Author: Meline Chalian

Jan 19 2024

A rapprochement between Yerevan and Baku could go through Ankara, which is actively engaged in stabilizing the Caucasus and in reducing the Russian influence. Nevertheless, long-standing rivalries and inter-ethnic conflicts could prevent the agreement from being reached

The Azerbaijani offensive launched in September 2023 against the self-declared independent Republic of Artsakh brought the region completely under Baku’s control, causing almost the totality of the Armenian ethnicity population to flee, and all Artsakh institutions to be officially dismantled from January 1, 2024. Despite the long standing rivalry, however, the two countries could be at a potential, even if not easy to realize, turning point in their relations that would be crucial for the political stability of the area. Although tensions remain between the parts, the two Presidents – Aliyev and Pashinyan – have recently stated about the importance of building good relations and reaching a peace agreement. In this context, Turkiye, Azerbaijan’s closest ally, plays a key role.

Historical background

Baku and Ankara share historical, cultural and linguistic ties. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Turkiye took the chance for a rapprochement with Azerbaijan, by strengthening diplomatic and military relations. Over the years, the two countries signed four agreements on military cooperation. Ankara helped Baku modernize its security apparatus and actively supported Azerbaijan in aligning with NATO’s standard by providing both military equipment and training for Azerbaijani officers. In particular, the Turkish-made “Bayraktar-2” drones enabled the Azerbaijani army to inflict heavy losses on its Armenian adversary without directly endangering its men.

On the contrary, Turkiye broke off diplomatic relations with Armenia and closed the border with Yerevan in 1993 in response to the First Nagorno-Karabakh war. Although Turkiye was the first country to recognize Armenia’s independence from the USSR, they nevertheless failed to establish relations due to two major issues; First, Turkiye’s refusal to recognize the Armenian massacre of 1915-1919 by Ottoman forces as genocide based on the 1948 UN Convention on Genocide, and second the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute, for which Ankara has always declared unconditional support for Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity.

In recent years, however, the two countries have made several attempts to normalize their relations. In 2008-2009, they signed normalization protocols in Geneva, mediated by Switzerland, which never got to a ratification and were officially canceled by Armenia in 2018. Despite the unsuccessful outcome, Ankara and Yerevan showed that rapprochement is not impossible. In 2021, following Armenian defeat in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh war, the two parts resumed diplomacy. On the 12th of March, Turkish and Armenian foreign ministers met in Antalya, talking about what they called “normalization without preconditions”.

Common interests in the region

Even though territorial disputes remain between Baku and Yerevan over some villages in southern Armenia, and over Azerbaijan’s demand for special status for the Zangezur Corridor, both countries would benefit from mutual cooperation. Azerbaijan would gain direct access to its exclave of Nakhchivan, thus reconnecting with the Nagorno Karabakh region. This would enable Baku to cut off Iran from the route, with which tensions have recently arisen. On the other hand,  Armenia would benefit from having a trading partner like Azerbaijan, which would allow the country to expand its trade routes. Considering the difficult economic situation Yerevan is going through, opening the border with its neighbors would allow Armenia to act as a strategic partner for both Baku and Ankara.

From a Turkiye’s perspective, the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute between the two countries made it possible for Erdogan’s foreign policy to establish diplomatic relations with Yerevan. Normalization would bring Ankara several advantages; Firstly, it would limit Russia’s already eroded influence in the region, bringing Armenia even closer to NATO and the European Union. Shortly after the Azerbaijani attack in September 2023, French President Emmanuel Macron declared his willingness to supply Yerevan with military equipment in the event of a possible new war, and in December Brussels granted Georgia the status of “candidate country”. These two events clearly show the growing European interest in the region. Secondly, it would represent an outstanding victory for Erdogan’s foreign policy, ending a long-standing dispute and promoting Ankara’s international status as a mediator, which would even boost its EU candidacy.

