments, they departed from all they had built up with fervent songs of love and exultation.  

Near the city gate was located the Church of the Holy Mother of God. The priests had convened there, and they had gathered together the keys of all the churches, intending to hand them over to the Blessed Virgin for protection. The multitude pressed in around the priests. They brought the keys of their own homes, joined them to the keys of God’s House, and together with the priests, they began in a unanimous voice to bring their hearts forth from their lips; beseeching with every thread of their being, they prayed:

“Holy Mother of God, you who gave us the Key of Life, our beloved Jesus, you who know that we have opened the doors of our hearts with His heavenly key, the Holy Gospel, you who know that we have cast all of our keys in the type and likeness of your Holy Son, we now entrust the keys of our churches and homes to youso that you may return us from those foreign places where we are being driven.” 

Love for the land.

Veneration for the native home.

Did they depart, or did they remain?

They were departing with that which was bodily removable—their fleshly existence. But they would remain with that which was above the conditions of time and space—with their soul, which that day had absorbed like a sponge all their love for their native soil, their fatherland, their unbreakable feeling for their own country. 

The River Arax flooded over strangely that day. The reason was not the streams of tears welling over from Armenian eyes. Mother Arax, that age-old witness of Armenian suffering, had taken many tears into herself already. 

The river ran over that day because, after committing the keys of their spiritual and physical homes to the protection of the Holy Mother of God, the Armenian priests and people cast them into the Arax, and the Armenian river took them like holy relics and stored them away in its bed. 

The last consolation for a people orphaned from their land—with a sacred covenant, they entrusted their patrimony to their mother, the Arax River.  

And this took place in the year ՌԾԴ of the Armenian calendar, 1605 A.D.

Artsakh Armenians on the road from Stepanakert to Goris (Siranush Sargsyan)

***

It was the month of May in the year ՌՆԻԲ of the Armenians, the year of our Lord 1973. 

I was walking on the old road along the bank of the Arax. Spring was on all sides. The river was high, cloudy water surging up against the banks all along its wandering course, and clamoring endlessly. On the opposite bank was the stateliest cemetery of the Armenian people, the eternal habitation of many thousands of Armenians whose good fortune it was to close their eyes and take their rest in Armenian soil. 

The survivors of Old Julfa had crossed over to this side of the river and traveled deep into the southern provinces of Iran. The dead had remained on the other bank and, mingling with the soil, returned flesh and bone to the earth, but remained alive thanks to the Julfa khachkars, those most beautiful examples of the Armenian art of memorial sculpture, immortalizing their memory and preserving their spirit.7

My eyes linger very long over this forest of tombstones. The words of the poet suddenly take life in my memory, circling over the distant landscape. 

As a tree to my dead have I planted this cross.”8 

It seems to me that in the absence of their living people the khachkars have become trees, symbols of the endurance of the Armenian people, of our nation’s forward-looking life. Some are grown over with moss. Some have lain down on the ground. Some have slumped halfway to the earth. Many have remained standing, proud even in their four hundred years of orphanhood. 

There is nobody there to light a candle upon them, to burn incense on their pedestals, to recite a litany for the souls at rest and sing “In Supernal Jerusalem” in their memory.9

All at once, the stark mountains of Armenia meet my eyes like inextinguishable candles grouped around the khachkars, the clouds around their skirts like bands of fragrant smoke, the melodious chuckle of the Arax River like a hymn inaudible to mortal ears.  

O happy dead! 

I sit on the bank of the Arax, on a cliff unviolated by the long centuries, and I watch the river. Memories of centuries long past rise again in my mind. And at that moment, the most insistent of those memories is that of the keys to the churches and households of Julfa…

Where are they now, those keys? In what crevice of the riverbed are they hidden; under what layer of murk are they buried? My eyes search in vain. The Arax is impenetrably cloudy. And cloudy it must remain, in order that none might search out and discover the keys of Armenia, which have locked inside themselves the love of Armenia’s soil and homes, of the Church and of the Fatherland. The keys were cast into the water with prayer, with tears, with sacramental mystery. They, too, have hearts, and they know their true owners. The Arax has spread its heavy gray sheet over them. The river has promised to keep them until their owners’ return. And the Arax will not run clear until her people come home. But before the eyes of the Armenians, the river is always prepared to tear open her curtains of silt, to become as transparent as a tear, as mirror-glass, so that the all keys of Armenia might come to light once more. 

