Author: Nahapetian Boris

Putin: Out of the Fire, Into the Fire

Stratfor
February 24, 2005

By Victor Gubareff and Marla Dial

U.S. President George W. Bush wrapped up a fairly uneventful
diplomatic tour of Europe on Feb. 24 with a joint press conference
with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Bratislava. For days, we have
been brushing past discussions of Bush’s meetings with other European
leaders, focusing keenly on what could come out of the Slovakia
sessions — a tete a tete between important world leaders who find
themselves on opposite sides of a widening geopolitical divide.

The public discourse, of course, revealed no sign of tensions. Both
spoke affably and utterly predictably about the friendship between
their nations, as well as specific points of agreement — such as the
need to cooperate on fighting illicit trade in man-portable air
defense systems and shared views on nuclear nonproliferation.

Beneath these diplomatic niceties, however, lies a very real
predicament — particularly for Putin, who is finding himself
increasingly beset by difficulties at home.

It is no secret, particularly to the Russians, that the United States
has been making firm and steady inroads into Moscow’s traditional
sphere of influence, with pro-Western governments now installed in
states such as Georgia and Ukraine. And if that were not enough to
light a few nationalist fires, Russian news media on Feb. 24 carried
two important stories — one noting rising unemployment, the other
chronicling a dependence on consumer imports that experts said is
hampering Russia’s own economic development. Foreign influence
encroaches.

On an even more personal level, Putin in recent months reportedly has
been blasted by former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov as a
controlling leader who now tolerates no dissent within his inner
circle, and — significantly — he was the target of a Feb. 23 protest
by active and retired military officers who demanded steps to stem the
collapse of the Russian military and NATO encroachment within the
region.

Against that backdrop, Putin met with Bush, who he knew could be
counted on to broach the subjects of Russia’s nuclear arsenal and
approach to democracy — both wild cards that, if not carefully
handled, could make him even more vilified as a U.S. lapdog than he
already is at home. On some levels, a strong rebuff of Bush would have
been in Putin’s best interests — but the prospect of being viewed as
a hostile state by Washington, which already is eyeing a number of
potential challenges in the Eurasian landmass, was a risky proposition
as well.

Russian sources close to the matter have told us that when Bush, in
private talks, suggested a joint monitoring program for Russia’s
active nuclear weapons, Putin essentially responded that to agree
would result in him being burned at the stake in Red Square. Bush then
asked for an agreement in principle — or, in other words, he gave
Putin the choice of being burned whilst doused in gasoline or being
slow-cooked, using only tender green saplings for kindling. In either
case, an agreement would be viewed by the Russians as a way of ceding
sovereign powers to Washington. Ultimately, Putin took the only out he
could — asking for more time to give Bush an answer (during which, we
suspect, he will cast about for flame retardants).

Discussions of democracy have been more publicly exchanged: Bush
earlier this week restated his foreign policy goals, which take a
critical view of freedoms in Russia; Putin responded separately that
Russia would achieve democracy on its own terms. During their joint
press conference, Putin (who we believe favors democracy along
Ataturkian lines — a long-term transition over which he solely will
preside) tried to gloss over the differences, speaking primarily of
“fundamental principles” rather than tactical steps.

“There are great differences between Russia and the U.S.” in practice,
he said. “If we talk about where we have more or where we have less
democracy, is not the right thing to do, but if we talk about how the
fundamental principles of democracy are implemented in this or that
historical soil, in this or that country — is an option, is
possible.”

Though Putin did appear to make a subtle overture to the Russian
people — emphasizing that democracy “should not be accompanied by the
collapse of the state and the impoverishment of the people” (a
reference to rampant corruption to which he has been accused of
turning a blind eye) — he ultimately jettisoned a very public
opportunity to portray himself as a strong leader who can appeal to
Russians concerned about their national security and cultural
identity. Putin, increasingly pressured to choose between U.S. or
Russian interests, has deferred the verdict to an unspecified later
date.

In other words, he remains tied to the stake, and the torch-throwers
are lining up.

Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Feb 24 2005

ARMENIA, IRAN STRENGTHEN TIES

Yerevan defies Washington by strengthening strategic relationship
with Tehran.

By Karine Ter-Saakian in Yerevan

A visit this month to Iran by Armenia’s defence minister, Serzh
Sarkisian, has underlined the important strategic relationship
between the
two countries.

Overland trade may be decreasing between the two neighbours, but at
the same time more substantial economic relationships based on
investment projects are emerging.

Referring to a series of agreements, in particular one for a new gas
pipeline linking Iran with Armenia, Sarkisian said, “the presidents
of the two countries have laid the foundations for a new phase of
economic cooperation, and we must now make every effort to see that
the
agreements which have been reached are implemented as soon as
possible.”

Only a few years ago, Iran was Armenia’s most important trading
partner. The relationship between the Islamic republic and the
Christian
state blossomed after the end of the Soviet Union, imports of goods
from with Iran helped Armenia survive the economic collapse caused by

the closure of its borders with Azerbaijan and Turkey as a result of
the Nagorny Karabakh war.

Iranian goods such as cheap consumer goods and household items are on

sale in shops and markets all over Armenia – and they are still
cheaper than their competitors.. Thirty-five Iranian firms have
offices in
Armenia.

Yet by 2003, Iran’s share of the Armenian import market had shrunk to

five per cent. Although the figures have improved since then and
trade between the two countries was worth 90 million dollars last
year,
Iranian goods continue to be squeezed out of the market by Russian,
Ukrainian and Turkish products.

This is due in large part to the falling costs of trade via Georgia,
the route by which goods arrive from Turkey and the former Soviet
Union. On February 22, Armenian transport minister Andranik Manukian
said he hoped a new sea route would open up between the Georgian port
of
Poti and Russia, and that trade tariffs with Turkey would be reduced.

Trade with Iran will receive a boost from plans to build the Kajaran
tunnel, which will slice through the mountains near the
Iranian-Armenian border and cut the road to Yerevan by 80 km.

