Rare Arshile Gorky Paintings to Be Sold at Paris Auction

Rare Arshile Gorky Paintings to Be Sold at Paris Auction

Dickran Kouymjian

(International Press Service, Paris) A major three-day auction sale
by François Tajan will take place in Paris next week on three
successive days, October 5, 6, 7. On sale will be a part of the
massive private collection of the New York art dealer Julien Levy, in
whose gallery Arshile Gorky had a number of shows in the 1940s.
Among the more than 800 paintings and drawings to be placed on the
block are four paintings and eleven drawings by Gorky, a few of which
are barely known to the public. Among the scores of artists who
works are in the sale – Hans Arp, Dali, Toulouse-Lautrec, Marcel
Duchamp, Max Ernest, Fini, Lichtenstein, Magritte, Man Ray, Matta,
Naguchi, Tanguy, the highest estimated price for any single item in
the sale is a the painting by Gorky entitled Pirate 1 of 1942, with a
suggested price of 1,300.000. 1,600,000 euros or close to two million
dollars. Pirate II of 1943 is estimated at 1,100,000-1,300,000
euros. Several drawings are priced at 5,000 to 8,000 euros or
$6-9,000.

Tajan is among the most famous of Paris auctioneers his own auction
house, like Sothebys and Christies, rather than using the famous
Parisian establishment, the Hotel Drouot. Articles in the French
press on this major sale of the fall season have featured the Gorky
paintings, emphasizing the rarity of Gorky works on the art market.

The expert who organized the sale and prepared the massive 515 page
large format catalogue, “Hommage à Julien Levy,” is Marcel Fliess and
son David. A couple of years ago Fliess also had an exhibit and sale
in his own Galerie 1900-2000 in Paris of Gorky works from the
collection of the famous surrealist and friend of Gorky, André Breton.

The auction will take place at the Espace Tajan, 37 rue des
Mathurins, 75008 Paris. In formation is available by phone (33) 1 53
30 30 30, fax (33) 1 53 30 30 31 or on the website

www.tajan.com.

Newly-Wed Couples Donate Thousands To Zoryan Institute On TheirWeddi

ZORYAN INSTITUTE OF CANADA, INC.
255 Duncan Mill Rd., Suite 310
Toronto, ON, Canada M3B 3H9
Tel: 416-250-9807 Fax: 416-512-1736 E-mail: [email protected]

PRESS RELEASE

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
CONTACT: George Shirinian

DATE: September 16, 2004
Tel: 416-250-9807

Newly-wed Couples Donate Thousands to Zoryan Institute on Their Wedding Day

Boston, MA – In early June, at the wedding reception of Nellie
Yeretsian and Shahan Yacoubian in Chicago, the place-card put out
for the guests informed them that:

To honor our grandparents, we have made a financial contribution to
the following institutions:

~The Zoryan Institute, devoted to research, documentation, publication
and education on contemporary issues in the history, politics,
society and culture of Armenians and Armenia.

~Armenian General Benevolent Union’s Hye Geen, devoted to empower
Armenian women in their changing roles. Hye Geen sponsors a day care
center for pregnant women in Gyumri, Armenia.

Similarly, in early September, at the wedding reception of Lisa
Siraganian and Brian Hewitt in Maryland, seating cards for each guest
announced the following message:

In your honor, a donation has been given to Church World Service
Emergency Response for aid to Sudan and Afghanistan, and to the Zoryan
Institute, an international center devoted to researching the history
and culture of Armenians.

“Who said our youth is not involved in Armenian affairs,” asked Arsinée
Khanjian, a member of the Corporate Board of the Zoryan Institute. “I
understand exactly how these young people feel. They support the Zoryan
Institute because they find answers to the fundamental questions of
history, memory, and identity, burning inside of them. They feel
empowered with the tools of history, facts, references, analysis,
and perspective that the institute provides through its seminars,
conferences and publications.” She continued by relating that this
was her own experience some eighteen years ago, when she joined the
ranks of Zoryan supporters, because “Through the institute’s work,
I learned how to situate my history in the history of other nations,
other cultures of the world, thus reconciling my identity as a
Diasporan Armenian and as a Canadian.”

“There seems to be an interesting new trend developing among
young professionals in North America, of making donations on their
wedding day to organizations that they identify with emotionally and
intellectually, such as Zoryan,” noted George Shirinian, Executive
Director of the institute. “This phenomenon is all the more interesting
as it occurs at a time in their lives when the young couples, instead
of focusing on themselves and their immediate families and friends,
are thinking about the welfare of humanity and organizations which
devote their efforts to serving that cause.”

Shahan Yacoubian is finishing residency in Orthopedics at Albert
Einstein in the Bronx, and Nellie Yacoubian is a graduate student at
New York University. Describing the motivation for their selfless
gesture, Nellie explained, “Our grandparents were afraid that
the death and suffering of their loved ones would be relegated to
the dustbin of history. They were deeply unsettled by the power of
historical revisionism at the service of political convenience. The
Zoryan Institute is the fulfillment of their hopes for a scholarly,
unshakable rendition of the facts.”