And my mind encounters in the waters of the Arax all of those keys which the people of Armenia have buried in the land, concealed in the clefts of the mountains, kept under stones or in caves. 

And these are suddenly coupled with a memory from my childhood in the village of Kessab. Whenever we villagers left home as a family, after locking the door, we would keep the key in a hole in the wall, or under a stone, or in an opening in the trunk of a tree, someplace where it would remain far from the crooked gazes of crooked men. 

So when the Armenians were forced to depart once and for all from the homes of their fathers, having at best a faint hope of return in their hearts despite their unyielding faith and burning will to come home, where did they keep their keys? 

In the riverbeds and deepest gorges of the Arax and the Akhurian, under the pillars of Ani, inside of walls, wherever the keys would remain concealed from sidelong eyes, not fall captive, so that the enemy would never use their tongues to open the houses of Armenians. 

Let them break in and destroy. Have they not destroyed enough already?

But let them never rule over the Armenians’ land, their private homes—the highest and most inalienable of human and national rights—with Armenian keys made by Armenian hands. 

Keys, keys of Mother Arax—

Admit no rust to yourselves. The Armenian hands which made you, used you, kept you sacred, which wait for you even now—you will always belong to these hands, which long for you eternally.  

Keys, keys of Mother Arax—

When the clamor of the river subsides for a moment, open your ears and hear the song of your makers’ children, their grandchildren and great-grandchildren, the new and unswerving generations of Mother Ararat. 

From the depths of my heart, I die with longing for the land of Armenia.10

Keys, keys of Mother Arax— 

Your sleep has lasted very long. Do not fear. Your master is awake. Alongside with you, the water has kept the voices of your owners, who entrusted you to the maternal protection of Mother Arax and the Mother of God. Let these voices, mingled into the current of the Arax, fresh and evergreen as unfading flowers,11 be as a melancholy lullaby to your centuries-long slumber, sounding in chorus:

 Return us from those foreign places where we are being driven.

Sleep easy, until the day when you hear your owners again, the voices of the sons of the sons of the sons of their sons, singing:

“Awake, new people!”12

And at that time—

May the doors of hope be opened once more for the ineradicable nation of the Armenians.13

 For Persian Armenians of the 16th to 18th century, khoja or khawaja was an honorific used for prominent merchants.

Notes

1For Persian Armenians of the 16th to 18th century, khoja or khawaja was an honorific used for prominent merchants.

2See Mark 12:44. 

3Անապատ, “desert” in Armenian, is the name for the part of a monastery reserved for postulants and anchorites.

4narod is a string wound from white and red threads representing the water and blood that ran from Christ’s side at His Crucifixion (John 19:34), used to place the cross around a child’s neck at baptism. Kept throughout life, the baptismal narod is traditionally used to crown bride and groom during the marriage ceremony, and finally interred with the dead. 

5Mkrtich Khrimian, popularly known as Khrimian Hayrik, was the Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople and the Catholicos of the Armenian Church from 1893 until his death in 1907. Karekin is referring to his work “Պապիկ և Թոռնիկ,” “Grandfather and Grandson,” a book of instruction and exhortation addressed with parental warmth by Khrimian to the Armenian people.  

6This sentence quotes from the poem “The Tears of the Arax” (Արաքսի արտասունքը) by Raphayel Patkanian (1830-1892).

7Since the time of Karekin’s writing, the ancient cemetery of Julfa and its tens of thousands of khachkars dating back to the sixth century have been systematically destroyed by the government of Azerbaijan, which currently controls the province of Nakhichevan. 