But the main growth area appears to be in longer-term projects rather

than trade. Yerevan and Tehran have signed a number of important
deals in the energy sector, including plans to build a series of
hydroelectric stations along the river Araxes that runs between the
two
countries, and there are solar and wind power projects in the offing.

“Energy is the driving force in Armenian-Iranian relations,” Armenian

president Robert Kocharian has said. “Other areas will follow behind
it.”

Most important of all is a pipeline which will bring Iranian gas to
Armenia. Construction started last year and the first stage should be

completed by 2007. The 140 km pipeline will cost up to 220 million
dollars. According to energy minister Armen Movsisian, “This is a way

for Armenia to diversify its energy supply routes.”

The Russian government – a long-term ally of Armenia – is supporting
the Iranian gas project, as President Vladimir Putin announced a few
days ago in discussions with the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National

Security Council Hasan Ruhani. And on a visit to Yerevan last week,
Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov said, “Russia would like to
see
the development of the energy, transport and other infrastructure in
the region.”

The Russian gas giant Gazprom which currently supplies gas to Armenia

has been more cautious about supporting what amounts to a rival
project. Gazprom’s deputy chairman Alexander Ryazanov said recently
he
thought the Russian firm should participate in the Iran-Armenia
project.

The growing economic ties with Iran come at a political cost to
Armenia’s relations with the United States, which is increasingly
hostile
to Tehran.

Last year, outgoing US ambassador John Ordway said firmly that,
“Washington is against any investment in construction of the
Iran-Armenia
pipeline taking place on the territory of Iran, or coming out of
Iran. Washington is seriously concerned about Iran’s support of
terrorism
and her attempts to obtain weapons of mass destruction, and is
therefore opposed to investment in the energy sector in that
country.”

Political analyst Stepan Grigorian predicts that joint projects with
Iran will not develop further, because of the pressure from the
United States, Armenia’s biggest bilateral donor government.

“Although the US understands that at the moment Armenia does not have

any other way of ensuring its energy security, it cannot be pleased
by Yerevan’s desire to develop its ties with Iran, one of the ‘Axis
of
Evil’ countries. This is why the Iranian-Armenian projects have no
future,” said Grigorian.

There is a sense that Armenia’s sheer proximity to Iran leaves it
vulnerable should there be any deterioration in US-Iranian relations.

“US military action against Iran would directly threaten Armenia’s
security,” warned independent political analyst Levon
Melik-Shakhnazarian. “There is little doubt that there will be
military action, and
this means that Armenia may be the first to feel the effects.”

Armenian politicians say they are confident they can balance this
difficult relationship.

Levon Mkrtchian, head of the parliamentary group of the nationalist
pro-presidential party Dashnaktsutiun, told IWPR, “Iran is our
closest
neighbour and partner, and the stronger our ties, the more
successfully our cooperation in all areas will develop.

“As far as relations between Iran and the US are concerned, Armenia’s

aim – as everyone knows – is to build a foreign policy which
complements the policies of other countries, and it is trying to work
with
all the countries in the region as far as is possible.”

Defence minister Sarkisian sounded a similar note, saying, “We very
much hope there will not be any military action, and that in the
region, this time right next door to us, there won’t be new zones of
tension.

“That is dangerous because any tension, and particularly military
action, could act as a detonator. Let’s hope that US-Iranian
relations
improve and that existing problems are resolved peacefully.”

Karine Ter-Saakian is a correspondent with the Respublika Armenii
newspaper in Yerevan.

SanFrancisco Bay Guardian – Literary Supplement
Feb 24 2005

Fiction ’05 honorable mention
Passive transformation

Mira Martin-Parker

I GET UP everyday at six. I drag myself from bed, shower, make
coffee, and then dress for work. I am always on the 8:15 train. I’ve
never missed it and I’ve never been late, ever.

[You probably think I’m fucked up. You probably think it would do me
good to wake up late one morning – to just for fun call in sick. But
that can’t happen. That can never happen.]

By eight forty-five I’m ascending the stairs of the Powell Street
Station, making my way to the department store where I work. I love
watching the pedestrian traffic downtown, but I don’t let myself
linger. I move on, weaving quickly through the crowd. As I said, I’ve
never been late, not even once.

[My first boyfriend was a thirty-seven year old Persian. He just
moved here from Iran and had a hundred grand in the bank. We’d meet
at a café in a strip mall near my high school. I liked to ditch class
and hang out there, drinking coffee and reading. Actually, I wasn’t
really reading, just carrying around books from my father’s library.
I wanted to read them. I wanted to be the kind of person who
understood things. But I could never concentrate on the pages. My
mind was always wondering. I couldn’t hold it still. I couldn’t keep
from staring out the window, daydreaming.]

The employee entrance is at the end of a long, filthy alley. People
live back there. I see them every morning, sleeping on old blankets.
I dash by them, trying not to look, trying not to notice the tattered
belongings they keep stuffed in bags. I don’t like to see the bottles
and cigarette butts that surround them. As soon as I reach the back
door, security buzzes me in.

[I was sixteen when I met the Persian. At the time I was living in a
house way out on a lonely highway in the Central Valley. My dad left
my brother and me there with no money and three large dogs to feed.
He said he had business to take care of in Los Angeles – he had to
sell an antique tribal weaving, or a Pre-Colombian stone carving, or
perhaps it was the Turkish runner that used to line our hallway. Two
months went by and he still had not returned.

First they turned the electricity off, which wasn’t so bad because
there were candles. Then the phone was disconnected, which we could
deal with because there was a mini-mart a mile down the road. But
there came a point when we actually began to starve. I met the
Persian just in time. “You need money, don’t you?” he said, noticing
that I always paid for my coffee in change. When he picked me up in
his Mercedes, I had my clothes packed in grocery bags. I threw them
in the trunk and we drove away. My brother stood on the front porch
waving.]

Once safely inside the employee entrance, I pick up my keys from
security. I then go straight to my office, turn on the computer,
powder my nose, and comb my hair.

