Azerbaijan Foreign Ministry Refutes Info on NK Referendum

REP OF AZERBAIJAN’S FOREIGN MINISTRY REFUTES INFORMATION ON
PREPARATION OF AGREEMENT ON CONDUCTING OF REFERENDUM IN NAGORNY
KARABAKH

BAKU, JULY 13. ARMINFO. The information on preparation of agreement
on conducting a referendum in Nagorny Karabakh is not true, Head of
the Department of Press and Information Politics of the Foreign
Ministry of Azerbaijan Tahir Tagizade told. He said that at this
stage of negotiations 7-9 elements are being discussed within the
frameworks of the Prague process: withdrawal of Armenian troops,
return of displaced people, restoration of communication,
establishment of measures of trust and so on. All the rest questions,
including the status of Nagorny Karabakh will be discussed at the
next stages, Tagizade said.

He noted that the position of the Foreign Ministry of Azerbaijan
remains unchanged: the conflict can be settled only on the basis of
territorial integrity of Azerbaijan.

Concerning referendum of status of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic,
discussion of this question is possible only after return of all
Azeris to their native places. Expressing attitude to the information
concerning possibility of signing of peaceful agreement in 2005 or
2006 years Tagizade said that it was too early to speak about terms
of signing of document, because the work on text is still going on.

NKR Problem To Be Discussed in Georgia

NKR PROBLEM TO BE DISCUSSED IN GEORGIA

A1+
12-07-2005

The Karabakh problem will be discussed in Georgia July 12-15 at the
seminar entitled `Possibilities and prospects of the Karabakh conflict
settlement’.

The seminar was initiated by the Group of International crises and
possibilities.

As reported by Azertage agency deputy chair of the standing committee
for international relations and interparliamentary ties Gyultekin
Khajiyeva is expected to take part in the seminar.

Karabakh Conflict May Be Settled This Year

KARABAKH CONFLICT MAY BE SETTLED THIS YEAR

YEREVAN, JULY 12. ARMINFO. The Karabakh conflict may be settled
already this year or in early 2006, a top diplomat says to Radio
Liberty.

Many issues have already been agreed on and the parties are now
working to overcome the last few contradictions in the text of the
settlement agreement.

The source says that the core of the agreement will be the conduct of
a referendum on the status of Karabakh in 10-15 years. Azerbaijan
recognizes the de facto status of Karabakh that is the right to
self-determination. Karabakh will control Lachin. The 5 territories
Karabakh is now controlling will be given back to Azerbaijan in
exchange for a referendum – to join Armenia, to join Azerbaijan or to
be independent.

The problem of peacekeeping has also be determined – keeping peace in
the zone will be countries other than the MG member states – this will
be acceptable to both Armenia and Azerbaijan as member to MG are both
Turkey and Russia.

The phased settlement scenario covers also Armenian-Turkish relations
– opening of border. As soon as the agreement is signed Turkey opens
its border with Armenia while Azerbaijan stops its blockade of
transport routes.

Artists Struggle To Set Prices

Albuquerque Journal (New Mexico)
July 8, 2005 Friday

Artists Struggle To Set Prices

by Kathaleen Roberts Journal Staff Writer

U.S. Market Is a Challenge

At last year’s Santa Fe International Folk Art Market, prices ranged
from $10 for a South African beaded doll to $60,000 for Panamanian
baskets.

After 14,000 visitors swarmed the Museum of International Folk Art
plaza for the inaugural event, the artists asked organizers for
workshops to help them better understand U.S. marketing and pricing.
On Thursday, about 100 got their wish in sessions held at St. John’s
College, sponsored by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization.

But as this weekend’s market approached, many artists still were
unsure how much to ask for their work.

Armenia’s Noushik Mikayelian brought artists making woven cloth
dolls, embroidery and wood carvings.

She wondered how to price similar objects when the costs to make them
might vary from country to country.

“They say we must say the materials are more expensive or cheaper,”
she said.

Mikayelian owns an art gallery representing artists throughout
Armenia. The Folk Art Market is his first foray into the United
States.

“The U.S. market is more free to put the right prices and to value
the work,” she said. “It’s lower in Armenia than it will be in the
U.S.”

