Robert Kocharyan to address the public during the May 9 rally at Liberty square

Panorama, Armenia
May 8 2021

Armenia's ex-president Robert Kocharyan will attend the rally scheduled on May 9 at Liberty square in Yerevan. "See you tomorrow," Kocharyan wrote Saturday to his followers on his Facebook page. 

The rally will start at 16.00 Yerevan time and is the first public event organised by the newly-formed political alliance between the Reviving Armenia party and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF, Dashnaktsutyun). As announced earlier, ex-President Kocharyan is set to lead the bloc for the upcoming snap parliamentary elections. 

It is noted that Kocharyan will address the public during the rally. Before the rally, an even marking the launch of the political cooperation between the two political parties and the former president will take place. 

A century after 1915. Armenians are facing a cultural genocide again

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 13:32, 26 April, 2021

YEREVAN, APRIL 26, ARMENPRESS. As every year on April 24, this year also the Armenian people will commemorate the victims of the Armenian Genocide.

However this year, the Armenian people commemorate the lose of 1,5 million victims and their homeland in such a conditions, as it seem to have taken them back to the post-genocide period, when Turkey began to commit the cultural genocide of the Armenian people.

The history seems to be repeating after the war unleashed by Azerbaijan against Artsakh, supported by Turkey. As a result of the war, Azerbaijan destroys and desecrates the Armenian cultural and historical heritage in the territories under its control.

This raises reasonable concerns among Armenians, that after the deprivation of homeland in 2020, Azerbaijan will pursue the same policy of annihilation of the Armenian heritage, which Turkey continues to pursue since the 1915 genocide.

The policy of erasing the traces of the Armenian people was implemented systematically in the historical homeland of the Armenian people and in various cities of Turkey in the years following the genocide.

Combining the fact-finding work of various structures, it turns out that before the Genocide, Armenians had more than 4600 churches, monasteries, schools, cemeteries and hospitals in the Ottoman Empire, particularly in the Western Armenia. Most of them, more than 2000, were places of worship. Most of these historical and cultural monuments have either been destroyed or irreparably damaged due to Turkey’s 100-year-old targeted policy.

Armenian churches and monasteries were destroyed deliberately, or were handed over as property to individuals and those far from settlements were abandoned to the whims of time and nature (1, 2). Some of them were used as ready-made buildings for other purposes, such as a stable, library, museum, cinema, but more frequently, they were turned into mosques, the Armenianness of which is denied (1, 2, 3, 4, 5).

Treasure hunters have rendered an invaluable service to the state in the issue of the destruction of the Armenian heritage. Obsessed with the thoughts of “finding the hidden gold of Armenians”, they irreversibly destroyed the Armenian churches, cemeteries and even houses left by Armenians with the permission of the state (1, 2).

In the last decade, Turkey created an illusion of a state-level responsibility for the preservation of cultural and religious sites of minorities, including Armenians, by partially restoring one or two institutions of religious significance, whose Armenianness is undeniable even in the face of systematic Turkish denial.

Such an example is the Surb Khach Church on Akhtamar Island in Lake Van, the restoration of which was actually a political and propaganda step, aimed at covering up the destruction of 1000 churches.

And the real narrative is that the destruction of the Armenian heritage continues today, which obviously violates the clause of the Treaty of Lausanne signed in 1923, according to which Turkey is obliged to preserve and renovate the religious and cultural heritage sites of the minorities. Over the last 10 years, the Armenian districts of Mush and Malatya in Turkey were destroyed and Armenian standing or half-ruined churches were put up for sale (1).

It is the policy of Turkey, that 106 years after the Genocide, April 24 forces Armenians to draw parallels between the ongoing anti-Armenian policy pursued by Turkey-Azerbaijan alliance in the 21st century that began in Turkey a century ago. Following the example of Turkey, Azerbaijan adopted the same systematic policy to cleanse the territories from Armenianness, which were under its control after the 2020 war. It uses almost the same toolkit as Turkey: everything that is Armenian is either completely destroyed or is presented as a property of other ethnic-religious groups by erasing the Armenian inscriptions from the walls.