[When the Persian’s ex-wife decided to come to the U.S. for a visit,
I was asked to leave. I didn’t want to go back to the house on the
highway, so he set me up with a studio apartment in the old part of
town. He covered the bills for a few months, but soon he started
cruising the pretty young actress that lived next door to me. They
would go out for coffee together in the morning and sometimes meet
for drinks at night. She enjoyed coming over and telling me all about
his advances, about the pretty Indian earrings he had given her and
the promise he had made to take her to Italy one day. When he stopped
paying my rent altogether, I got myself a job selling dresses in a
small boutique. I earned just enough to cover my bills and buy
cigarettes. But I soon discovered that if I wore make-up and high
heels, I could pass for an adult, so I started going out at night.
That’s when I met the Armenian.]

Usually by ten I’m ready to collect the orders. First I check with
furnishings and shoes. Then I make my way to the suit department. The
guys up there like to joke around, asking me things like when am I
going to get married or go out with them and what the heck is wrong
with me anyway that I’m such a loner and a quiet girl and why don’t I
ever have some fun after work, just once?

[The Armenian picked me up one night in a bar when I was out drinking
with a friend. To be honest, it was actually me who picked him up. He
was my type – tall, wearing an expensive suit and a heavy pair of
wingtips. I said something about liking his shoes and we started
talking. Within a week I was living with him. The first night at his
apartment he asked me to make him dinner. I was petrified. He ate
differently than I. He wanted his meat cooked in richly spiced
sauces. He wanted his vegetables prepared the way his mother back
home made them – lightly par boiled, a squeeze of lemon and some
yogurt on the side. What did I know of making such dishes? The best I
could do was a pot of rice and some sautéed zucchini. As soon as he
discovered I was useless around the house, he wanted me out. But he
was too ashamed to admit it. He felt he had assumed an obligation in
taking me in and he bore it. Not like a stoic though. He still fucked
me when he was drunk and he drank heavily. But the message was clear
– I was a burden.]

By eleven I’m back downstairs in my office. Before processing the
orders, I check over the employee timecards from the previous day.
The manager likes me to report to Human Resources anyone who punches
in over five minutes late. My co-workers despise me for this. When I
enter the lunchroom, the place immediately gets quiet and one by one
people leave. Once everyone’s left, I shut off the TV and read.

[During the day I attempted to fix up the Armenian’s place. I went to
the Salvation Army and picked up some furniture. I found a chartreuse
vinyl chair and some cool ceramic lamps. I even started experimenting
in the kitchen. I bought cookbooks and learned a few recipes. I made
baked chicken with rice pilaf. I could do it, I told myself. I could
be a good wife. But at the end of the day, he’d just laugh at the
things I bought. “Where I come from, we throw that old shit out.” My
cooking was never right either. “You poor girl,” he’d say. “Didn’t
your mother teach you anything?”]

Once I’ve processed the orders, I pick up the completed ones from the
receiving room. The receiving workers are a rough, alcoholic bunch. I
handle them carefully. If they say to come back later, I turn and
leave. If they say they need coffee before they can help me, I go and
get them coffee. I do what I have to to get my orders filled. After
signing for the packages, I return to my office and match the
merchandise with the forms.

[I was finally able to escape from the Armenian and move to San
Francisco. Actually, he paid me to leave. One Saturday morning he
loaded me up in his car and drove me to the city. He found me a
furnished room in an apartment building downtown. It had a nice view
overlooking the street and a charming little walk-in closet. He then
helped me arrange my things. We hung all my dresses and coats in the
closet and folded my sweaters and put them in the drawers. Later we
went to the store and he bought me a pound of freshly ground coffee,
a loaf of bread, and a bottle of Johnnie Walker black label.
Afterwards he handed me an envelope with three thousand dollars in it
and left.]

I leave work promptly at five. Once I find a seat on the train, I sit
and read. I have a stack of books at home that I’m slowing making
headway on. Mostly philosophy. I’m half way through the Critique of
Pure Reason by Immanuel Kant. I like to imagine myself as embodying
the categorical imperative. I don’t even allow myself to think things
that can’t be universalized [Obviously I do, but these thoughts have
not been consented to, they just come – I do not choose them].

Once home, I slip into my house clothes and pour myself a beer. I
only have one, except on weekends, when I have exactly two a night.

[The first night in my room it was so cold I used one of my vintage
coats as a blanket. I lay in bed shivering. I could hear men and
women passing by my door laughing and the scratchy sound of mice
scampering inside the walls.

I did OK for a few months. I got a job in a dress shop on Fillmore. I
worked during the day, drank myself out of existence at night, and
somehow managed to get by. But I was starting to wear down a little.
I’d wake up late, my head throbbing and my clothing strewn about the
room. The first thing I’d look for was my wallet – the money was
always gone; spent or lost somewhere the night before.]

At eight I make dinner, usually steamed vegetables with brown rice.
Sometimes, as a treat, I indulge in an avocado salad. I eat in
silence, reading Kant, occasionally glancing out the window into my
neighbor’s apartment. I am in bed by nine.

[One day I forgot to show up for work and my boss fired me. I was
seriously in debt at the time and on the verge of being evicted from
my room.

That night I cried myself to sleep. I cried myself into a state of
hysteria. I cried until there was nothing left to cry. I wept so
violently the gods couldn’t tolerate it any longer. “Look,” Father
Zeus said, placing a hand on my shoulder, “from now on I will take
care of you. Only, you must do exactly as I say, and never, not even
once, deviate from my orders.”]

. . .

One morning when I boarded the train there were two homeless people
sleeping on the seats, a teenage boy and a young woman. The boy had
an Afro. Not the kind of cool Afro kids get to annoy their parents,
but the kind of Afro people have when they can’t afford to take care
of their hair properly. There were no other seats, so I sat next to
them. The boy’s arms were tucked inside his T-shirt and he was
shivering. I looked over at the girl. A blanket partially covered her
face. At her feet were several shopping bags filled with clothes. I
quickly turned away and the young boy saw me – he was staring
straight at me. I tried to avoid his gaze, but he kept looking. Soon
tears formed in his eyes.