Nevertheless, a greater role in the path to normalization could be played by the hatred between the populations. Opening the borders would mean that the Armenian citizens come into contact with Azerbaijanis after years of war and ethnic cleansing, eventually resulting in a dangerous situation both for the citizens themselves and for any restored diplomatic relations.

The Turkish rapprochement could also go the same way, as most of the Armenian population still demands for international recognition of the genocide. Although the agreements could formally end the dispute, they could in turn lead to an internal conflict within the Pashinyan government, which is already struggling because of the refusal to mobilize the army to defend the Republic of Artsakh and for the further refusal to grant Armenian citizenship to the refugees.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it can be said that the greatest problems for possible cooperation between the three states in the Caucasus lie in the long-standing hatred between the peoples. Even if the presidents reach an agreement on opening the respective borders and trade routes, the people will not forgive the other side so quickly. Good diplomatic relations take years, especially when it comes to inter-ethnic clashes that have resulted in massive killings.

 

Jan 10 2024

Jan 5 2024

JAN. 6, 2024 6:30 AM EST

No matter how old we get, it appears as if we will always hold a special place in our hearts for string cheese. A forever lunchbox staple, string cheese has had our backs — as well as our stomachs — for as long as we can remember, but as we grow older, our palates, naturally, become a bit more refined. To enjoy a "grown-up" variation of the beloved lunch snack without compromising any of the qualities that make string cheese, well, string cheese, reach for the Armenian rendition, known throughout the West Asian country as chechil.

Putting aside the mozzarella flavors that most of us associate with packaged string cheese, chechil is in a category of its own. Forged from various fresh dairy milks, herbs, and seasonings, this dense cheese is heated into curds, which are then extended into thin strings, braided into large pieces, brined, salted, and left to dry out for easy pulling and snacking. Chechil is a tasty treat common around the globe — particularly in Armenia, Iran, Turkey, and the country of Georgia.

Apart from a smoky accompaniment to hops, chechil is an excellent swap for cheese on sandwiches and salads. It makes a great addition to any charcuterie board as the smokiness of the cheese sways with the sweeter rhythms of jams and fruits, while the salt harmonizes with tangy options like olives.

A cheese that journeyed from Turkey

The history of Armenian string cheese expands back to the nomadic eras of Turkey. As a preserved dairy, string cheese was likely created as the ideal traveling food for nomads as it was able to keep well during lengthy trips. Before the cheese made its way to the rest of the Middle East, it was known by Turks as çeçil. Once it spread to Armenia and other countries, the name evolved to chechil.

Chechil went on to become a popular snack in Syria by way of Armenian refugees who had escaped genocide. Since then, this string cheese has broadened its fan base across continents from Europe to the United States. As far as modern variations go, you'll discover spices ranging anywhere from black caraway seeds and mahlab — a common Middle Eastern ingredient — all the way to cumin, red pepper, dill, and garlic.

https://www.tastingtable.com/1483860/armenian-string-cheese-explained/

Channel News Asia

Dec 27 2023

NOYAKERT: Before fleeing the advancing Azerbaijani troops for Armenia, Suren Martirosyan glanced back one last time at his fruit garden in Nagorno-Karabakh, and the momentary vision has haunted him ever since.

"That image of our beautiful garden, which I saw for the final time, still lingers in my eyes: pomegranates and persimmons gleamed brightly on the trees under the brilliant sun," he said, looking at his calloused hands.

The 65-year-old's family of eight is among more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians who fled Karabakh after Azerbaijan recaptured the long-disputed region in a September lightning offensive against Armenian separatist forces.

The exodus of the entire Armenian population from the mountainous enclave has sparked a refugee crisis in Armenia.

On Sep 19, "we heard machine-gun fire and artillery shells exploding close to our house", said Suren's daughter-in-law Arevik.

"At first, we thought it was just another skirmish with the Turks," she said, referring to Turkic-speaking Azerbaijanis.

"But then our panicked village headman came in and said we must all run away as the Turks were already in the village outskirts."