In just a few months after the war, many such cases were reported with the direct participation of the state’s top leadership. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliev has taken the lead in this issue. In March, he visited Surb Astvatsatsin Armenian Church in Tsakuri village of the occupied region of Hadrut, in Nagorno-Karabakh, claiming that it is an Albanian church and that the Armenian inscriptions of 12th century are falsified. The policy of appropriation of the Armenian heritage is pursued in almost all of the most important religious structures of Artsakh. The relatively new and not so famous churches are completely destroyed. A vivid example of this is the mysterious missing of the Armenian Church of St. Mariam Astvatsatsin in Jabrayil, under the control of the Azerbaijani Armed Forces, on which the British BBC prepared a report. In the same way, the Azerbaijani authorities destroyed the medieval Armenian khachkars of Jugha without leaving a trace in 2005-2006.

Only 6 months have passed since the war, but there are numerous videos spread on the social networks, where encouraged by impunity Azerbaijani soldiers vigorously demolish, desecrate and trample on Armenian cemeteries, houses, icons, presenting their deed as a great heroism.

However, it seems that Azerbaijan decided to surpass Turkey in the policy encouraged by the state. Everything that Turkey did to eliminate the Armenian trace in 100 years, Azerbaijan wants to do in a shorter period of time.

Perhaps, this is the reason why since now Azerbaijan has been delaying the visit of UNESCO independent experts to the region after the war, to assess the state of cultural values and inventory of Armenian cultural, religious and historical monuments under the control of Azerbaijan. This targeted policy probably has a clear goal to eliminate the Armenian trace from this part of the historical homeland of the Armenian people as much as possible.

Rafayel Sahakyan

Anahit Veziryan




Turkey’s best-known author reflects on politics and pestilence

Economist
April 30 2021

The Nobel prizewinner’s latest novel is set during a pandemic

Books & arts May 1st 2021 edition

Orhan pamuk has had two pandemics to worry about. One confined him and millions of other Turks to their homes for long stretches of the past year. The other struck over a century ago, germinated in his mind for years, and eventually spread through the pages of his new novel, “Nights of Plague”.

Mr Pamuk, Turkey’s most celebrated author, says he began writing the book five years ago. (At his home in Istanbul, he sits a good 20 feet from your correspondent; he turns 70 next year and takes social distancing seriously.) He set the novel on a fictional Ottoman island in the Aegean in the early 1900s, amid an outbreak of bubonic plague. Just as he began to wrap it up, covid-19 hit Turkey. Reality intruded on fiction. “Suddenly my private world was gone; everyone was using my words,” he says. “Everyone was talking about quarantine, like they were researching this book.”

The resulting writer’s block lasted two weeks. Then the disease raging around him, plus anxieties about his own health, made the author reimagine the pestilence his characters had to endure. He rewrote swathes of the book. (Given the magnetic view from his desk, of the ferries and container ships criss-crossing the Bosporus and the rolling Istanbul skyline beyond, it is a wonder that he manages to get any work done at all.)

“Nights of Plague” has just been published in Turkish and comes out in English next year. Mr Pamuk is intent on discussing it—but cannot help talking about the state of Turkey. A chat between two Turks about music or literature no longer seems possible without politics elbowing in; the stench of repression is everywhere. His next appointment, says Mr Pamuk, is with Murat Sabuncu, a journalist who recently spent over a year in prison on bogus terror and coup charges. Days earlier, one of Mr Sabuncu’s guests on an opposition television channel stumbled into the studio with his fingers broken. A critic of the government, he had just been attacked by nationalist thugs. “They put everyone in jail, but this is not enough, so they beat [people] up,” says Mr Pamuk, shaken.