I tried to concentrate on my book, but I couldn’t. The letters and
paragraphs were swirling together, melting into a gray blur on the
page. My mind drifted and soon I was staring out the window. Cherry
trees filled with white blossoms lined the street outside and their
petals were blowing in the wind like snow. Underneath them, a little
blond boy was running and laughing. I waved to him as we passed, but
he didn’t see me. He just kept running and laughing, reaching into
the air, trying to catch the petals.

SCHOOL OF BURNASHET VILLAGE IN AKHALKALAK BURNS

Azg/arm
18 Feb 05

Burnashet village of Akhalkalak is one of the Armenian villages that
doesnâ~@~Yt differ from the neighboring villages at all. As usual, the
school is the only working place for the residents of the school. The
school of the village was a two-storied building with a rather large
yard and an orchard.

On February 15-16 night a fuss began among the residents of the
village, as the only school was burning. None could reveal the
“author” of the tragedy. The residents of the village had no hopes
that firefighting department of the town that is situated in 20kms
would rush and put out the fire.

They could save only a couple of desks and chairs from the school
furniture. The Sayat Nova School that was the only place where the
Armenian children could get Armenian education perished in the fire.

The 10 and 11 form students from the neighboring Ghadolar village also
studied here. Nobody knows when the school will be renovated. Nobody
hopes that foreign authorities will care about the fate of the
Armenian children.

By Vahe Sargsian

–Boundary_(ID_bgUM92bdTWklAw+wPZ2q0A)–

Stability in Caucasus benefits Russia, Armenia – FM
By Ksenia Kaminskaya and Tigran Liloyan

ITAR-TASS News Agency
February 16, 2005 Wednesday

YEREVAN, February 16 — Stability in the Caucasus is in the interests
of Russia and Armenia, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said
on Wednesday.

He has arrived in Yerevan on a two-day official visit to discuss
“the situation in the Caucasus as a whole”.

“We have an allied and multifaceted relationship with Armenia,”
he said.

“We will discuss the implementation of all agreements reached by the
presidents of our countries,” the minister added.

Lavrov is scheduled to meet with President Robert Kocharyan, Prime
Minister Andranik Margaryan, and Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanyan
on Thursday.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Alexander Yakovenko said a good deal of
attention at the talks would be paid to “the coordination of efforts to
improve the situation in the Caucasus and resolve the conflicts there”.

“This is necessary in order to create an atmosphere of trust for
cooperation in the whole of the Caucasus,” the spokesman said.

Speaking about the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement, Yakovenko said Moscow
“welcomes further Armenia-Azerbaijani dialogue at various levels,
foremost between the presidents.”

“The parties to the conflict should find a mutually acceptable solution
themselves,” the spokesman said.

Russia is ready to provide the most active assistance, including as
a co-chairman of the OSCE’s Minsk Group. It is also ready to become
a guarantor of the accord, Yakovenko said.

Moscow and Yerevan will also consider the stepping up of
Russian-Armenian interaction, in particular in resolving Armenia’s
transport problems and in the fuel and energy sector, as well as the
expansion of direct business ties.

“Relations with Armenia have acquired the character of a strategic
and allied partnership in recent years,” Yakovenko noted.

The sides will consider bilateral interaction within the framework
of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the Collective Security
Treaty Organisation, the diplomat said.

Armenians take three Azeri soldiers prisoner in Karabakh – TV

Space TV, Baku
16 Feb 05

[Presenter] Our regional correspondent reports that three servicemen
of military unit X in Tartar have been taken prisoner by the
Armenians. We have a live report from Tartar to find out how the
incident occurred. Our regional correspondent Sanan Hasanoglu is on
the line. Sanan, good evening.

[Correspondent] Good evening, Gunay.

[Presenter] Sanan, how did the incident occur, when and in which
circumstances?

[Correspondent] The incident happened at about 2000 [1600 gmt]
yesterday, 15 February, in a place called Tulkudarasi bordering on
Armenia [as heard; in fact, on Nagornyy Karabakh]. Three soldiers of
the national army lost their way in the dark and were taken prisoner
by the Armenians.

[Presenter] Sanan, which Azerbaijani districts were the soldiers
drafted from?

[Correspondent] The soldiers are said to have been drafted from Ganca,
Samkir and Beylaqan.

[Presenter] Sanan, have the authorities been informed of the incident?
Because as soon as we received the report, we telephoned the Defence
Ministry which said it was not aware of it.

[Correspondent] Gunay, the moment I received the report I contacted
the commander of the military unit based in Tartar and the Tartar
military prosecutor, Sahin Zamanov. Unfortunately, neither the
military prosecutor nor the unit commander wanted to give me
any information. But they both said that the reason they could
not divulge this information was that the operation was secret.
Unofficial sources, however, have confirmed to us that three of our
soldiers have indeed been taken prisoner.

[Presenter] Thank you very much. This was Sanan Hasanoglu from Tartar
on the line.

ARKA News Agency
Feb 16 2005

Creation of a unified information space for the CIS is the main
profile activity of Russian Foreign Center

Leader of LPPA: Armenia has lost its flexibility in foreign policy

Russia welcomes continuation of Armenian-Azeri dialogue on different
levels – RF Foreign Ministry

Future build-up of Russian-Armenian interaction to be in agenda of
Russian and Armenian Foreign Ministers negotiations

Russian-Armenian relations acquire character of strategic and ally
partnership in recent years – Russian Foreign Ministry

Post-Soviet area remains divided into two camps: Konstantin Zatulin

RAO UES of Russia studying possibilities for purchasing of electric
distribution networks of Armenia

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to arrive in Armenia with
two-day official visit today

Aggression against any state-member of the Collective Security Treaty
Organization is considered as aggression against the organization

*********************************************************************

CREATION OF A UNIFIED INFORMATION SPACE FOR THE CIS IS THE MAIN
PROFILE ACTIVITY OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN CENTER