Lisa Siraganian, who is currently doing a post-doctoral fellowship
in English Literature at Dartmouth College in Hanover, NH, and Brian
Hewitt, who is Senior Software Engineer at Tele-Atlas in Hanover,
had this to say. “A marriage not only connects two people to one
another, but also connects us as a couple to a larger community.
For this reason, we felt, along with Lisa’s parents, that it was
important to recognize and support those communities, both locally
and globally. Zoryan’s mission of Armenian historical research and
community outreach make this donation a natural choice.”

K.M. (Greg) Sarkissian, President of the Zoryan Institute, remarked,
“We are moved that such young people are confident about their
identity, and that because of their love for humanity they feel
a natural connection with the Institute. It is overwhelming for
us at Zoryan to see that four generations away from the Genocide,
our youth, born and raised in America, the famous ‘melting pot,’
not only appreciate the work of this institute but also affirm the
universality of its mission through their magnificent support.”

The Zoryan Institute is an international center devoted to the
research and documentation of contemporary issues related to the
history, politics, society, and culture of Armenia and Armenians
around the world.

www.zoryaninstitute.org

Pundit says opening of Turkish border to boost Armenian export

Pundit says opening of Turkish border to boost Armenian export

Mediamax news agency
29 Sep 04

Yerevan, 29 September: The opening of the Armenian-Turkish borders
will create an opportunity to boost Armenia’s export and foreign
trade, Tigran Dzhrbashyan, director of the Armenian-European centre
for political and legal consultations, told today’s seminar entitled
“The economic efficiency of opening the Armenian-Turkish borders and
possible developments”.

He highlighted several economic consequences for Armenia if the
Armenian-Turkish borders are opened: increased budget revenue, less
transport dependency, drop in the cost price of goods due to low
transport charges, and increased investment.

At the same time, he thinks that there will appear the necessity for
the legal protection of local manufacturers at the domestic market.

Generals Settled On Liberated Territories

GENERALS SETTLED ON LIBERATED TERRITORIES

Azg/am
30 Sept 04

Zhirayr Sefilian: There is no Program of Inhabiting Karabakh

Zhirayr Sefilian, of the Defense of Liberated Territories initiative
and veteran of Artsakh war, claims that there is no program
of inhabiting in Karabakh and surrounding territories. He stated
yesterday at the National Press Club that few generals have taken
over thousands of hectares while families from Armenia try to settle
there. Sefilian desisted from mentioning names of the generals.

Serzh Amirghanian, head of the Administration for Migration, Refugees
and Resettlement, doesn’t agree with Sefilian. “Generals are not the
only ones who possess lands in Karabakh. The Frank Muller company
has a bug territory in the south of Karabakh, Lusakert poultry farm
has 3 thousand hectares of maize fields”, Amirghanian said.

Recently the press often touches upon the possibility of liberated
territories being returned. Zhirayr Sefilian thinks that neither
Turkey nor the West are interested in who is controlling Aghdam. “The
Arax river creek is the main concern. The state that will control it,
will control whole of Caucasus”, he says. Turkey is interested in this,
and they try to conquer the creek, Sefilian thinks.

Serzh Amirghanian says that the Arax river creek is also partly
inhabited. 130 families settled in Zangelan, 70 in Jebrail this
year. He says that there are 700-800 families are willing to live in
Artsakh but the government can afford inhabiting only of 200 families.

By Tatoul Hakobian

Armenian, Chinese leaders set to deepen cooperation

Armenian, Chinese leaders set to deepen cooperation

Public Television of Armenia, Yerevan
27 Sep 04

[Presenter] A delegation led by Armenian President Robert Kocharyan
is currently in China on a state visit.

[Correspondent Lilit Setrakyan reports by phone from Beijing]
Armenian President Robert Kocharyan and Chinese President Hu Jintao
held a meeting at the Great Hall of the People in the Chinese capital,
Beijing, a while ago, after which they held expanded talks.

The state visit by Robert Kocharyan started at the Great Hall of the
People where an official reception was held. At the end of the meeting,
Kocharyan and Jintao will sign a joint declaration which notes that
Armenia and China are ready to continue and deepen relations in the
political, economic, trade, scientific, cultural and education spheres.

The Armenian and Chinese presidents stressed the importance
of developing economic relations between the two countries. The
presidents outlined the work and activities of the Armenian-Chinese
economic commission which is to speed up this process.

Robert Kocharyan and Hu Jintao noted that Armenian-Chinese cooperation
is not directed against a third side.

Georgia National Bank to Coop with ROA CB in Deposit Guarantees

GEORGIA’s NB TO COOPERATE WITH RA CENTRAL BANK IN ESTABLISHING DEPOSIT
GUARANTEE FUND

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 25. ARMINFO. Georgia’s National Bank (NB) intends
to actively cooperate with the RA Central Bank in sharing experience
in establishing a Deposit Guarantee Fund, NB President Irakly
Managadze told ARMINFO. He pointed out that Armenia has surpassed
Georgia in this process by launching its Fund last July and can render
Georgia information assistance in speeding up the introduction of this
system. He forecasts that the Georgian Deposit Guarantee Fund will
start working late next year. Managadze pointed out that Armenia and
Georgian are keeping pace with each other.