One of her artists, Anahit Karapetian, makes silk and
gold-embroidered christening shirts. The designs date from 900 to
1,000 years ago, when monastics wove and embroidered their own Mass
costumes. Decorated with white crosses, angels and life trees, the
shirts cost $250 to $300 and are said to give health and protection
to their wearer.

France’s Agnes Paul-Depasse makes straw marquetry in an inlay
technique. She applies thousands of ribbons of wheat or rye to a wood
base. She said she wasn’t sure how to price her work, which is based
on the technique of one of France’s most celebrated cabinetmaker of
the 1930s. She spends as long as two days on a single piece.

In the end, she set her price based on the exchange rate of euros to
dollars, charging $300 for a framed marquetry mirror.

Shamula Dudeja brought hand-embroidered silks from a women’s
cooperative in India. Known as kantha stitch, the technique dates
back hundreds of years when women made quilts for babies and
bridegrooms.

Dudeja revived the technique after being diagnosed with cancer 22
years ago. Forced by her illness to leave her job as a teacher, she
met some village girls who were stitching tiny quilts from old
fabric.

“I had done it in school as a running stitch,” she said.

The women started making saris, then skirts and ponchos. They added
more color to make their designs more stylish.

“We started making it for the urban elite so we could market it,” she
said.

Dudeja launched Self Help Enterprise, which now helps 500 rural women
retain a tradition while earning extra pocket money. She designs the
patterns with four colleagues.

“In 22 years, we’ve made maybe 5,000 designs,” she said.

In India, the ponchos sell for $120. More intricate patterns may take
200 to 300 hours to complete.

“I would like to pay these girls higher wages,” Dudeja said. “But we
are not making enough money in India for these products. In America,
I would like to sell it for $500 because of the amount of work that
has gone into it. The entire economy of rural Bengal could change
because of it.”

Realistically, Dudeja said she will probably ask $200 to $250 for the
work.

“If you can have jeans in India, why can’t you have kantha in
America?” she said.

Flocking to folk

International Folk Art Market prepared for crowds this year S1

Kocharyan sends condolences to PM Blair on tragic events in London

ARKA News Agency
July 8 2005

RA PRESIDENT ROBERT KOCHARYAN SENDS HIS CONDOLENCES TO GB PRIME
MINISTER TONY BLAIR ON TRAGIC EVENTS IN LONDON

YEREVAN, July 8. /ARKA/. RA President Robert Kocharyan sent his
condolences to GB Prime Minister Tony Blair on tragic events in
London, according to the Press Service of the President. “We
understand that the barbaric activities were directed against the
whole humanity and condemn terrorism in all kinds of its disposition.
Please, accept profound condolences on behalf of the whole Armenian
nation and personally from me”, according to the telegram of
Kocharyan.
Yesterday morning several explosions were set off in several stations
of London subway and passengers transport. As a result some scores of
people were injured. A.H.-0–

COMMENT: Will the real Turkish model please stand up?

Daily Times, Pakistan
July 9 2005

COMMENT: Will the real Turkish model please stand up?

– William B Milam

What I see in Turkey is a democratically elected civilian
government, moderately Islamic, running the show. Are the generals
back there, behind-the-scenes, pulling the strings? I don’t see any
sign of that

I remember hearing much, and reading some, about the `Turkish model’
while I resided in Pakistan from mid-1998 to mid-2001. I always took
this as part of the argument supporting the involvement of the
Pakistani military in the politics of Pakistan. It was used most
often when advocating a National Security Council in which, it was
argued, the military should have veto power over policy decisions
affecting `national security,’ however that was defined.

After doing some coincidental reading on Turkey, however, I find that
there are several Turkish models which might be relevant to Pakistan.
I wonder which Turkish model its proponents have in mind.

There is, for example, the nation-building model that Turkey’s
founding father, Kemal Ataturk, used to make a polyglot country of
many ethnic minorities into a nation. It began with the concept of
`Turkishness’. Ethnic identities were supposed to be cast aside and
citizens of the state were to be considered Turks. A national history
was developed and taught in all the schools that helped define `Turk’
inclusively.

There are three points to emphasise in this regard. First, Ataturk’s
determination to build a national identity in Turkey sprang from the
times the Muslims of the Ottoman Empire had lived through as the
empire slowly collapsed in the 19th century and the early years of
the 20th century. They were traumatised by the continuing and growing
losses of territory as well as the interference in the Empire because
its religious minorities increasingly looked to outsiders for
protection. In other words, national identity became an imperative
because of the external threat.