YEREVAN, February 16. /ARKA/. Creation of a unified information space
for the CIS is the main profile activity of Russian Foreign Center,
according to the Head of the Russian Center for International
Scientific and Ciltural Cooperation adjunct to RF MFA Eleonora
Mitrophanova. “We have common roots, and we will make joint efforts
for working in this field with minimal bureaucratic burden and
attracting many NGOs of the CIS “, she said. According to
Mitrophanova, this initiative should be supported by presidents of
the countries. She explained that the unified information space first
of all implies activation of the activity of the centre in respect of
the issues of implementation of their priority directions, namely in
the area of education and science, cultural exchange and propaganda
of scientific-technical achievements. This, according to her, implies
assurance of even more activity in students exchange processes,
mutual acknowledgment of diplomas of Universities, establishment of
centers for improving qualification on base of prominent scientific
centers of the republic, as well as activation of art collectives.
Russian Foreign Center has been working since 1925. Before it was
called as All-Union Society of Cultural Contacts with abroad, then
the Union of soviet society of friendship and cultural relations with
abroad. Its representative offices are in 63 countries of the world,
including 44 Russian Centers of Science and Culture in 39 countries.
The activity of Russian Foreign Center and its branches aims at
making objective image of modern Russia abroad, telling the goal of
the reforms introduced and foreign policy of the country. A.H. –0–

*********************************************************************

LEADER OF LPPA: ARMENIA HAS LOST ITS FLEXIBILITY IN FOREIGN POLICY

YEREVAN, February 16. /ARKA/. Armenia has lost its flexibility in
foreign policy, according to the Leader of the Liberal Progressive
Party of Armenia (LPPA) Hovhannes Hovhannisyan. As he has noted at a
press-conference today, as a result of the parliamentary and
presidential elections in 2003, Armenia turned out not to be involved
in the international processes. “We found ourselves in a situation,
when there are no neighbours, who would show interest in our
country”, he said. According to the Leader of the party, there is an
economic and political crisis in inner processes as well. “Problems
are solved not in the political field, but at the level of yard
battles”, he said. In this regard, he thinks that the replacement of
the ruling power in Armenia unavoidable, and doesn’t relate this
process to certain individuals. “A new system of values, on which
future authorities will rely on, should be formed in the country”, he
noted adding that European values may be adopted. A.H. –0–

*********************************************************************

RUSSIA WELCOMES CONTINUATION OF ARMENIAN-AZERI DIALOGUE ON DIFFERENT
LEVELS – RF FOREIGN MINISTRY

YEREVAN, February 16. /ARKA/. Russia welcomes the continuation of
Armenian-Azeri dialogue on different levels, first of all, between
the Presidents of the two countries This was stated by Alexander
Yakovenko, the official representative of RF Foreign Ministry,
answering the questions of mass media concerning the visit of RF
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to Armenia. According to him, as far
as this issue is concerned, Russia is proceeding from the fact that
the conflict sides themselves should come to a mutually acceptable
settlement of the conflict. “Russia is ready to render most active
assistance both to the conflict sides and as a Co-Chair of OSCE Minsk
Group and become a guarantor of the accord achieved”, said Yakovenko.

Note, RF Foreign Minster Sergey Lavrov comes today on a two-day visit
to Armenia in the framework of his regional tour to South Caucasus
countries. L.V.–0—

*********************************************************************

FUTURE BUILD-UP OF RUSSIAN-ARMENIAN INTERACTION TO BE IN AGENDA OF
RUSSIAN AND ARMENIAN FOREIGN MINISTERS NEGOTIATIONS

YEREVAN, February 16. /ARKA/. The future build-up of Russian-Armenian
interaction will be in agenda of Russian and Armenian Foreign
Ministers Sergey Lavrov’s and Vardan Oskanian’s negotiations, as
official representative of Russian Foreign Ministry Alexander
Yakovenko told, answering mass media’s questions in regard of Russian
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s forthcoming visit to Armenia. In his
words, the sides will discuss the course of implementation of Moscow
arrangements (May 2004) on top level around bilateral cooperation,
particularly related to the solution of transport problem faced by
Armenia, cooperation in energy and fuel sphere, expanding of direct
economic ties between subject of the Russian Federation and the
Republic of Armenia. Among priority topic on the agenda Yakovenko
mentioned the issue of intensifying Russian-Armenia trade and
economic, cultural and humanitarian cooperation as well as issues of
holding national years of Russia and Armenia in 2005 and 2006.
The representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry said that taking
into consideration Russia’s and Armenia’s single position toward
international terror, the sides will focus coordination of their
efforts aimed at increasing of anti-terror political cooperation.
“Moscow and Yerevan are inclined toward strong exchange of opinions
on the problems of bilateral cooperation in the international scene,
coordination of efforts in international institutions as well as the
most important regional problems”, he said. In his words, the sides
will discuss the issues of cooperation within CIS, including that in
Collective Security Treaty Organization. The sides will focus on
coordination of efforts targeted at the improving the situation in
South Caucasus, the settlement of the existing conflict in the
region, creation of trust climate for unfolding all-Caucasus
cooperation. “Undoubtedly, the sides will discuss the problem of the
Karabakh conflict settlement. “, Yakovenko summarized. T.M. –0–

*********************************************************************

RUSSIAN-ARMENIAN RELATIONS ACQUIRE CHARACTER OF STRATEGIC AND ALLY
PARTNERSHIP IN RECENT YEARS – RUSSIAN FOREIGN MINISTRY

YEREVAN, February 16. /ARKA/. Russian-Armenian relations acquired the
character of strategic and ally partnership, thus being distinguished
by positive dynamics of the development, as official representative
of Russian Foreign Ministry Alexander Yakovenko, answering on mass
media’s questions in regard of Russian Foreign Minister Sergey
Lavrov’s forthcoming visit to Armenia. In this regard, he named
symbolic that Russian Foreign Minister’s first official visit to
Yerevan is made in the beginning of the year 2005 that was announced
to be Armenia’s year in Russian Federation. “Russian Foreign
Minister’s visit is made within frames of top level bilateral
arrangements around holding of active political dialogue between the
nations and is aimed at deepening of Russian-Armenia relations”, he
said. At that he added that they rely on a strong, legal basis –
Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Aid Agreement of August 29, 1997,
the 21 century-oriented Declaration of Ally Interaction between the
Russian Federation and the Republic of Armenia of September 26, 2000
as well as 160 interstate and intergovernmental agreements. According
to Yakovenko, Armenian president Robert Kocharian’s visit to Moscow
on May 13-15, 2004 as well as Russian and Armenian Presidents’
meeting in August 2004 in Sochi, and in September 2004 in Astana were
important stages on the way of strengthening of strategic partnership
fundamentals and more active bilateral cooperation.
To mention, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov is arriving to
Armenia with two-day official visit today within frames of his
regional tour to the South Caucasus countries. T.M. –0–