The main direction of the Georgian NB in 2005 will be the introduction
of new instruments to regulate liquidity, that is, SWAP-contracts, and
the RA CB’s experience may be of benefit to Georgia. The Georgian NB
is currently regulating liquidity by interventions both on the
interbank market and on the monetary exchange, to curb inflation and
ensure price stability.

According to the NB, the turnover of the domestic currency market
totaled 3.6bln. USD and 558 EUR in 2003. The share of dollar exchange
business was 4.4% of the total volume, and that of extraexchange
business 90.3%, while the lion’s share of operations with the Euro
(98.3%) was on the interbank market. In 2003, the currency
purchase-and-sale operations of the Georgian NB constituted 1.2% of
the total volume, and 26.7% of the exchange turnover.

Freedom In The World 2004: Armenia

FREEDOM HOUSE

FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2004

ARMENIA

Political Rights: 4
Civil Liberties: 4

Status: Partly Free

GNI per capita: $790
Population: 3,200,000
Life Expectancy: 72

Religious Groups: Armenian Apostolic (94 percent),other Christian (4
percent), Yezidi (2 percent)

Ethnic Groups: Armenian (93 percent), Azeri (3 percent),Russian (2 percent),
other [including Kurd] (2 percent)

Capital: Yerevan

Trend Arrow: Armenia received a downward trend arrow for the holding of
presidential and parliamentary polls that failed to meet international
standards for democratic elections, and for the arrest and detention of
large numbers of opposition supporters.

Ten Year Ratings Timeline [OMMITTED]

Overview

The political scene in Armenia was dominated for much of 2003 by
developments surrounding the February-March presidential election and the
May parliamentary vote, both of which were condemned by international
election observers for failing to meet democratic standards. President
Robert Kocharian was reelected in a controversial second-round runoff,
taking office despite mass street demonstrations against the election
results and the detention of hundreds of opposition supporters.
Pro-presidential parties gained a majority in parliament and formed a
three-party coalition government following legislative elections. The final
verdict in the trial of those accused in the October 1999 shootings in
parliament had not been reached by November 30, while the brother of a key
opposition leader was convicted in a murder case allegedly linked to the
parliament killings. Meanwhile, ties with Russia were further strengthened
during the year as Moscow extended its control over Armenia’s energy sector.

Following a brief period of independence from 1918 to 1920, part of the
predominantly Christian Transcaucasus republic of Armenia became a Soviet
republic in 1922, while the western portion was ceded to Turkey. Armenia
declared its independence from the Soviet Union in September 1991.

The banning of nine political parties prior to the 1995 parliamentary
elections ensured the dominance of President Levon Ter Petrosian’s ruling
Armenian National Movement’s (ANM) coalition. In February 1998, Petrosian
stepped down following the resignation of key officials in protest over his
gradualist approach to solving the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, the
disputed Armenian enclave in Azerbaijan. Prime Minister Robert Kocharian,
the former president of Nagorno-Karabakh, was elected president in March
with the support of the previously banned Armenian Revolutionary
Federation-Dashnaktsutiun.

Parliamentary elections in May 1999 resulted in an overwhelming victory for
the Unity bloc, a new alliance of Defense Minister Vazgen Sarkisian’s
Republican Party and former Soviet Armenian leader Karen Demirchian’s
People’s Party, which campaigned on a populist platform of greater state
involvement in the economy and increased social spending. In June, Sarkisian
was named prime minister and Demirchian became speaker of parliament.
Kocharian’s relationship with Sarkisian and Demirchian was marked by power
struggles and policy differences.

The country was plunged into a political crisis on October 27, when five
gunmen stormed the parliament building and assassinated Sarkisian,
Demirchian, and several other senior government officials. The leader of the
gunmen, Nairi Hunanian, maintained that he and the other assailants had
acted alone in an attempt to incite a popular revolt against the government.
Meanwhile, allegations that Kocharian or members of his inner circle had
orchestrated the shootings prompted opposition calls for the president to
resign. However, because of an apparent lack of evidence, prosecutors did
not press charges against Kocharian, who gradually consolidated his power
over the following year. In May 2000, Kocharian named Republican Party
leader Andranik Markarian as prime minister, replacing Vazgen Sarkisian’s
younger brother, Aram, who had served in the position for only five months
following the parliament shootings.

The trial of the five gunmen, plus eight others charged with complicity in
the parliament shootings, began in February 2001 and finally ended on
November 14, 2003. A final verdict had not been reached by the end of
November. More than four years after the massacre, many in the country
continue to believe that the gunmen were acting on orders from others and
accuse the authorities of a high-level coverup about the identity of the
masterminds of the attacks.

Despite earlier pledges by much of the perennially divided opposition to
field a joint candidate in the February 19, 2003, presidential election in
order to improve its chances of defeating Kocharian, several parties
eventually decided to nominate their own candidates. Among the nine
challengers in the presidential poll, Kocharian officially received 49.48
percent of the vote, followed by Stepan Demirchian, son of the late Karen
Demirchian, with 28.22 percent. Since no candidate received the 50 percent
plus 1 vote necessary for a first-round victory, a second-round vote was
schedule for March 5 between the top two finishers. According to
international election observers, including the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the election fell short of international
standards for democratic elections, with the voting, counting, and
tabulation processes showing serious irregularities. Other problems noted
included media bias in favor of the incumbent and political imbalances in
the election commissions.

