More than 3,000 anti-government protesters rally in Armenia

Agence France Presse
April 5, 2004 Monday

More than 3,000 anti-government protesters rally in Armenia

YEREVAN

More than 3,000 Armenians took to the streets of Yerevan Monday to
protest against President Robert Kocharian and demand a referendum on
his contested rule in the impoverished, landlocked Caucasus nation.

The demonstrators brandished portraits of Artaches Guegamian, leader
of the opposition National Unity party, and posters calling on
Kocharian to step down. He was re-elected in March 2003 in a poll the
opposition says was rigged.

“We will wage a protest movement to remove this illegal government,”
Guegamian told the crowd, calling for a referendum on April 16 and
vowing fresh rallies later this week.

During his speech before the protestors in the centre of the Armenian
capital, eggs and stones were thrown from nearby balconies but the
rally continued.

Meanwhile, unknown people grabbed two television cameras and two
cameras from journalists covering the demonstration, smashing them to
pieces in front of police, who did not intervene.

On Friday, Armenian journalists held a rally to protest against the
threat to freedom of expression in this former Soviet republic, which
has been criticized by the Council of Europe for cracking down on
independent media.

Power aggregating 9th block closed down for maintenance works

Batumi News
April 1 2004

Power aggregating 9th block closed down for maintenance works

The `Mtkvari’ Ltd., owner of the `Tbilsres’, closed down the ninth
power aggregating block on the agreement with the wholesale power
market.

The block was reported to be put to repairing works for winter
2004-2005, the company source said they are going to provide seasonal
maintenance works. However, presently, the power aggregating block is
at a nonplus with the financial crisis, due to the overdue debts of
the wholesale market.

The wholesale market incurred 51 million GEL, consuming 2/3 of the
aggregated power. The contract signed between the state – owned
company and the `Mtkvari’ Ltd. sets 30 million GEL as the maximum
liability the state might have run up, permitting the `Mtkvari’ Ltd.
to stop the block ahead of schedule.

The Telas, the key power supplier of Tbilisi, reported it will not
spark power shortages. Seamless power consumption by the capital
makes up 6 million kwt. of which 3 million kwt. is Armenia imported,
3 million kwt. is aggregated with the Georgian power stations.

Russo-Armenian company to invest in gasification over $23million

RIA Novosti, Russia
April 1 2004

RUSSO-ARMENIAN COMPANY TO INVEST IN GASIFICATION OVER $23 MILLION

YEREVAN, April 1, 2004. (RIA Novosti) – Armenian President Robert
Kocharyan held a meeting devoted to gasification of houses in Armenia
in 2004 – 2006. Karen Karapetyan Director General of joint
Russo-Armenian company “ArmRosgazprom” said the company would
allocate $7.7 mln for implementation of the gasification program this
year. As a result, the number of gas consumers in Armenia will rise
by 118 thousand.

According to Mr. Karapetyan, some $16 mln will be invested in the
program in the next two years.

“ArmRosgazprom” is an only supplier of natural gas to Armenia’s
domestic market. The company was founded in 1997. Its goal is not
only to supply local consumers with Russian gas but also to transport
it via Armenia to other states. Forty-five percent of all shares are
owned by the Armenian Energy Ministry, 45 percent are owned by
Russian Gazprom, the rest 10 percent of shares are owned by private
Russian oil and gas company ITERA. The authorized capital stock of
ArmRosgazprom makes up $270 mln.

Rights activist attacked in Armenia amid protests

Agence France Presse
March 31, 2004 Wednesday 8:44 AM Eastern Time

Rights activist attacked in Armenia amid protests

YEREVAN, March 31

Unkown assailants have attacked a top rights campaigner and reporter
in the former Soviet republic of Armenia, leaving him hospitalized,
his friends said Wednesday.

Mikael Danileyan, who heads the Helsinki Federation rights group in
Armenia and also works as an independent journalist, was attacked by
unkown assailants near the entrance to his home Tuesday morning,
leaving him in serious condition.

“Mikael thinks that what happened was an act of state-sponsored
terror linked to his human rights activities,” Anna Akopyan of the
PEN club representing authors told reporters.