*********************************************************************

POST-SOVIET AREA REMAINS DIVIDED INTO TWO CAMPS: KONSTANTIN ZATULIN

YEREVAN, February 16. /ARKA/. The post-Soviet area remains divided
into two camps, Head of the Russian Institute of the CIS, a member of
the Russian State Duma Konstantin Zatulin stated in his interview to
the Russian “Arguments and Facts” newspaper. According to him, one of
the camps, seeking its own interests, continues relying on Russia,
simultaneously decreasing in size, while the other is expanding,
disseminating foreign influence. “Even in Russia’s relations with its
closest partners, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia and Belarus, not
everything is smooth,” he said, pointing out that Russia still has to
endure the main test in its relations with its neighbors. “The main
problem in the foreseeable future is Ukraine’s possible ambitions,”
Zatulin said. According to him, Ukraine has always been the main
threat to the idea of preserving the CIS. In the post-Soviet area
Ukraine is the only country able to really counterbalance Russia.
“Meantime, the CIS is more and more turning into a symbol of recent
life together,” he said. Zatulin said that the only function of the
CIS as a club of post-Soviet countries remains being a meeting place
for the Presidents of the former Soviet republics. P.T–0-

*********************************************************************

RAO UES OF RUSSIA STUDYING POSSIBILITIES FOR PURCHASING OF ELECTRIC
DISTRIBUTION NETWORKS OF ARMENIA

YEREVAN, February 16. /ARKA/. Energy holding RAO UES of Russia is
studying possibility of purchasing distribution networks of Armenia.
As Izvestia daily reports, Midland Resources Holding Ltd. is the
seller. In 2002 it won tender for privatization of 100% of shares of
Electric Networks of Armenia CJSC. RAO UES refused to clarify the sum
of the deal. “Midland did apply to us with offer to purchase its
package of shares in Armenian networks. Now we are studying the
possibility of this deal”, Timur Belov, Press Secretary of the Energy
Holding told Izvestia.
As Alexander Kornilov, Analyst of investment company
BrokerCerditService told Izvestia, from economic point of view the
deal seems to be doubtful. “Firstly, RAO’s interest to this country
is concentrated in generating assets. Secondly, the distribution
networks have not high price due to amortization and very low payment
discipline of the population”, Kornilov said. However, in his
opinion, possibility of concluding this deal by RAO UES cannot be
excluded, taking into consideration “overseas expansion” that the
Russian company is waging during the recent years. As Kornilov
mentions many deals of RAO (purchasing of distribution networks in
Bulgaria), displayed interest to facilities in Moldova) consider
“interests of majority shareholder – the Russian state”, that owns
51% of share sof RAO UES of Russia.
The company was forced to comment the possibility of deal after
Yerevan mass media reported that the deal had been already concluded.
Some even named the sum of the deal – $80 mln. However, on February
14, in response to ARKA’s question Press Service of Electric Networks
of Armenia declined the information around sale of the distribution
networks to INTER RAO UES (affiliate of RAO UES) on official level.
In Armenia RAO UES of Russia owns Sevan-Hrazdan cascade of hydropower
station, Hrazdan thermal station and manages financial lows of the
Armenian Nuclear Electric Plant. The share of three electric stations
is around 75-80% of energy generation of Armenia.
Since November 1, 2002 100% of shares of Electric Networks of Armenia
belongs to UK Midland Resources that paid $12.015 mln and undertaken
liabilities to redeem debts in the amount $27.958 mln. T.M. –0–

*********************************************************************

RUSSIAN FOREIGN MINISTER SERGEY LAVROV TO ARRIVE IN ARMENIA WITH
TWO-DAY OFFICIAL VISIT TODAY

YEREVAN, February 16. /ARKA/. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov
will arrive in Armenia with two-day official visit today. This visit
is continuation of the intensive political dialogue between two
countries and is targeted at deepening of cooperation in foreign
political institutions as well as interaction between Armenian and
Russia in various spheres. This is Sergey Lavrov’s first official to
Armenia within frames of which the Russian Foreign Minister is
expected to meet Armenian political leadership. Within frames of his
visit the sides will discuss a wide range of issues concerning the
current agenda and perspectives of strategic cooperation between two
countries. This includes such spheres as politics, trade and economy,
science and education and culture.
The sides also will touch perspectives of development cooperation
between Armenia and Russia in international structures as well as the
issues concerning CIS activity and reforming of its bodies. The
current stage of settlement of the Karabakh conflict as well as
establishing of trust climate and cooperation in South Caucasus will
be under special focus. It is suggested that the officials also would
discuss issues related to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s
forthcoming visit to Armenia.
Russian Foreign Minister will arrive in Armenia within his regional
visit to South Caucasus countries. T.M. –0–

*********************************************************************

AGGRESSION AGAINST ANY STATE-MEMBER OF THE COLLECTIVE SECURITY TREATY
ORGANIZATION IS CONSIDERED AS AGGRESSION AGAINST THE ORGANIZATION

Yerevan, February 15. /ARKA/. Aggression against any state-member of
the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) is considered as
aggression against the organization, as stated the Secretary General
of (CSTO) Nikolai Bordiuzha at a briefing in Moscow, answering the
question of ARKA. “In case of aggression towards any of the states
–members of the organization, the rest of its members consider it as
aggression against themselves with all the ensuing consequences, in
the framework of the agreement on collective security signed,” he
said. That country will be rendered any kind of aid I this case,
according to Bordiuzha. However, he emphasized that the Organization
is oriented on political solution of any problem. “The history
teaches us that any steps of armed character are very easy to make,
but to localize the problem afterwards is almost impossible. All this
results in rivers of blood, that’s why we are oriented on political
solution of problems”, he said. A.H. –0-

*********************************************************************

–Boundary_(ID_O8+GwtNQ8nU9lTrMGm0KZQ)–

Turkish Daily News
Feb 12 2005

A Briton who regrets ever coming to Turkey

Mehmet Ali Birand
Saturday, February 12, 2005

The Parish family, after retiring in 1997, sold everything they owned
in Britain and moved to Milas. They bought 800 square meters of land
and built a house there. Five years later, the Turkish state knocked
on their door. Since then, their life has been a living hell.