This is not to ignore that the Empire’s treatment of religious
minorities deviated progressively further from the ideals of Islam as
the pressures upon it intensified. This is exemplified by the
slaughter of Armenians between 1915 and 1919. The external threat
peaked when the western powers attempted to divide Anatolia, the
Turkish core of the empire, after the First World War.

A second point is that most citizens of the new country accepted with
alacrity this new Turkish identity. The Muslim minorities
-descendents of immigrants from all over the former Empire who had
retreated to the Anatolian core as the empire’s former conquests were
retaken – accepted the Turkish national identity readily for the same
reason that their leaders pushed the concept – to avoid being divided
up by hostile outside powers.

The final point here is that Ataturk and the governments of Turkey’s
early years emphasised education for forming a national identity. Not
only did the children learn the national history that Turkey
developed, but they learned a common language and common Turkish
characteristics, habits, and mindset.

A common religion was not among the factors chosen by Ataturk and his
colleagues in the 1920s to use as a binding thread of Turkish
nationality. They were, of course, aiming at a secular state, and
believed that Islam and modern development were, if not incompatible,
at least not enthusiastic partners.

This does not seem like the Turkish model that any Pakistani
government, pre- or post-1971, has ever aspired to. Certainly, the
use of education – and I mean universal education – as a way to
create and strengthen national identity does not seem to have
occurred to any Pakistani government since 1947. Otherwise national
literacy would not still be around only 50 percent of the population.
And while Pakistani governments have often been driven by the
perception of external threat to search for a national identity, they
have, as often as not, looked for Islam to provide the glue. That
this has not worked is evident from the 1971 debacle.

Using religion as the core of national identity can be perniciously
counterproductive in a country of many minorities. While Turkey has
tried to make its national identity an inclusive one, Pakistan has
become less inclusive and tolerant as Islamism gained strength in the
past 25-30 years. This not only involves excluding other religions
from the national identity definition, but even Muslim minorities –
those not following the script laid out by the Islamists as the only
path to virtue. Minorities, even Muslim minorities, have less and
less reason to want to be part of a Pakistani identity.

Now, before the e-mails start which accuse me of historical amnesia,
I know – in fact everybody knows – that the Kurds were not happy
campers in the new national identity that Ataturk pushed on his
countrymen and women. The Kurds were there before the Turks and
resented being designated as Turks. This has led to separatist
sentiment and rebellion for several decades, usually put down by
force costing many lives.

Using force to settle political problems with minorities is also a
Turkish model that Pakistan has occasionally followed in the past,
but perhaps both countries have learned their lesson. The Musharraf
government seems to have concluded that a political solution is the
only viable one in Balochistan; the Erdogan government in Turkey is
making moves to reach out to Kurds and eliminate some of the major
reasons for their bitterness, including legalising use of the Kurdish
language and releasing hundreds of Kurdish nationalists from jail.

This is a model that both governments should follow assiduously, and
it involves learning to work with minorities to accommodate their
needs, not just steamroll over them because they are in the minority.

On reflection, I guess that the Turkish model that I heard so much
about in Pakistan is the one I mentioned at the beginning of this
piece – a model of government that allows the military ultimate
authority on policy. But is that really the case in Turkey? I leave
it to the experts, which I am definitely not, to answer that
question.

But what I see in Turkey is a democratically elected civilian
government, moderately Islamic, running the show. Are the generals
back there, behind-the-scenes, pulling the strings? I don’t see any
sign of that, but perhaps they are.

Or is the real Turkish model one in which the military is receding
(or has receded) from a political role and the civilian politicians
are (or are becoming) really in charge. How refreshing it would be if
that is the model my Pakistani friends are talking about, and the one
the military intends to follow.

William Milam is a former US ambassador to Pakistan and Bangladesh.
He is currently at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington DC

Germany: Genocide of Armenians again on the Curriculum

Der Tagesspiegel, Deutschland
Donnerstag, 8 Juli 2005

Genocide of Armenians again on the Curriculum: Ministry of Education
provides Teacher’s instruction.