In 2005, a year before he was awarded the Nobel prize for literature, Mr Pamuk had his own brush with prison when prosecutors charged him with “insulting Turkishness”. His offence was to have spoken a few words to a Swiss newspaper about the slaughter and forced deportation of over a million Armenians by Ottoman forces during the first world war. He faced up to three years behind bars, but the charges were eventually dropped. Even now he periodically receives death threats because of those and later remarks. He still has a police bodyguard.

“I was always in trouble because of my interviews, not because of my novels,” he says. With his latest book, that might change. Already he has had to deny a popular columnist’s claim that he has mocked Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern Turkey, in the person of a character. He may face more heckling for his treatment of Abdulhamid II, a sultan who sought to prevent the Ottoman Empire’s collapse by mixing autocracy with pan-Islamism.

Modern Turkish Islamists—including the president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan—have reinvented Abdulhamid as a hero of the late Ottoman era. A period drama about the sultan’s final years in power, aired on state tv, goes further, depicting him as an archetype for Mr Erdogan and a victim of European and Zionist intrigues. Words spoken by Mr Erdogan one week regularly come out of Abdulhamid’s mouth in the next week’s episode. His portrayal in “Nights of Plague” is less charitable. “Abdulhamid closed parliament, did not care about free speech, and made Ottoman Istanbul a police state,” says Mr Pamuk.

He is a famously meticulous writer, recalling the Ottoman miniaturists in one of his earlier books, “My Name is Red”, a murder mystery set in 16th-century Istanbul. Though such forensic attention to detail can lead to impenetrable prose, for the most part Mr Pamuk’s shimmers. He pores over old maps, photos and manuscripts, drawing sketches and painting watercolours of his characters. After writing “The Museum of Innocence”, a novel about a lovesick hoarder, he assembled the everyday objects described in the book and enshrined them in a small, remarkable museum. For “Nights of Plague” he devoured all the pandemic literature he could find. He studied cholera’s progress from China and India to Ottoman lands, aboard steamships packed with Muslim pilgrims heading to Mecca and Medina, and the resistance to quarantine measures across the empire.

But it took the mounting toll of today’s pandemic—the way heads turned when someone coughed or sneezed on the metro or at a nearby table—for him to realise that something was missing. He sensed that omission again when Istanbul, a city of 15m people, sank into morbid silence during its lockdowns, and when he prowled its empty streets at night with his bodyguard and his camera, flanked by stray cats and dogs. “I had imagined my world, but the one thing I couldn’t imagine”, he says, “was fear. My characters in the book were more fearless before the coronavirus.”

Mr Pamuk likes to joke that he used to have three bodyguards and now has only one, which means that Turkey must be improving. A more plausible reason is that he is no longer at the centre of the country’s political storms. That, he says, is because the centre has vanished.

Liberals in Turkey have generally been a lonely, endangered species. But a decade or two ago they could at least hope to be heard. Now they have been muzzled. In 2017 Mr Pamuk gave a long interview to what was once Turkey’s newspaper of record, in which he said he opposed constitutional changes that granted Mr Erdogan sweeping new powers. Fearing the government’s wrath, the paper killed the story. Mr Pamuk has since stopped speaking to the big Turkish news outlets. They have stopped asking him.

Now, he says, there is no room for truly free speech. “A unique thing that I haven’t seen in this country before is these silences when the name of our president comes up,” he observes. “Before, you could say something nasty in a taxi or a supermarket. Now it’s silence.” 

This article appeared in the Books & arts section of the print edition under the headline "Orhan Pamuk’s plagues"

 

Human rights activist Ruben Melikyan not to run in snap elections

Panorama, Armenia
April 30 2021

Former Ombudsman of Artsakh, Armenia’s former Deputy Minister of Justice, human rights activist Ruben Melikyan will not run in the upcoming snap parliamentary elections on the list of any party or bloc.