Turkish society has a strange fear.

Foreigners coming and purchasing land are seen as a “violation of the
motherland” or even as “selling out our heavenly country.” Some go
even further and claim Arabs are buying land in the Southeast and
Hatay, while others say the Greeks are trying to establish a new
Pontic Empire by purchasing large tracts of the Black Sea region.
While the Greeks are busy to the west, some say, Armenians are close
to achieving their “Greater Armenia” dream by acquiring homes in
Kars-Ardahan. The strangest thing of all is officials taking these
claims seriously and investigating the hearsay. A few people stir up
trouble, and the rest are all affected by it.

This was considered such a potential problem that until very recently
no foreigner was allowed to purchase land anywhere in the country. Such
bans still exist in certain regions. Military permission must be
granted for such sales to take place.

While the rest of the world does its best to attract foreign investment
and invite foreigners to buy property, we do our outmost to keep them
at bay.

Actually, we need not do anything special to keep them away.

Our bureaucracy itself and the inherently unjust system that
currently exists are enough to protect (!) our country from any
foreign encroachment.

The Parish family is just a simple example.

How we crushed the Parish family

Nigel Parish and his wife are in their 60s and live in Milas. After
retiring from their positions as top executives at a British bank,
they decided to move to the Turkey they loved so much. They sold
everything they owned and bought three parcels of land from three
different owners in the town of Ören.

Their first shock came soon after they begin building their home.
They were told that there was a ban on building homes in the region
imposed by the military. Turks ruin the beautiful Aegean coastline
by building illegal shanty homes and no one says a word, but when a
foreigner comes along, we suddenly hammer down the letter of the law.

The Parish family didn’t understand their friend’s suggestions:
“Don’t worry. Just register your house in the name of a Turk you
know well and everything will turn out just fine.” They failed to
make sense of our habit of deceiving ourselves.

But, by then, the bureaucratic wheels had already been set in motion.

They received a document from the Land Registry stating there was
no reason why they couldn’t build a house on the land they owned.
They finally completed the house in 1998.

They thought their dreams had come true. So much so that when a young
English teacher came to them to ask for their assistance, they agreed
to help him paint the soulless local school classrooms. The headmaster
of the school was a very modern, open-minded person, and not before
long they had developed a warm relationship.

However, everything changed in 2002.

The Finance Ministry then told the Parishes that one of the pieces
of land they had bought was actually owned by the ministry. A year
later it was the Forestry Department’s turn; they staked a claim on
another piece of their land, filing charges against them.

The Parish family failed to understand what was happening. They
presented the land deeds they had, and brought forward witnesses.
After expert testimony, useless lawyers, investigations and tons of
money spent, the court decided in favor of the state, effectively
ignoring the Land Registry. On top of that, the court also found it
appropriate to fine the Parish’s TL 675 billion.

You can imagine how shocked the Parishes were. Whatever you might say,
it just doesn’t make sense. It’s bureaucratic chaos that even we,
who are used to such trouble, might find hard to understand.

The Parish’s have no idea what to do and are very distressed. I guess
they regret ever deciding to sell everything they owned in England and
make Turkey their second home. I am sure when their British friends
hear the story, they’ll never consider buying anything in Turkey.

As I said, there’s no reason to impose military bans or pass
restrictive laws in order to keep foreigners out of our country. Our
bureaucracy, sales procedures and the condition the Land Registry and
justice system find themselves in are all we need ensure no foreigners
will want to buy land here.

The Parish family can take meager consolation from one sad fact.
They were not a special exception. They did not face this kind of
treatment simply because they were foreigners; this is just everyday
Turkish bureaucracy. If they only saw what some Turks had to face,
they might forget their woes and try to console us instead.

–Boundary_(ID_am2/EdaGRyP08ISXfNGcfQ)–

Armenian leader condemns Beirut terror attack, sends condolences

Regnum, Moscow
15 Feb 05

15 February: Armenian President Robert Kocharyan has sent condolences
to Lebanese President Emile Lahhud over the killing of former prime
minister Rafik Hariri.

The press service of the Armenian president told Regnum news agency
that the message reads: “It was painful to hear about the killing
of Rafik Hariri, the former Lebanese prime minister and outstanding
political figure, who has made an invaluable contribution to the
strengthening of Lebanon’s statehood, as well as to the development
of Armenian-Lebanese relations. The terror attack, to which Hariri
fell victim, is a harsh challenge not only to Lebanon, but also to
all nations in the region. I strongly condemn this terror attack and
express deep condolences to you, to the friendly people of Lebanon and
to the relatives of Rafik Hariri on behalf of the people of Armenia
and on my own behalf.”

[Passage omitted: Armenian president expressing sympathy to Hariri’s
spouse and background of terror attack in Beirut]

IN THE OVERGROWN BEIRUT MARSHALLING YARDS, THE TRACKS ARE STILL
by ROBERT FISK

The Independent (London)
February 12, 2005, Saturday

THE IRRESISTIBLE ROMANCE OF A STEAM TRAIN SCARRED WITH THE BULLET
HOLES OF BATTLE;

With a spare hour on my hands before lunch in Lebanon this week, I
revisited the joys of my childhood, crunched my way across the old
Beirut marshalling yards and climbed aboard a wonderful 19th-century
rack-and- pinion railway locomotive. Although scarred by bullets, the
green paint on the wonderful old Swiss loco still reflects the
glories of steam and of the Ottoman empire.