During the days that followed, thousands rallied in the largest peaceful
demonstrations in Yerevan in years to protest alleged election falsification
and show support for Stepan Demirchian. According to a highly critical Human
Rights Watch report, police used controversial Soviet-era legislation to
arrest hundreds of opposition supporters. More than 100 were sentenced in
closed-door trials to two weeks in prison on charges of hooliganism and
participating in unsanctioned demonstrations.

In the March 5 second-round runoff, Kocharian was reelected with 67.44
percent of the vote, while Demirchian received 32.56 percent. International
observers echoed many of the same criticisms as those expressed regarding
the first-round vote. The next two months saw further mass protests against
the final results of the election and more arrests and detentions reported.
The Constitutional Court rejected appeals by opposition leaders to
invalidate the election results, although it did propose holding a
“referendum of confidence” in Kocharian within the next year to allay
widespread doubts about the validity of the election returns. Kocharian
promptly replied that he would not comply with the proposal.

The political atmosphere remained tense leading up to the May 25
parliamentary poll. Several hundred candidates were registered to compete
for the 56 singlemandate seats, while 17 parties and 4 electoral blocs
contested the 75 seats to be distributed under the proportional
representation system. The pro-presidential Republican Party, Orinats Yerkir
(Country of Law), and Armenian Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutiun
secured 40, 19, and 11 seats, respectively. The Artarutiun (Justice) bloc,
which was formed in March and is comprised of more than a dozen opposition
parties, came in third place with a total of 15 seats. Thus, deputies
backing Kocharian, including a number of independent candidates who broadly
support the president, secured a majority in parliament. For the first time,
the Communist Party failed to pass the 5 percent threshold required to gain
seats under the proportional system. The OSCE and Council of Europe noted
improvements in the freedom and fairness of the campaign and media coverage
when compared with the earlier presidential poll. However, they concluded
that the election still fell short of international standards for democratic
elections, particularly with regard to the counting and tabulation of votes.
Artarutiun refused to recognize the validity of the election returns; a
formal appeal of the results was subsequently rejected by the Constitutional
Court.

A concurrent referendum on a package of constitutional amendments,
representing a wide range of issues and nearly 80 percent of the
constitution’s articles, was rejected by voters. The amendments reportedly
were not widely publicized or well understood by most of the electorate.
Although some of the proposed changes were originally intended to curb some
of the disproportionate powers of the presidency in relation to other
branches of government, opposition parties had argued that the amendments
would actually increase them. Other amendments included abolishing a ban on
dual citizenship, allowing noncitizens to vote in local elections, and
granting foreigners the right to own land in Armenia.

On June 11, the Republican Party, Orinats Yerkir, and the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutiun agreed to form a coalition
government despite disagreements over some substantive policy issues and the
distribution of government posts among the three parties. Andranik Markarian
remained prime minister, while Orinats Yerkir chairman Artur Baghdasarian
was named speaker of parliament. The following day, Artarutiun and another
opposition party elected to parliament, the National Unity Party, boycotted
the opening session of parliament to protest the results of the
parliamentary election; they finally ended the boycott in early September.

In a politically sensational case, Armen Sarkisian, the brother of former
prime ministers Aram and Vazgen, was convicted on November 18 of ordering
the December 28, 2002, murder of Tigran Naghdalian, the head of Armenian
Public Television and Radio. Sarkisian was sentenced to 15 years in prison,
as was the trigger man, John Harutiunian, while another 11 defendants
received prison sentences of 7 to 12 years. The prosecution had argued that
Sarkisian had ordered the murder in revenge because he believed that
Naghdalian was somehow involved in the October 1999 parliament shootings, in
which his brother Vazgen had been killed. However, some opposition members
maintained that the case was a politically motivated campaign against
Armen’s brother, Aram, a vocal critic of Kocharian’s leadership. They also
believed that the murder was part of a government cover-up to prevent
Naghdalian from testifying in the ongoing trial over the parliament
shootings; Naghdalian had been in the control room of his television station
when the shootings, which were recorded on videocassettes, occurred. Critics
of the verdict questioned the validity of the evidence in the case against
him; in August, Harutiunian retracted pretrial testimony that Armen had
ordered the murder, contending that he had signed his original testimony
under duress.

Relations with Russia, which counts Armenia as its closest ally in the
Caucasus, continued to be strengthened during the year. In exchange for a
write-off of its considerable debts to Moscow, Yerevan agreed to transfer
key state-owned assets to Moscow, including six hydroelectric power plants.
In September, Armenia ratified an agreement to transfer financial control of
the Medzamor nuclear power plant to Russia. These deals will provide Moscow,
with its already substantial military interests in Armenia, with additional
political and economic leverage over Yerevan.