Völkermord an Armeniern wieder auf dem Lehrplan

Bildungsministerium stellt Unterrichtshilfe zu dem Genozid vor. Sie
enthält auch eine Relativierung durch die türkische Regierung

Von Thorsten Metzner

Potsdam – Der Vorgang erregte Anfang 2005 weit über die Brandenburger
Landesgrenzen hinaus Aufsehen: Nach diplomatischen Interventionen der
Regierung in Ankara war der Völkermord der Türken an den Armeniern in
den Jahren 1915/1916 aus dem Brandenburger Lehrplan für den
Geschichtsunterricht gestrichen worden. Jetzt legte Brandenburgs
Bildungsministerium die mit Spannung erwarteten offiziellen neuen
Unterrichtshilfen zum Thema „Völkermorde` vor. Auf ihrer Grundlage
soll der Armenier-Genozid, nach wie vor Anlass für diplomatische
Verwicklungen zwischen der Türkei und der Bundesrepublik, verbindlich
an den Schulen behandelt werden. Brandenburg ist bislang das einzige
deutsche Bundesland, in dem das geschieht. Eine solche „Handreichung`
für Lehrkräfte gibt es bundesweit bisher noch nicht.

Das 103-Seiten-Werk, das dem Tagesspiegel vorliegt, ist in den
vergangenen Monaten vom Landesinstitut für Schule und Medien (Lisum)
gemeinsam mit dem Institut für Diaspora- und Genozidforschung an der
Ruhr-Universität Bochum erstellt worden. Es trägt den Titel
„Völkermorde und staatliche Gewaltverbrechen im 20.Jahrhundert.` In
dem Material wird nicht nur ausführlich über den Völkermord an den
Armeniern im Osmanischen Reich informiert, dem bis zu 1,5 Millionen
Menschen zum Opfer fielen: Es sei der „erste große, systematische
Völkermord des 20.Jahrhunderts` gewesen – was die Türkei heute immer
noch leugnet. Informiert wird auch über die Völkermorde an den
Hereros in Deutsch-Südwestafrika in den Jahren 1904 bis 1907 und in
Ruanda 1994.

Trotzdem ist die klare Einordnung des Verbrechens an den Armeniern
als „Völkermord` dem türkischen Staat ein Dorn im Auge: In einer
offiziellen Stellungnahme des türkischen Generalkonsulates in Berlin
zu den „Ereignissen von 1915`, die in der Handreichung abgedruckt
ist, heißt es: „Türken und Armenier waren zugleich Opfer und Täter.`

Brandenburgs Bildungsstaatssekretär Martin Gorholt wies darauf hin,
dass die Materie schwierig sei und Brandenburg Neuland betrete: „Wir
haben uns deshalb um einen breiten Konsens bemüht und viele Experten
einbezogen.` Gorholt bestätigte, dass auf Grundlage der neuen
Handreichung jetzt auch der Rahmenlehrplan für den
Geschichtsunterricht der 9. und 10. Klassen verändert werden soll.
„Auch dort werden die Völkermorde an den Hereros, den Armeniern und
den Tutsi genannt`, so Gorholt. Bis zur vorübergehenden Tilgung des
Hinweises war dort nur der Armenier-Genozid erwähnt worden.

Die Handreichung informiert neben den drei Völkermorden außerdem über
die Massenmorde der Roten Khmer in Kambodscha, den Terror unter
Stalin und die postjugoslawischen Kriege – als „staatliche
Gewaltverbrechen`.

Der Völkermord der Deutschen an den europäischen Juden wurde hingegen
bewusst ausgeklammert, wie Lisum-Direktor Jan Hoffmann als
Herausgeber im Vorwort betont. Dessen „herausgehobene, besondere
Bedeutung` verbiete eine einfache, formale Einreihung in andere
Völkermorde. Zum anderen sei der Holocaust verbindlicher Bestandteil
der deutschen Lehrpläne, gebe es darüber genügend
Unterrichtsmaterialien, so Hofmann: „Im Unterschied dazu fanden
andere Völkermorde und staatliche Gewaltverbrechen des
20.Jahrhunderts oft nicht die gebührende Aufmerksamkeit.`

System shows no sign of metal fatigue

Edmonton Journal (Alberta)
July 5, 2005 Tuesday
Final Edition

System shows no sign of metal fatigue: Band joins The Mars Volta for
Rexall concert in September

Sandra Sperounes, The Edmonton Journal

EDMONTON – Two of rock’s most adventurous acts, System Of A Down and
The Mars Volta, will be sharing a stage on Sept. 20 at Rexall Place.