The Martirosyans now live in a decrepit house they rented thanks to government aid in the village of Noyakert, some 50km from the Armenian capital Yerevan.

After just one day of fighting, Armenian separatist authorities, which had controlled Karabakh for three decades, surrendered and agreed to reintegrate with Baku.

Suren blamed Russian peacekeepers - deployed in Karabakh after Armenia's ally Moscow brokered a ceasefire in autumn 2020 – and the Yerevan government for the fall of the breakaway Karabakh republic.

"Our army fought bravely to protect our motherland, it was Russia and the Armenian government who suffered defeat in Karabakh."

Azerbaijan's victory marked the end of the protracted territorial dispute, which had long been seen as unresolvable.

On Sep 26, separatist president Samvel Shahramanyan signed a decree ordering that the breakaway republic "will cease to exist" by the year's end.

But in a surprise move last week, he rolled back on the announcement in comments given in Yerevan.

The statement appeared to undo a historic move by the separatists to dissolve the disputed territory that was at the centre of two costly wars between Armenia and Azerbaijan in 2020 and the 1990s.

It will have no effect on the ground, as Karabakh is now under full Azerbaijani control, and Yerevan is unlikely to support the continued functioning of separatist institutions on its territory.

But Shahramanyan's decision resonated with many Karabakh refugees who still cherish their decades-long dream of secession from Azerbaijan.

"Kids are constantly having nightmares, crying at night and keep asking me when we will return home," said Arevik.

"We will return under the sole condition: if we will be living separately from the Turks, and when our children's safety will be guaranteed 100 per cent."

Arch-foes Armenia and Azerbaijan have said they are close to signing a peace agreement based on the recognition of each other's territorial integrity.

But few among Karabakh refugees share the hope, as deeply-rooted ethnic hatred still poisons relations between Armenians and Azerbaijanis after decades of enmity.

Dec 21 2023

The shortlist of 15 films set to vie for a Best International Feature Film Oscar nomination only has a few surprises in the mix. 

Firstly, there are a couple of crossovers with films also included on the documentary shortlist: Ukraine’s 20 Days in Mariupol and Tunisia’s Four Daughters. At the same time, Morocco’s The Mother of All Lies, also eligible in documentary, landed a shortlist slot only in International Feature. 

For Ukraine, this is the first inclusion on an International Feature shortlist. For a narrative feature, same goes for Armenia with Michael A. Goorjian’s Amerikatsi.

Bhutan, here with The Monk and the Gun, is a comer. After landing the country’s first advancement in 2021 with Lunana: A Yak in the Classroom, director Pawo Choyning Dorji is again in the mix.

A surprise here is Iceland’s Godland, which debuted in Cannes in 2022 and is handled by Janus domestically. Hlynur Palmason’s movie “strikes that elusive balance of pace and pitch,” said Deadline’s review at the time.

We’re a little surprised to not see Bulgaria’s Blaga’s Lessons included, but the rest of the field essentially was expected. 

Here is the full Oscar shortlist for International Feature Film:

Armenia, Amerikatsi
Bhutan, The Monk and the Gun
Denmark, The Promised Land
Finland, Fallen Leaves
France, The Taste of Things
Germany, The Teachers’ Lounge
Iceland, Godland
Italy, Io Capitano
Japan, Perfect Days
Mexico, Totem
Morocco, The Mother of All Lies
Spain, Society of the Snow
Tunisia, Four Daughters
Ukraine, 20 Days in Mariupol
United Kingdom, The Zone of Interest

https://deadline.com/2023/12/2024-oscar-international-feature-shortlist-movie-1235679936/

Dec 19 2023

In the heart of Jerusalem’s Old City, the Armenian community, celebrated for resilience and profound centuries-old cultural legacy, is facing a dire battle for survival. As regional tensions escalate, the community grapples with challenges that not only endanger their freedom of _expression_ but also imperil their distinctive dialect— unique to Jerusalem and now on the brink of disappearing—along with their rich culture and very existence. 