Despite ongoing international pressure to resolve the long-standing
NagornoKarabakh conflict, little progress was made during the year on
reaching a breakthrough. Sporadic exchanges of fire along the ceasefire line
continued, but did not escalate into full-scale fighting. At the same time,
neither Kocharian nor Azerbaijan’s president Heydar Aliev appeared willing
to risk the domestic political consequences of making major public
concessions over the disputed territory, particularly during a presidential
election year in both countries.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

Armenians cannot change their government democratically. The 1995 and 1999
parliamentary and 1996 presidential elections were characterized by serious
irregularities. The most recent presidential and parliamentary polls, in
February-March and May 2003, respectively, were strongly criticized by
international election monitors, who cited widespread fraud particularly in
the presidential vote. The 1995 constitution provides for a weak legislature
and a strong, directly elected president who appoints the prime minister.
Most parties in Armenia are dominated by specific government officials or
other powerful figures, suffer from significant internal dissent and
division, or are weak and ineffective. President Robert Kocharian formally
belongs to no political party, but instead relies on the support of a number
of both large and small political groups, including the Republican Party of
Prime Minister Adranik Markarian. Bribery and nepotism are reportedly quite
common among government bureaucrats. In November 2003, the government
approved a long-awaited anticorruption program that had been drafted with
the support of the World Bank.

There are some limits on freedom of the press, and self-censorship among
journalists is common, particularly in reporting on Nagorno-Karabakh,
national security, or corruption issues. While most newspapers are privately
owned, the majority operate with limited resources and consequently are
dependent on economic and political interest groups for their survival.
There are a number of private television stations, and most radio stations
are privately owned. In April 2003, journalist Mger Galechian was assaulted
in his office by a group of assailants and was hospitalized with head
injuries. Galechian was a correspondent for the opposition newspaper Chorrod
Iskhanutyun, known for being strongly critical of the government. As of
November 30, parliament had not yet adopted the final version of a
controversial draft media law. International organizations and media
watchdogs criticized provisions, including one requiring media organizations
to reveal their sources of funding and another permitting the courts to
compel journalists to disclose their sources to protect the public interest.
Meanwhile, the criminal code makes libel an offense punishable by up to
three years in prison, while insulting a public official could lead to two
year’s imprisonment.

On April 3, 2002, the independent television station A1+ lost its license
after the national television and radio broadcasting commission granted a
tender for its broadcasting frequency to an entertainment channel.
Journalists and opposition politicians criticized the closure of A1+, which
had a reputation for objective reporting, as a politically motivated
decision to control media coverage in the run-up to the 2003 presidential
and parliamentary elections. Following the decision, thousands of people
demonstrated in a number of weekly protests over the station’s closure and
to demand President Kocharian’s resignation. In 2003, additional bids by A1+
for a broadcast frequency were rejected.

Freedom of religion is somewhat respected. The Armenian Apostolic Church,
to which 90 percent of Armenians formally belong, enjoys a privileged status
and has advocated for restrictions on nontraditional denominations. While 50
religious groups are officially registered, the Jehovah’s Witnesses have
been denied registration repeatedly because of the group’s strong opposition
to compulsory military service; 23 members are in prison for practicing
conscientious objection.Draft legislation providing for alternative military
service was pending in parliament as of November 2003. The law’s adoption is
likely to clear the way for the registration of the Jehovah’s Witnesses.

In general, the government does not restrict academic freedom. In September
2002, the Ministry of Education ordered the compulsory display of the
portraits of Kocharian and the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church in
secondary schools. The history of the Apostolic Church is a required school
subject.

The government generally respects freedom of assembly and association,
although the registration requirements for nongovernmental associations are
cumbersome and time-consuming. According to a report by Human Rights Watch,
the authorities abused administrative detention regulations to intimidate
and punish peaceful demonstrators and political activists following the
February 2003 presidential election. More than 100 activists were sentenced
to up to 15 days in prison for attending or engaging in acts of hooliganism
at rallies that the authorities said were unauthorized, the report stated.
The authorities arrested some individuals who were not protest organizers,
even though only leaders–and not mere participants-of unauthorized rallies
may be penalized under the country’s code of administrative offenses. After
major international organizations, including the OSCE and Council of Europe,
condemned the crackdowns, the authorities began to release some of the
arrested at the beginning of March. While the constitution enshrines the
right to form and join trade unions, in practice, labor organizations are
weak and relatively inactive.

The judiciary, which is subject to political pressure from the executive
branch, is characterized by widespread violations of due process. Police
frequently make arbitrary arrests without warrants, beat detainees during
arrest and interrogation, and use torture to extract confessions. A Human
Rights Watch report concluded that police denied access to legal counsel to
those opposition supporters who were given short prison terms for
participating in unauthorized rallies after the 2003 presidential vote. The
accused were sentenced in closed trials and denied the opportunity to
present evidence or lodge formal appeals. In April, the Constitutional Court
declared that these and other related arrests were unlawful. However, the
Council of Justice, a judicial oversight body headed by Kocharian, rejected
the Court’s recommendation to investigate the mass arrests and the conduct
of those judges who had issued the detention sentences.

In September 2003, parliament voted to abolish the death penalty in all
cases by ratifying Protocol 6 of the Council of Europe’s Convention on the
Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Although the abolition
of capital punishment was a major obligation of Armenia’s membership in the
Council of Europe, the government had delayed ratifying Protocol 6 largely
because of widespread support for the use of the death penalty against the
suspects in the October 1999 parliament shootings. In November, Kocharian
signed amendments to a new criminal code denying parole to those sentenced
to life imprisonment for grave crimes, including terrorist acts and
assassinations of public figures. The amendments were regarded as a
guarantee that those on trial for the parliament shootings would never be
released from prison.