“I am personally a supporter of Nemesis. If there was an alliance called "Nemesis", I would gladly join it. But since Nemesis is, in principle, incompatible with the proportional electoral system, you will not find my name on the lists of candidates during the upcoming elections,” he wrote on Facebook on Thursday.

At the same time, the activist said he will continue to "fight for Armenia and against the capitulator-usurper." 

Defense ministry reports attempted border crossing by 8-10 Azeris dressed in civilian clothing

Panorama, Armenia

On April 28, at around 11.40, a group of 8-10 people dressed in civilian clothing crossed the contact line and entered the buffer zone in the northeastern section of the RA border from direction of Alibeyli settlement. As Defense Ministry of Armenia reported in a released statement, they were carrying with them 30-40 meter-long pipes, presumably for establishing a water supply to a nearby Azerbaijani military post. 

"Noticing the combat guards of the RA Armed Forces, the people in civilian clothing left the area immediately, moving to the direction of Alibeyli, leaving the pipes in the buffer zone. The servicemen of the RA Armed Forces showed restrain and didn't yield to provocations. The works of the adversary were stopped," said the release. 

According to the information received from the RA NSS, the operational situation at the Vorotan-David Bek section of the Goris-Kapan interstate highway, which is under the responsibility of the NSS border troops, has not changed.

Subdivisions of the RA Armed Forces and NSS Border Troops control the border situation along the entire length of the border and carry out assigned tasks, the statement said.

IDpay: transfers from Armenia to Russia and vice versa

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 16:55,

YEREVAN, APRIL 28, ARMENPRESS. It is already possible to get transfers from Armenia via IDpay application, and the transfers from Russia have been improved and are unprecedentedly profitable now. For both cases it is necessary to know only the phone number of the recipient.

If initially money transfers from Russia to IDBank customers via IDpay mobile application were available to Russian citizens only, now RA citizens can take advantage of the service too. The principle is the same: it is necessary to pass remote identification with RA passport, attach your card of VISA, Mastercard or MIR systems of any of the Russian banks to IDpay application, and instantly replenish the cards/accounts of IDBank’s customers with unprecedentedly profitable conditions - only 0.5% commission fee from transfer amount.

It is only necessary to choose from your contacts or enter the recipient’s phone number which is attached to the IDBank account or card. IDBank customers can easily attach or change the phone number attached to their card or account anytime through “Accounts” department on IDBanking.am online platform.

To transfer money from Armenia to Russia, more precisely from Idram&IDBank application to IDpay accounts, it is necessary to know only the recipients phone number, which is registered on IDpay application. Besides, for now it is necessary to have a RUR account in IDBank, which can be opened in a few seconds only. The commission fee for this service is also maximum profitable - only 0,9%. The recipient can transfer the money received on IDpay application to his Russian bank cards and manage it as needed.

As the digital banking director of IDBank, Sergey Arakelyan mentioned, when creating the service together with Russian partners, they have considered the main feedbacks from the customers. “The principle “Everything around the client and for him” works for this case too: from now on, the customers of IDBank have an opportunity not only to receive instant money transfers from Russia but also to transfer money to Russia. We say – “Faster than a call”, as IDpay is a technological, modern solution, which makes the space and distance invisible”, said Sergey Arakelyan.

The chief operating officer of “Universal payment technologies” company, Felix Khachatryan said, that the promised improvements will not take long and already today not only the citizens of Russia can pass identification and make transfers, but also the citizens of Armenia, and this will make the service more demanded.

IDpay operates on “Sovcombank” CJSC platform and is a joint project of Russian “Universal payment systems” company, Idram and IDBank.

BANK IS CONTROLLED BY CBA

Armenian PM triggers early election a day after Biden’s genocide announcement

Arab News, Saudi Arabia

His resignation, which was expected, came a day after US President Joe Biden said that massacres of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire in 1915 constituted genocide, a move welcomed by Armenians worldwide and condemned by Turkey.

Pashinyan told Biden the symbolic decision was a matter of security to Armenia after the six week conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, in which Turkey backed Armenia’s neighbor Azerbaijan, where the ethnic Armenian-populated enclave is located.