Tension has been recently running high in the struggling Caucasus
republic amid opposition fury with President Robert Kocharyan’s rule

Armenia’s opposition has contested Kocharyan’s April 2002 re-election
to the small Caucasus nation’s Constitutional Court. The court ruled
the election valid but, after mass demonstrations, suggested that a
confidence referendum be held.

In neighboring Georgia, mass rallies organized by US-educated
opposition leader Mikhail Saakashvili late last year resulted in the
peaceful overthrow of veteran leader Eduard Shevardnadze, following
controversial parliamentary elections.

Armenian journalists condemn assault on right activist

Armenian journalists condemn assault on right activist

A1+ web site
30 Mar 04

A number of journalist organizations, the Yerevan Press Club, the
Union of Armenian Journalists, Internews and the Fund for the
Protection of Freedom of Speech issued a statement today, condemning
the assault on the head of the Armenian Helsinki Association, Mikael
Daniyelyan.

“We assess it as a consequence of the atmosphere of intolerance in the
republic,” the statement said.

The organizations hope that the law-enforcement bodies will break the
mould and track down the criminals.

Parliament ratifies agreement on legal status of NATO armed forces

RosBusiness Consulting, Russia
March 31 2004

Armenian parliament ratifies agreement on legal status of NATO armed
forces

RBC, 31.03.2004, Yerevan 13:43:05.The Armenian parliament has
ratified the agreement on legal status of the armed forces of NATO
and of the members of the Partnership for Peace Program. This
legislation is aimed at defining the legal status of the armed forces
acting under the Partnership for Peace Program, Armenian Deputy
Defense Minister Artur Agabekian reported. Increasing cooperation
with NATO urged Armenian lawmakers to ratify the agreement. This
agreement is “an important political component of bilateral
cooperation,” Agabekian stressed.

Starved for Safety

New York Times
March 31 2004

Starved for Safety
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF

DRÉ, Chad – So why is Africa such a mess?

To answer that question, let me tell you about a 34-year-old man who
limped over to me at this oasis in eastern Chad. “My name is Moussa
Tamadji Yodi,” he said in elegant French, “and I’m a teacher. . . . I
just crossed the border yesterday from Sudan. I was beaten up and
lost everything.”

Mr. Yodi, a college graduate, speaks French, Arabic, English and two
African languages. During the decades of Chad’s civil war, he fled
across the border into the Darfur region of Sudan to seek refuge.

Now Darfur has erupted into its own civil war and genocide. Mr. Yodi
told how a government-backed Arab militia had stopped his truck – the
equivalent of a public bus – and forced everyone off. The troops let
some people go, robbed and beat others, and shot one young man in the
head, probably because he was from the Zaghawa tribe, which the Arab
militias are trying to wipe out.

“Nobody reacted,” Mr. Yodi said. “We were all afraid.”

So now Mr. Yodi is a refugee for a second time, fleeing another civil
war. And that is a window into Africa’s central problem: insecurity.

There is no formula for economic development. But three factors seem
crucial: security, market-oriented policies and good governance.
Botswana is the only African country that has enjoyed all three in
the last 40 years, and it has been one of the fastest-growing
economies in the world. And when these conditions applied, Uganda,
Ghana, Mozambique and Rwanda boomed.

But the African leaders who cared the most about their people, like
Julius Nyerere of Tanzania or Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, tended to adopt
quasi-socialist policies that hurt their people. In recent decades,
Africans did much better ruled with capitalism than with compassion.

These days, African economic policies are more market-oriented, and
governance is improving. The big civil wars are winding down. All
this leaves me guardedly optimistic.

Yet Africa’s biggest problem is still security. The end of the cold
war has seen a surge in civil conflict, partly because great powers
no longer stabilize client states. One-fifth of Africans live in
nations shaken by recent wars. My Times colleague Howard French
forcefully scolds the West in his new book, “A Continent for the
Taking,” for deliberately looking away from eruptions of unspeakable
violence.

One lesson of the last dozen years is that instead of being purely
reactive, helpfully bulldozing mass graves after massacres, African
and Western leaders should try much harder to stop civil wars as they
start. The world is now facing a critical test of that principle in
the Darfur region of Sudan, where Arab militias are killing and
driving out darker-skinned African tribespeople. While the world now
marks the 10th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide and solemnly
asserts that this must never happen again, it is.