Although members of the country’s tiny ethnic minority population rarely
report cases of overt discrimination, they have complained about
difficulties receiving education in their native languages.

Freedom of travel and residence is largely respected. However, registering
changes in residency is sometimes complicated by the need to negotiate with
an inefficient or corrupt government bureaucracy. While citizens have the
right to own private property and establish businesses, an inefficient and
often corrupt court system and unfair business competition hinder
operations. Key industries remain in the hands of oligarchs and influential
clans who received preferential treatment in the early stages of
privatization.

Domestic violence and trafficking in women and girls for the purpose of
prostitution are believed to be serious problems. In June 2003, the U.S.
State Department issued a report that cited Armenia as among those countries
making significant efforts to comply with minimum requirements for
eliminating trafficking. Traditional societal norms tend to limit women’s
professional opportunities to more low-skilled jobs.

tm

http://www.freedomhouse.org/research/freeworld/2004/countryratings/armenia.h

Saakashvili Telephones Erdogan

Agence France Presse
Sept 24 2004

Saakashvili Telephones Erdogan
AFP: 9/24/2004

ANKARA – Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili telephoned Turkish
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Friday to thank him for
conveying some problems of Georgia to European Commission President
Romano Prodi, sources said.

Saakashvili said this approach of Turkey would have positive impacts
on commercial relations between Turkey and Georgia. Georgian
President expressed readiness to improve relations.

Saakashvili also mentioned problems in the Caucasus and stated that
one of the most important problems was Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict.
He said occupation of Upper Karabakh should end.

Azerbaijan accuses Armenian of occupation

United Press International
September 24, 2004 Friday

Azerbaijan accuses Armenian of occupation

UNITED NATIONS, N.Y., Sept. 24 (UPI)

Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev told the U.N. General Assembly
Friday Armenians are illegally settling in his country.

“Armenia has launched an outrageous policy of massive illegal
settlement of the Armenian population into the occupied Azerbaijani
territories, which is a blatant violation of the international law,”
he said.

The conflict has forced more than 1 million Azerbaijani people to
become refugees, Aliyev said.

“The situation deteriorates with the use of these territories for
drug trafficking, arms transfers, harboring terrorists, illegal
economic activities and smuggling.”

Azerbaijan has asked for U.N. participation in returning the refugees
to their Azerbaijani homes. The two countries have long been in
contention, the Azerbaijani a Muslim nation historically allied with
Iran and Turkey, and the Armenians a Christian people who accuse the
Turks of genocide in the early 20th century.

Aliyev criticized the U.N Security Council for having a “passive and
silent attitude” on the migration issue.

“We expect more responsive strategy by the United Nations in relation
to the situation of a forgotten humanitarian crisis in Azerbaijan,”
Aliyev said.

Armenia mountains, monasteries put visitor in touch w/ancestral land

Los Angeles Times
Sept 24 2004

The homecoming

Armenia’s mountains and monasteries put a visitor in touch with her
ancestral land.

By Aline Kazandjian, Special to The Times

One last flight of stone steps taunted me, the only obstacle between
me and the ruins of Kobayr, a 12th century church complex. What were
my medieval forefathers thinking, building churches atop soaring
mountain peaks? Were they trying to get as close as they could to
God, who rarely seemed to answer their prayers? Perhaps, for when I
got to the ruins and stood in front of the fading frescoes of Christ
and his disciples painted on the remaining half of the church’s dome,
it was like standing in heaven.

My husband, Harry, and I, joined by our friends Nora and husband
Thomas, and my sister Arda and her husband, Roland, were finally
realizing our long-held wish to visit Armenia together.

My roots run deep in Hayastan, as we call our country. In the late
19th century, my paternal grandparents fled Ottoman persecution in
what is today eastern Turkey (but was historically Armenian
territories); they settled in Egypt. In 1915, my maternal
grandparents escaped the Turkish massacres of Armenians and also
started their lives anew in Egypt.

At 15, I spent a month in summer camp in Armenia before returning to
Cairo, my birthplace. That trip left an indelible impression on me,
and my memories of the wild mountains of the Lori district in
northern Armenia were so vivid that I named my first daughter Lori. I
still live in Egypt and am part of the Armenian diaspora of 4
million.

“Oh, it has changed so much – you have to see it,” said friends who
visited Armenia after its 1991 independence from the Soviet Union.
The changes would be fascinating, I was sure, but I also wanted to
see the homeland I had known briefly in my youth.

Now, almost three decades after my first visit, I was back in Lori.
My memory had not deceived me. Mountains unfolded as far as the eye
could see. Goats grazed at the mouth of a cave on a crest a little
farther down the peak from where I was standing, and the Debed River
snaked its way through the valley toward Georgia, where it would pour
into the Black Sea.

>From where I stood, the view was serene, belying a history of
disasters both natural (a 1988 earthquake killed 25,000) and
man-made.

We flew into Yerevan, the capital, through Vienna. It was the best
connection we could find from Cairo, but it put us into the city at 5
in the morning. I was half asleep as we took a cab into the city, but
my first view of Mt. Ararat awakened my senses. The mountain is
sacred to Armenians, who believe that Noah’s Ark came to rest there.
Today it falls inside Turkish territory. Yet Ararat is so connected
to our identity that for the next few days I would sometimes turn to
look for it as if to reinforce the fact that I was finally in my
homeland.