In July 2021, the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem discreetly signed a real estate contract, ceding 25 percent of their quarter for 99 years to an Australian–Israeli settler investor. This action has thrust the Armenian community into crisis, as they now face the imminent threat of losing a significant portion of their quarter. 

While the community temporarily suspended proceedings upon the discovery of this arrangement in May 2023, bulldozers, accompanied by armed Israeli settlers, have already initiated the excavation of the parking lot surrounding the Monastery of the Armenian Apostolic Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

The Armenian ethnolinguistic minority has been present in the Holy Land since the fourth century, with a history that includes aiding survivors of the 1915 Armenian genocide. After the 1948 war, the Armenian population in Jerusalem has dwindled to fewer than 2000 residents today, the majority of whom live within the Armenian Quarter.

The site houses the Patriarchate’s Theological Seminary, the Brotherhood of St. James, ancient churches, a museum, library, health clinic, and the Sts. Tarkmanchatz Armenian School, founded in 1929. Here, Armenian children not only learn their language but also engage in activities within the courtyard—a pivotal space for the community to convene, converse in their native tongue, and safeguard their cultural identity.

Global Voices conducted an interview with an Armenian resident from Jerusalem who chose to remain anonymous for safety amid the ongoing war on Gaza and the threat faced by the Armenian quarter.

The interview delved into the political climate and surveillance in Jerusalem, shedding light on issues such as discrimination, hate speech, and the escalating restrictions on freedom of _expression_.

Co-authored by the resident and refined for clarity, the interview offers valuable insights into the challenges faced by the Armenian community  as they strive to preserve their language and cultural identity in the region.

Mariam A. (MA): How are you coping with the situation in Jerusalem and Gaza? 

Armenian Resident (AR): It's been very difficult. The current situation in Jerusalem, the ongoing genocide in Gaza, and the fact that we feel paralyzed and unable to do anything contribute to the overwhelming sense of helplessness.

The most challenging aspect for non-Jewish Jerusalemites is that we have been forbidden from expressing any type of sympathy or concern. We are witnessing complete surveillance, a militarized city, with most [Jewish] civilians armed with rifles, and a heightened presence of police officers and soldiers patrolling the city. 

There is a constant fear of being stopped at any moment, with the risk of having your phone snatched and the security forces going through its contents. 

I checked the emergency state law, and it states that the IDF has the right to enter private spaces, including homes, or go through personal property based on suspicions. This legal provision legitimizes such actions.

Aware of this, people are trying to monitor not only their speech but also their thoughts, fearing potential endangerment for knowing more than what is deemed acceptable about the current situation.

I would say it's a state of paranoia at this moment.

MA: Have community  members  experienced incidents where they were stopped, had their phones confiscated, and been checked?

AR: Yes, I've witnessed this happening several times in different parts of the city as I walk around. They stop young men under suspicion of being Arab, conducting thorough searches, which include checking their phones.

I know of particular cases involving young students, both men and women, whose phones were snatched. If phones showed any social media or text messages expressing sympathy or concern for the ongoing situation, they were detained.

MA: Do you think the Armenian community is affected by this surveillance mentality, or do you feel they are exempt from it?

AR: Nobody is exempt. What we've been witnessing, not just during this war but even before, is a trend that emphasizes that this is an exclusive city and an exclusive country. Waves of people, youth especially, audaciously scream out chants proclaiming it as a Jewish-only state, asserting that this is the state of Israel. 

The sad part is that this wave of fanaticism doesn’t acknowledge diversity;  The danger of this discourse is that it fails to recognize non-Jewish individuals for who they are, focusing instead on who they are not part of. It doesn’t acknowledge Armenians, Christians, Palestinians, what kind of Muslims they are, do they have families? Do they have pets? 

The trend categorizes individuals as something that doesn't belong. So their identity isn't even seen as an identity. It is negated. 

MA: Within this political landscape, how does the Armenian community's freedom of _expression_ fare? Do you think the community can openly express opinions and identities?