For it was the Ottomans who decided to adorn their jewel of Beirut
with the latest state-of-the-art locomotive, a train which once
carried the German Kaiser up the mountains above the city where, at a
small station called Sofar, the Christian community begged for his
protection from the Muslims. “We are a minority,” they cried, to
which the Kaiser bellowed: “Then become Muslims!”

But that is another story. The locos went on chuffing up the
mountains until 1975 when the Lebanese civil war destroyed many of
the trains and much of the permanent way. Up in the Lebanese port of
Tripoli, there are some far bigger 0-8-0s (the configuration of steam
locomotive wheels), engines which were installed to pull trains
between the Lebanese seaport and the Syrian city of Hama. They, too,
are perforated by bullets – they had formed part of the Palestinian
front line against Syrian troops in 1983 – and their oil is still
bleeding from their gaskets.

When first I discovered them, I was in contact with that renowned
expert on Middle East steam, Rabbi Walter Rothschild of Leeds, who
immediately told me their story. They had originally belonged to the
pre-First World War Reichbahn and had been handed over to the French
as part of post- war Versailles reparations. The French Middle East
mandate had just been created and Paris sent their German gifts to
operate out of Lebanon. So these great steam behemoths, which once
pulled the middle classes of Germany from Berlin to Danzig, ended up
in a north Lebanese railway junkyard.

All my life, I have been fascinated by trains. My mother used to take
me down to Maidstone East station in Kent to watch the tank engines
pull their local trains in from Ashford or the old Second World War
Super Austerity class steamers – big, ugly beasts with a firebox the
shape of a squashed toilet roll – with a mile of rusting trucks in
tow.

Sometimes, she would take me one station down the line to Bearsted
where my father would be playing golf, the compartment – we travelled
first class – filling with smoke in the tunnel beneath Maidstone
prison, the old black-out curtains banging against the windows. For
days, I would stand on the platform of Tonbridge station and watch
the Battle of Britain class locos and the Merchant Navy class and the
Schools class (from which, I would later note, my own minor public
school, Sutton Valence, was rigorously excluded) as they pummelled
through with boat trains to Victoria or Dover.

The Golden Arrow, in those pre-Eurostar days, was the joy of every
loco- spotter, its cream and gold carriages hauled by an engine with
the British and French flags snapping from the boiler. We all held
that train lovers’ bible in our hands, Ian Allen’s loco-spotter’s
guide to engine numbers.

I used to think all this was a fetish until I realised how deeply the
railway system had permeated art. Turner was obsessed with trains.
Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina falls in love on a train journey, decides to
leave her husband on a railway platform and commits suicide by
throwing herself in front of a goods train. “And exactly at the
moment when the space between the wheels drew level with her … and
with a light movement, as though she would rise again at once, sank
on to her knees … something huge and relentless struck her on the
head and dragged her down on her back. God forgive me everything!’
she murmured.” Tolstoy even died in a railway station.

Part of Doctor Zhivago revolves around his flight from Moscow by
rail, his sight of Strelnikov’s revolutionary locomotive and his
subsequent trek back to Lara down a partially snow-covered track. The
film’s treatment of this is not as good as the book’s, where a female
barber warns Zhivago that he risks arrest with “all this talk of
special trains”.

The point, of course, was that all trains were “special”. My mother
took early colour film of 10-year-old Robert watching the big cream
and red “Trans Europe Express” – a diesel-hauled all-first-class
train – sliding into Freiburg station in Germany in 1956. But equally
special was a wind- up model steam loco which my father brought me
back from Germany where he had been aiding the post-war
reconstruction of Hamburg. Being German, it was so powerful that it
once flew off its English Hornby tracks, raced across the front hall
carpet, jumped the front door step of our home and struck out across
the drive, coming to rest under my father’s car.

When the Lebanese authorities briefly restored the coastal line from
east Beirut to the Crusader port of Byblos, I travelled its length in
the driving cab of a big Polish diesel. It pulled just one wooden
carriage – an import from the British empire’s Indian empire after
the 1914-18 war – and travelled at no more than 15 miles per hour
because the Lebanese, being Lebanese, insisted on parking their cars
on the track when they went swimming.

Despite the great liners of the world and the growth of air power,
leaders – especially dictators – loved trains. Hitler had his own
luxurious train, complete with mobile flak batteries. So did Goering,
and so did Himmler. And Tito. Soviet commissars loved trains. And
trains, of course, became accessories to murder. Turkish railways
carried thousands of Armenians to their places of massacre. European
trains carried millions of Jews and gypsies to their annihilation.
The steam train whistle which permeates D H Lawrence’s Sons and
Lovers had a quite different connotation as it drifted over the
snowfields around Auschwitz.

Somehow, airports never captured the magic of railway stations. Name
me an air version of Saint Pancras or the Gare du Nord or Grand
Central. But it was years before I grasped – I think – just what the
fascination of trains involves. It’s about the track, the rails, the
permanent way as much as the locomotives. At Edinburgh Waverley, you
can look at the twin rails and know that, with points and unwelded
track and occasional changes of width, those minutely shaped ramrods
of iron stretch unbroken from Scotland via the Channel Tunnel to
Turkey or Saint Petersburg or Vladivostok or – save for the Iraqi
insurgents who keep blowing up the permanent way – to Baghdad.

I suspect this sense of continuity appeals to us. An airliner might
fly a route but never through the same stretch of air. Nor does a
ship pass through exactly the same waters each voyage. But the train
will always travel – to an inch – along precisely the same journey as
it took yesterday or a hundred years ago, the same journey which it
will take next week and in a hundred years.

In the overgrown Beirut marshalling yards, the tracks are still
visible, maintaining a ghostly continuum with the past, reminding us
of the permanence of history and power and – in its worst performance
of industrialised murder – of death. Which is why, I suppose, trains
capture our imagination and fear from childhood to old age.