Thomas, who had visited the country regularly since the early ’90s,
was our “head of mission” and had planned our 12-day stay with his
customary professional approach. He and Nora, who was our food and
entertainment expert, helped us rent an apartment in Yerevan, from
which we had a magnificent view of Mt. Ararat.

Cafe culture has changed Yerevan, a city that has grown rapidly to
about 1.2 million residents. Where once there were parks and
promenades, now there are bistros where patrons sit shoulder to
shoulder to socialize.

We enjoyed one balmy evening at Amrotz Restaurant, which has a
terrific view of Ararat. We ate khorovatz, or grilled lamb or pork,
and danced to the fast rhythms of Armenian music and drank Russian
vodka.

Another night, we sampled the Paplavok Jazz Café, which also has live
music. While we were checking out the boisterous crowd, to our
surprise we saw our cousins from the U.S. sitting a few tables away.

Yerevan’s arts scene also spills onto the streets, where you’ll find
numerous sculptures and artworks: the overpowering giant statue of
Mayr Hayastan (Mother Armenia) watching over Yerevan from atop a hill
in Victory Park; Botero’s cat at the foot of the Cascades area; and,
in metal, the fidgety figure of Garaballa the flower vendor on
Apovian Street.

Armenians make good use of metal and stone. Although the buildings of
the ’70s – from the Soviet era – are horrid matchboxes, the city’s
older buildings have a classic austerity. The more recent
architecture makes use of the indigenous duf, a pink-tinted stone,
which when playing off glass facades gives the city a contemporary
look.

Trips to the countryside

During the day we would head out of Yerevan to explore the
countryside. We hired a minivan with a driver, and by the end of our
stay we had explored much of Armenia’s estimated 11,490 square miles.

Although none of us would describe ourselves as devout Christians, we
spent most of our time in churches and monasteries, which gave us
better insight into our homeland and its 3 million people.

Armenia became the world’s first Christian nation in AD 301, of which
Armenians are immensely proud. To accommodate their ardent faith –
and perhaps to afford protection for towns and villages – they built
churches in seemingly every corner of this country that lies today at
the intersection of Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Iran.

Because of its position at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, Armenia
has been encircled, invaded and occupied by many hostile neighbors.
Romans, Byzantines, Persians and other regional powers all crossed
over Armenian lands. Some, like the Arabs in the 7th century, stayed,
occupying the land for almost three centuries.

In the early 1500s, the Ottoman Turks took over much of historical
Armenia, most of which lies today within Turkey’s borders, and the
Soviets controlled the country for more than 70 years. In the years
since 1991, Armenia and Azerbaijan have fought each other, and
thousands have been killed on both sides.

Just as our ancestors were motivated to build churches in strategic
locations, we too had our reasons for placing them so prominently on
our itinerary: We would touch a powerful part of Armenia’s past while
enjoying the natural beauty of the countryside, its towns and
villages.

Of the country’s estimated 40,000 religious monuments, most have a
unique architectural feature or an interesting story about Armenia’s
history and its intertwining threads of faith and politics.

In the south, for instance, we braved the poor roads (or our driver
did) and tortuous mountain paths of the Syunik region to reach the
9th century Tatev monastery and fortress perched on a cliff above the
town of Tatev, about 170 miles from Yerevan.

>From a distance, we could see the church’s typically conical dome
bearing the cross, and beneath it a waterfall plunging down the
canyon. The internal walls of its principal church, Pogos and Petros,
or Paul and Peter, were decorated with frescoes that recently had
been partially restored. Khachkars – rectangular slabs of stone
carved with intricate crosses – adorn the church’s outer walls and
the compound yard. At the monastery’s zenith, from the 10th to the
13th centuries, as many as 1,000 monks lived and studied here.

One of the monastery chambers has an immense arched opening that
overlooks the canyon. In typical multipurpose fashion, Tatev was used
as a fortress to ward off invading armies and as a religious center
that nourished the Christian faith and propagated and enriched
Armenian culture. The monks created miniature manuscripts, now kept
in Yerevan’s Madenataran museum, which document their studies in
history, language, science and arts, part of the effort to keep their
Armenian identity alive.

Monastic complexes

Another day we visited the 10th century monastic complexes of Sanahin
and Haghpad, built around the town of Alaverdi, about 110 miles north
of Yerevan. Each has numerous buildings, asymmetrically arranged, and
their main churches are of the cross-winged dome type prevalent in
Armenian religious architecture.

The two sites have three-story bell towers crowned with columned
belfries. In the library floors of each were underground caches for
hiding treasures or important documents. Islamic and Zoroastrian (an
ancient Persian religion) symbols decorate the walls at Haghpad and
Sanahin, perhaps to appease – or confuse – the enemies.

Cherished poet Sayat Nova, whose romantic 18th century songs are
still part of Armenia’s musical lexicon, worked in a monastic cell in
Haghpad, looking out from the high plateau to spectacular views of
mountains and valleys, clearly an inspiration.