Pashinyan had been under pressure to resign since he agreed to a cease-fire after ethnic Armenians lost territory in the fighting with Azeri forces in and around Nagorno-Karabakh.
He had already named a June 20 date for an early election.

Announcing his resignation, he said on his Facebook page on Sunday that he was returning power received from citizens to them so they could decide the future of the government through free and fair elections.

He said he had been compelled to agree to the peace deal, which was brokered by Russia, to prevent greater human and territorial losses. The Armenian army called for his resignation and he then tried to sack the chief of staff, a decision blocked by the former Soviet republic’s president.

Pashinyan updated Russian President Vladimir Putin about the elections and the situation over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, where around 2,000 Russian peacekeepers have been deployed, in a phone call on Saturday, the Kremlin said.

The Armenian Prime Minister has complained before that some issues over the region, including the return of prisoners of war, have not been resolved yet.

According to the Sputnik media outlet, Pashinyan’s My Step ruling alliance led an opinion poll conducted by Gallup International Аssociation at the end of last month.
Its main rival is likely to be a grouping led by Robert Kocharyan, Armenia’s president from 1998-2008.

Op-Ed: The fight is not over for Armenians in Los Angeles

Sun Dial – CSUN, California
April 21 2021

Sundial File Photo by Gevork Apikyan

Jane Partizpanyan, Contributor


As Armenia reels to catch its breath following its 44-day war with Azerbaijan, Armenians at California State University, Northridge have been in mourning as they have lost loved ones and ancestral land. With anti-Armenian rhetoric gaining traction across the globe since the war, Armenian students are looking to the university leadership for more support.

On Nov. 9, 2020, a trilateral ceasefire was signed by Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, which entailed a surrender of most of Artsakh to Azerbaijan, as well as an agreement to trade all prisoners of war. Over 100,000 Armenians were deported from their ancestral land of Artsakh, as Azerbaijanis began to move in, along with Russian peacekeepers, who were deployed to keep the peace between both sides.

Since the beginning, many media outlets and the general public in Los Angeles have ignored the plight of the Armenian immigrant and first generation population. Global leaders need to step up now and recognize not only the Armenian Genocide, but also the threat Armenians all over the world are facing right now.

Although the university came out in support of their Armenian students, many students felt that it was not enough as there was only one public statement made and only a few news stories published in the Daily Sundial.

Martha Aroutiounian, CSUN’s Armenians Student Association representative, reflected back on her own experience with the university and her family.

“I do think in that specific circumstance we could have used a little more from CSUN. I don’t think many people could understand how we felt. I did have a distant family member who went to the war and unfortunately died. I think there is just so much uncertainty with what’s going on there right now that it’s this constant worry that gets faded into the background,” said Aroutiounian.

It’s difficult to fathom that to this day, the country I was born and raised in doesn’t acknowledge the genocide of my people. I remember doing a group project where I offered to have the #ArtsakhisArmenia movement be our topic, hoping it would bring awareness to my class. My group unanimously shot me down. I felt like my struggle wasn’t significant enough in the eyes of others. I also remember stumbling upon the Instagram page of a CSUN student who had written anti-Armenian hate on her stories. After students reported her, she took down her racist posts.

I recently spoke to Professor Hasmig Baran, a lecturer in Armenian Studies at CSUN. She is part of the Armenian Studies Program, which held a Zoom conference with former President Dianne F. Harrison, Provost Mary Beth Walker and Vice President of Student Affairs William Watkins to spread awareness of the war. She talked about the violent rhetoric and actions of Turkey and Azerbaijan and the threat they impose.

“I take the current rhetoric emanating from Turkey and Azerbaijan very seriously,” said Baran. “It is the continuation of the Pan-Turkic ideology that was one of the main causes of the Armenian Genocide that started during WWI.”