8The quotation is from Levon Zaven Syurmelian, (1905-1995), a survivor and orphan of the eradication of the Armenians of Trabizon in 1915. Karekin intentionally exchanges the positions of “cross” and “tree” in the original line.

9A requiem hymn of the Armenian Apostolic Church: In supernal Jerusalem, in the dwelling-place of angels, where Enoch and Elijah grow old like doves, worthily glorified in Edenic paradise, Merciful Lord, have mercy on those souls of ours who have fallen asleep.

10Words from a 20th-century Armenian popular song.

11A reference to the hymn Antaram dzaghig (“Unfading Flower”) dedicated to the Virgin Mary, attributed to the fifth century historian St. Movses Khorenatsi. 

12From a 12th-century hymn written by St. Nerses Shnorhali, sung during the nighttime offices of the Armenian Apostolic Church. The full line reads: “Awake new people, taking up a new song to Him who renews all things.”

13“The doors of hope” is a quotation from the poem “Cilicia” by Nahabed Rusinian, which, set to music by Ottoman Armenian composer Gabriel Yeranian (1827-1862), has become a beloved Armenian song.

Thomas Toghramadjian is a deacon of the Armenian Church and a graduate student of Armenian literature at Yerevan State University.


This is not the field, where we may justify the savings. Saribek Sukiasyan on development of science and its issues in RA

 09:50, 23 November 2023

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 22, ARMENPRESS. It is not a secret that the state plays a key role in development and funding of science. The development of science in line with the world is a strategic and agenda issue for Armenia, which is being discussed for years and it is possible to develop the field only through investments.

According to 2023 state budget, the funding of science increased by 155% compared to 2018, and by 21% compared to 2022. It should be mentioned that the science expenses in 2022 amounted to AMD 24 bln and 957 mln. In 2021 more amounts were allocated from the state budget for the re-equipment of scientific equipment centers than in the previous 10 years taken as a whole. Till 2025, it is intended to double, in some cases triple the salaries of more than 3,357 scientists with the introduction of certification systems.

In recent years, mailnly the development of several directions plays a crucial role in the strategy of science development. The directions include: modernization of scientific infrastructures, scientific and scientific and technical theme, creation of centers of excellence for joint use in the field of science within the framework of EU-supported grant programs.

The Chairman of ARMECONOMBANK OJSC Board Saribek Sukiasyan reffered to the role of the state in the field of science development in an interview with lragir.am website in 2022. "This is not an area where we can justify savings." The solutions raised a decade ago are relevant even nowadays.

“As to me, the minimum threshold for science financing, should be at least in the amount of 1% of the GDP,– noted Saribek Sukiasyan and explained that the lower threshold of science funding relative to GDP is a national security issue.  The low indicators of financing will definitely be noticeable . "In science, there is an almost elimination of applied science, aging of scientists. The situation can be fixed only with the strong intervention of the state".

Saribek Sukiasyan considered the development of the scientific field to be the result of comprehensive interaction between the public and private sectors "In line with ensuring the specified funding threshold of at least 1% of the GDP, it is desirable that the state discuss the issue with representatives of the private sector and give clear guarantees that private sector investments will be protected by the appropriate legal framework. In such case the private sector will be keenly interested in investing in science”.

At the same time, while presenting his considerations in science, Sukiasyan highlighted the following. “All the scientific programs submitted for funding must undergo international expertise along with local expertise. I consider it necessary to adopt the law “On Scientific Expertise”, which will enable to carry out the appropriate expertise in abroad. With the adoption of this law, the state will guarantee that the expertise is fair."

The Chairman of ARMECONOMBANK OJSC Board also evaluated the efforts of scientists, overcoming difficulties for years and moved a step forward to the international arena  “Armenian representatives of exact science, despite the difficult conditions for them, are quite active in the international arena, many of them are published in prestigious international periodicals, – it should be noted that in the recent years, the representation of the Armenian scientific potential on international platforms is also one of the axes of the state policy, because, for example, the publication of scientific monographs was one of the funded directions.