The most inspiring view we found was from the Khor Virab Monastery,
34 miles west of Yerevan on the Turkish-Armenian frontier. This is
where the Armenians’ patron saint, Gregory the Illuminator, was
imprisoned 1,700 years ago by King Trdat III (or Tiridates) for
preaching Christianity. He was released 13 years later after
converting the king, who proclaimed Christianity as Armenia’s state
religion. The claustrophobic pit in which Gregory was held captive is
accessible by ladder.

It was a crystal-clear day, and Mt. Ararat spread across the horizon.

“We shall go up there one day, yes?” Hovsep, our minivan driver,
asked as we contemplated the mountain.

Maybe, I thought. But even if we don’t, Ararat is with us as a symbol
of Armenian struggle. We reach that summit, figuratively speaking,
just by having survived 3,000 years.

A live band in back

One of the tools of our survival was music and song. As we were on
our way to Keghart Monastery, 30 miles east of Yerevan, three street
musicians hitched a ride with us. As soon as the musicians settled in
the back seat, they began playing Armenian love songs and singing
loudly.

Nora laughed uproariously. “I had heard of taking along a radio or a
CD player, but driving about with a live band? This can only happen
in Armenia!” she said.

We dropped them off at a picnic area where they would perform for
visitors in return for a few coins.

Keghart Monastery is a stunning complex of buildings founded in the
4th century by Gregory the Illuminator and expanded in the 12th
century. According to legend, the spear that pierced Christ was
brought here, although it has long since disappeared.

Portions of the numerous inter- connected churches are carved into
rock on the side of the mountain. The acoustics inside one hall are
such that a single person humming, which Thomas demonstrated for us,
sounds like a chorus.

But to hear a truly heavenly sound, listen to the songs of the
Armenian liturgy. In ancient times the use of elaborate imagery was
prohibited in the church. Some say the songs of the Armenian liturgy,
as if to compensate, are sophisticated compared with other Orthodox
faiths. On Sunday we attended Mass at Echmiadzin, the Mother See of
the Armenian Apostolic Church. His Holiness Karekin II, Supreme
Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians, was there, as he often is.

A picnic and wildflowers

We didn’t spend all our time indoors or among the ruins. One day we
picnicked on the slopes of Mt. Aragats, about 30 miles northwest of
Yerevan. Seas of lavender, yellow and white wildflowers lie in the
shadow of the ruins of the 11th century Amberd fortress, which hovers
majestically on the edge of the valley.

We also included a stop at Lake Sevan, whose turquoise waters and
sandy beaches make you forget, if only for a time, that Armenia is a
landlocked country.

There was one last place we had to visit before we left Armenia:
Tsitsernakaberd, the memorial in Yerevan built in honor of the
hundreds of thousands – Armenians say as many as 1.5 million – killed
by Turks starting in 1915.

Through the openings between the stone slabs that rise around the
eternal flame burning at the center of the memorial, I could see
Ararat’s snowcapped peak. An old woman aided by her daughter
approached the flame, and I wondered who she was thinking of.

My thoughts returned to the mountains, to a miraculous homeland that
has changed borders, flags, capitals – it even vanished as a
political entity for 500 years – yet has not perished. It endures,
and it gives me strength. I know I will be back.

*

(BEGIN TEXT OF INFOBOX)

Touring Armenia

GETTING THERE:

>From LAX, connecting service (change of plane) is offered on
Aeroflot, Air France, Virgin Atlantic, British, United, American, KLM
and Air New Zealand. Restricted round-trip fares begin at $999 until
Oct. 13, then $800 until Dec. 11.

TELEPHONES:

To call the numbers below from the U.S., dial 011 (the international
dialing code), 374 (country code for Armenia) and the local number.

WHERE TO STAY:

Marriott Armenia Hotel, Republic Square, Yerevan; 1-599-000, fax
1-599-001, . Doubles from $139.

Congress Hotel, 1 Italia St., Yerevan; 1-580-095, fax 1-522-224;
. 126 rooms. Doubles from $108.

Ani Plaza Hotel, 19 Sayat-Nova Ave., Yerevan; 1-589-500, fax
1-565-343, . 194 rooms. Doubles from $102.

WHERE TO EAT:

Mer Tagh, 21/1 Tumanian St., Yerevan; 1-580-106. Its specialty is
lahmajun, a thin pastry topped with minced meat and baked in the
oven; 80 cents each. Khachabouri, a Georgian puff pastry with cheese
or meat, is $1.50 each.

Aragast/Paplavok, 41 Isahakian St., Yerevan; 1-545-500. These two
restaurants overlook a pond and serve Armenian and Western dishes,
but go there for the music not the food. The first features a
violinist and the second is renowned for its live jazz. Entrees
around $5.

TO LEARN MORE:

Guidebook: “Edge of Time: Traveling in Armenia and Karabagh.” Authors
Matthew Karanian and Robert Kurkjian offer useful information on
traveling by car around Armenia and Karabagh.

Useful websites: and
.

Embassy of the Republic of Armenia, (202) 319-1976,
.

– Aline Kazandjian

http://www.marriott.com/EVNMC
http://www.congresshotelyerevan.com
http://www.anihotel.com
http://www.cilicia.com
http://www.armeniadiaspora.com
http://www.armeniaemb.org