AR: It's funny that you ask that. We've had many discussions within in the Armenian community regarding this particular issue. Since the Armenian genocide of 1915, Armenians have been minorities in various parts of the world.

What's funny is that most Armenians assimilate, consciously avoiding what the state might perceive as “problematic,” by staying away from politics. They adapt quickly, embracing new languages, contributing their skill sets, and harmoniously coexisting with their host societies. Grateful for the countries that provided refuge after the genocide, they preserve their Armenian language, food, and culture. They have always been welcomed.

In Jerusalem for example, Armenians established the first printing house in 1833 and introduced photography and hand-crafted ceramics to the region. 

So it's strange for us to see that even Armenians are viewed as an unwelcome minority by settlers.

In recent years, various settlers have engaged in spitting at religious figures, cursing them, and even pushing them into alleyways. They target people they deem incompatible with their vision of a Jewish-only state.  

A video shows Jewish Ultra-Orthodox Community member spitting on Christian nuns at Jerusalem's Lions Gate. pic.twitter.com/tESUbgNgRG

— Local Focus – Security Alerts (@LocalFocus1) April 13, 2023

There is a lot of silence. 

People don't express their true thoughts; they are too afraid to express their opinion or criticize the state. The system compels us to keep our mouths shut and avoid trouble as much as possible.

Even having this conversation or contributing to this article makes me wonder if it's worth it. It's disempowering and makes me feel cowardly. However, looking around, I realize that most people are scared. They censor themselves, both offline and online. 

This exclusive mindset discriminates against Arab Christians and Armenians. In principle, it shouldn't discriminate against anyone. But the fact that it targets minorities speaks volumes about the mindset in this country at this moment.

MA: In January, settlers inscribed hate slogans on the walls of the Armenian Patriarchy in Jerusalem, advocating revenge and death to Arabs, Armenians, and Christians.  Can you provide more insight into these occurrences and elaborate on how they impact the community?

AR: There have been many incidents and they have been on the rise. 

The walls of the Armenian Convent in the Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem have been vandalized with hate speech, the Armenian National Committee of Jerusalem informs.

“Death to Armenians, Christians, Arabs, and Gentiles,” along with calls for revenge were written on the walls of pic.twitter.com/nKVsUibDAY

— Sanadroug Hajian (@SanadrougH) July 7, 2023

It's been happening against people who look religious and places that might not be strictly Jewish. 

In the Armenian quarter, settlers have been observed spitting at Armenian establishments. If anyone tries to defend or say, “hey, what's wrong with you?” they are met with pepper spray, if not rifles, often with impunity.

Visitors from Armenia are surprised by our “too nice” attitude; they ask us “How do you confront this type of radical, in-your-face harassment? Why aren't you fighting back? Why aren't you doing anything about it?”

They don't realize that people can't do much because the state may seize documents, rescind building permits, remove inhabitants, confiscate properties, or detain individuals. If individuals get attacked and they try to defend themselves, it would be a justification for further attacks.

MA: In light of the current atmosphere and the numerous threats— security concerns, hate speech, and existential threats — how do you preserve your language and cultural identity?

AR: In our community courtyard, we speak our own language, keeping it very much alive. It is used in our meetings and communications. We love it and feel attached to it, as it plays a role in strengthening our sense of identity and community.

The courtyard invokes memories of childhood. Whenever the city is under threat, the Armenian community gathers in the courtyard. It has always been a safe haven.

Amid the ongoing war, Armenians from various parts of the country, like Yafa and Haifa, have either temporarily relocated or begun bringing their kids to the courtyard. It's a beautiful space for children with clubs and the school. When we seek a sense of togetherness, it's usually found there. 

When my dad passed away, I experienced the power of community. Almost everyone attended the funeral, arriving in waves. It was then that I truly realized the strength of our community. We're there for each other.

I hope the monastery remains, though we're cynical these days. Amidst our uncertainty, I am certain of one thing, it is a beautiful community.