System’s latest acrobatic, Armenian-flavoured masterpiece, Mezmerize,
debuted at the top of the U.S. Billboard charts in May.

The L.A. group, led by Serj Tankian, will release another album,
Hypnotize, in the fall.

The Mars Volta’s new effort, Francis the Mute, is no less ambitious.
It’s an explosive mix of prog-rock, jazz and psychedelia.

Tickets are $39.50, $47.50 and $55.50 (plus service charges). They’ll
go on sale 10 a.m. Friday at Ticketmaster.

w In other music news, Pretty Girls Make Graves will shovel up some
punk on Saturday, Aug. 13, at the Starlite Room.

The Seattle musicians, named after one of Morrissey’s dour lyrics,
are fronted by a pretty girl with a poppy voice — Andrea Zollo. They
have two full-length albums to their name — 2002’s Good Health and
2003’s The New Romance.

Tickets are $15 (plus service charges) and will go on sale Wednesday
at Ticketmaster.

BAKU: Official calls on EU to resume aid to refugees

Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
July 5 2005

Official calls on EU to resume aid to refugees

Baku, July 4, AssA-Irada

Deputy Prime Minister and chairman of the State Committee on Refugees
Ali Hasanov has called on the European Union (EU) to resume its
assistance to Azerbaijani refugees.
Hasanov said at the seminar, `Population displacement in the Southern
Caucasus’, held in Baku on Monday that the Azerbaijani government is
concerned over the fact that EU has suspended its aid to refugees and
internally displaced persons in 2001.
Hasanov regarded the suspension of assistance as an unfair step taken
under the pretext of the stalling resolution of the Armenia-Azerbaijan
conflict over Upper Garabagh. He termed the move as a mistake that
should be rectified.
`The government hopes that the organization will change its approach
to the issue after the seminar.’
Hasanov also said that only four major organizations of the world have
expressed their attitude towards the problem. He also voiced
disappointment with the unsettled status of the Garabagh conflict.
Chair of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE)
subcommittee on refugees Ruth-Gaby Vermot-Mangold said he has looked
into the living conditions of refugees settled in five districts of
Azerbaijan. The longer the Upper Garabagh conflict remains unsettled
the more difficult it will be to return refugees home, he said.
Mangold said donor organizations have suspended financial aid to
refugees and international organizations should assist in solving the
problem.
The participants discussed joint assistance to refugees by
intergovernmental and international organizations, return of refugees’
property, as well as de-mining and fighting human trafficking.
The seminar, organized by the PACE subcommittee, jointly with the
Milli Majlis (parliament), was attended by officials and various
countries’ representatives at PACE, those of the Georgian Ministry of
Refugees and Settlement Affairs and the International Committee of the
Red Cross, as well as local and international NGO representatives.*

Not too strict, not too flexible

A1plus

| 13:41:51 | 02-07-2005 | Politics |

NOT TOO STRICT, NOT TOO FLEXIBLE

There are some items in the Constitution which are not subject to any
changes. These mostly refer to the temporal or democratic regime of the
state, pluralism, etc.

According to the RA representative Armen Harutyunyan, the 1st and 2nd
articles of our Constitution, which say that the Republic of Armenia is a
sovereign, democratic, social, legal state and the power belongs to the
people. `These clauses should remain unchanged and no one can manipulate
with them.’

Constitutions may be strict or flexible, depending on the complexity of the
mechanism of its changing. There are states where the Constitution is
applied by the President or by the President and parliament jointly.

RA President’s representative, doctor of juridical sciences Armen
Harutyunyan considers that in out country the Constitution should not be
very strict. `There should be the possibility of changing it, since in 5
years it may need changes. On the other hand the constitution should not be
too flexible, as it should secure stability first of all. In his opinion,
the mechanism of settling public interrelations legal and political culture
is often more important than normative acts.

Inserting amendments to the constitution is possible only via a referendum.
For this 1/3 of the votes is needed. According to Armen Harutyunyan this
clause is rather strict, however he does not find it expedient to lower the
rate.

To remind, in 2003 the draft submitted by Robert Kocharyan was not adopted
at the referendum due to the absence of 1/3 barrier, though, according to
the official data the majority of the citizens supported the draft.

Diana Markosyan