Just recently new photographs were released by ethnic media outlets showcasing the president of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, walking through an exhibition park dedicated to the recent war. The park had put on display the helmets of deceased Armenian soldiers, as well as chained mannequins, which were meant to represent and mock Armenian prisoners of war, many of whom are still missing.

In December, about a month after the war ended, a video of Aliyev circulated online, in which he claimed that Yerevan and Sevan, Armenia are historical Azerbaijani land during a victory parade.

At the same victory parade, Armenian Genocide denier and president of Turkey, Tayyip Erdo?an, called for blessings upon Enver Pasha — one of the organizers of the Armenian Genocide. These direct messages indicated to Armenians that Azerbaijan has plans of continuing the war in order to eliminate Armenia from the region.

Hate crimes against Armenians have been flourishing for months as alt-right groups like the Turkish Grey Wolves continued to hunt Armenians down in Germany just before the victory parade speeches. During a march in Baku, Azerbaijan, Azerbaijanis claimed they would destroy Armenians.

In a widely circulated video, an Azerbaijani woman told a Turkish journalist that she would like to cut off the heads of 20 Armenians if she could.

CSUN film production student Nareh Dovlatyan talked about the effect that these violent messages had on her.

“It was a big deal for me because personally, I had never felt more targeted,” said Dovlatyan. “Almost all of my aunts, uncles and cousins reside in Armenia. The war is far from over. My second cousin, Vahe Margarian, who is currently 19 years old, served on the frontlines and has yet to come back home.”

Going forward, Armenian students on campus are pushing for our friends and university to support us as we demand President Joe Biden to recognize the Armenian Genocide on April 24, which is Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day all over the world.

The next step is finding a place for healing.

When I was speaking with Aroutiounian, she said, “At this current moment we are very far away from healing. Until there is justice, it is difficult. We can heal ourselves, we’re just not there yet.”

Opinion: It’s time for Biden to say the words ‘Armenian genocide’

Houston Chronicle
 

History is not the strong side of Azerbaijan: Armenia responds to Aliyev’s claims

Public Radio of Armenia
     

The Armenophobic stance and behavior of the Azerbaijani leadership do not provide a ground to expect constructiveness from the Azerbaijani authorities in seeking solutions to the situation created as a result of the aggression unleashed against Artsakh, Spokesperson for the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Anna Naghdalyan says.

Accorind to her, a vivid proof of that is the statement made by the President of Azerbaijan at the opening of a “park” dedicated to the Artsakh war in Baku on April 12, as well as the very fact of opening of the exposition depicting scenes of mutilation and showing disrespect for Armenian soldiers.

“All this, as well as the manipulation of the issue of prisoners of war by Azerbaijan, proves how far the Azerbaijani leadership stands from its own declarative statements on the post-war situation, regional peace and reconciliation,” Naghdalyan said in an interview with Armenpress.

The comments come after the President of Azerbaijan declared at a conference on “New look at the South Caucasus. Development and Cooperation in post-war period” that Armenia was offered to sign a peace treaty, but there was no response from the Armenian side yet.

“The President of Azerbaijan continues making contradictory statements: on the one hand, they feed  their own audience with  the thesis that the conflict is solved, on the other hand, they are talking about signing a peace treaty and unsolved issues in the Nagorno Karabakh conflict during an event organized for the international audience,” the Spokesperson said.

She stressed that the signing of a peace deal would require a peace process, whoch stopped after the use of force by Azerbaijan.

Reponding to Aliyev’s claims on Zangezur, Yerevan and Sevan, Naghdalyan said “it’s rediculous, when such territorial claims are being made by the leader of a country, whose name in the South Caucasus has a history of only a century, both politically and even geographically.”

“We understand that a process of formation of a new identity has been going on in Azerbaijan for the last hundred years, but we consider it necessary to emphasize again that history is not the strong side of Azerbaijan,” she stated.

According to her, such provocative statements undermine efforts to establish stability in the region, which is a threat to all states in the region.