Nevertheless,  Sukiasyan pointed out that it is necessary that the state stays focused on some branches of economy bringing them out of isolation. "Many candidate and doctoral theses are defended every year in the fields of economics, but most of those who defend them do not know that there are international periodicals, they do not know on level they are, let's say, international economic thought. According to Saribek Sukiasyan, it is necessary to encourage the integration of our economics into the international scientific flow, establish awards, and create a competitive environment”.

No decision on withdrawal from Moscow-led bloc, says senior Armenian lawmaker

TASS, Russia
Nov 22 2023
Armenian Prime Nikol Pashinyan announced earlier that he would not take part in the CSTO summit in Minsk

YEREVAN, November 22. /TASS/. Yerevan is not leaving the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), Armenian National Assembly (parliament) President Alen Simonyan told reporters.

"Armenia has not made a decision to withdraw from the CSTO," he said, commenting on Armenian officials’ refusal to participate in CSTO events scheduled to be held in the Belarusian capital of Minsk on November 23.

Armenian Prime Nikol Pashinyan announced earlier that he would not take part in the CSTO summit in Minsk. The country’s foreign and defense ministers also refused to participate in CSTO events. Parliament speaker Alen Simonyan, in turn, said that he would not attend a session of the CSTO Parliamentary Assembly in December. Armenia has also recalled its ambassador to the CSTO and has not appointed a new head of its diplomatic mission.

When commenting on Armenian officials’ refusal to participate in CSTO events in Minsk, Russian Presidential Spokesman Dmitry Peskov said that Mosow expected Yerevan to continue working in the organization.

Turkey warns Armenia of West’s arms deliveries

MEHR News Agency, Iran
Nov 21 2023

TEHRAN, Nov. 21 (MNA) – Armenia should work with Turkey and Azerbaijan to build peace instead of looking to the West for weapons and training, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said on Monday in a thinly veiled criticism of the US and France.

Some Western powers have yet to realize that the Karabakh War has changed the Caucasus and the entire region, Erdogan said in a press conference after a lengthy cabinet meeting in Ankara. He was referring to last month’s epilogue to the 2020 conflict, which saw Azerbaijan reclaim the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, followed by the exodus of local ethnic Armenians, RT reported.

“Those who incited Armenia for years and collected profit from the pain, troubles and conflicts of all the people living in this region actually inflicted the greatest damage on the Armenians,” Erdogan said. While he did not name any names, the most prominent supporters of Yerevan in the West have been Paris and Washington.

“They abused Armenians, used them, and condemned them to insecurity by fueling unrealistic dreams. Armenia now needs to see and accept this fact,” Erdogan added.

“No weapons and ammunition sent by Western countries can replace the peace that a permanent peace environment will provide,” Erdogan added, urging Armenia to “accept the hand of peace extended by our Azerbaijani brothers.”

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has sought to forge closer ties with NATO in the aftermath of the Karabakh conflict, the outcome of which he tried to blame on the country's ally Russia. Both Moscow and Yerevan are members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).

Earlier this month, Armenia's deputy defense minister and chief of the general staff, Lieutenant-General Edvard Asryan, visited the US European Command HQ in Stuttgart, Germany. The visit was a “milestone” as the US and Armenia sought to “deliberately and incrementally develop our defense relationship,” EUCOM said in a statement afterward.

Accoridng to RT's report, Yerevan has also reached out to Paris, making a deal last month to purchase unspecified new weapons systems from France. This has prompted Azerbaijan’s president Ilham Aliyev to declare that France would be responsible for any new conflict in the region. Aliyev also pulled out of the EU-hosted peace summit in Grenada in early October, accusing the bloc of hostility towards Baku.

Moscow has protested Armenia’s “hostile” actions and argued that there was nothing it could do to intervene in Nagorno-Karabakh, particularly after Pashinyan himself had explicitly and repeatedly recognized Azeri sovereignty over the disputed region.

https://en.mehrnews.com/news/208655/Turkey-warns-Armenia-of-West-s-arms-deliveries