Some 1,000 people are dying each week in Sudan, and 110,000 refugees,
like Mr. Yodi, have poured into Chad. Worse off are the 600,000
refugees within Sudan, who face hunger and disease after being driven
away from their villages by the Arab militias.

“They come with camels, with guns, and they ask for the men,” Mr.
Yodi said. “Then they kill the men and rape the women and steal
everything.” One of their objectives, he added, “is to wipe out
blacks.”

This is not a case when we can claim, as the world did after the
Armenian, Jewish and Cambodian genocides, that we didn’t know how bad
it was. Sudan’s refugees tell of mass killings and rapes, of women
branded, of children killed, of villages burned – yet Sudan’s
government just stiffed new peace talks that began last night in
Chad.

So far the U.N. Security Council hasn’t even gotten around to
discussing the genocide. And while President Bush, to his credit,
raised the issue privately in a telephone conversation last week with
the president of Sudan, he has not said a peep about it publicly.
It’s time for Mr. Bush to speak out forcefully against the slaughter.

This is not just a moral test of whether the world will tolerate
another genocide. It’s also a practical test of the ability of
African and Western governments alike to respond to incipient civil
wars while they can still be suppressed. Africa’s future depends on
the outcome, and for now it’s a test we’re all failing.

Lost in America

Christianity Today
March 26 2004

Lost in America
Arab Christians in the U.S. have a rich heritage and a shaky future.
by Elesha Coffman |

The very Rev. Mouris Amsih spent more than 300 hours flying on
Continental Airlines last year, traveling between Syriac Orthodox
churches in Villa Park, Illinois; Indianapolis; and Corpus Christi,
Texas. Airline personnel came to recognize him, but they never quite
figured him out. “They would say to me, Shalom!” Mouris says. “They
think I am a rabbi. Usually, I just say Shalom back to them. I do
speak the language of Jesus, Aramaic.”

Continental employees are not the only people to mistake the Syrian
native’s identity. He was studying at a Catholic college in the
United States during the 9/11 terrorist strikes. “The next day,” he
recalls, “students started asking me, ‘Father, are you Muslim?’ They
called me father and asked if I was Muslim! I wear a big cross every
day. I told them, ‘Muslims don’t believe in the Cross. If I am
Muslim, I don’t wear a cross.’ Students don’t have a big vision of
the differences between Christianity and Islam.”

As the differences between these two religions grow sharper in many
Americans’ minds, the existence of Christians with Arab faces remains
mysterious. Yet 70 percent of Arab immigrants to the United States
are Christians. Even those of us who have heard this statistic once,
twice, or 10 times struggle to comprehend it. Arab American
Christians never appear on the news, have no voice in the academy,
never figure in the plotlines of The West Wing or Law & Order. Who
are these Christians, why have they come here, and how do they
experience America?

How many?
Identifying and counting Arab Christians is difficult. The religions
of immigrants to this country, even those who cite persecution as a
reason for their immigration, have not been recorded consistently or
reliably. The U.S. Bureau of the Census only collected information on
religion from 1900 to 1936, and it relied on information from
religious bodies themselves.

It is difficult to find even ballpark estimates of Arabs in America.
Recent estimates range from 2 to 3 million, of whom 1.4 to 2.1
million would be Christians. In lieu of hard immigration or census
data, membership statistics for the American branches of Middle
Eastern churches seem to be the next best option. But these numbers
are tricky as well, for three reasons.

First, not all Arab Christian immigrants hail from historically
Middle Eastern churches. Naim S. Aweida of Boulder, Colorado,
exemplifies this complication. When he was born, in Haifa in 1928,
his family had been Anglican for two generations, converted by
19th-century missionaries. When he married Aida, a Greek Orthodox
girl from Nablus, she became Anglican, too. The couple has lived in
the United States since 1967.

Second, many Arab Christians switch churches when they come to
America. For example, when several hundred Lebanese Maronite
Christians settled in North Carolina in the early 20th century, they
found no Maronite church to attend. Instead, because the Maronite
Church is in communion with the Roman Catholic Church, the immigrants
joined Catholic congregations. Now there are two Maronite churches in
North Carolina, but many Lebanese believers choose to remain
Catholic – to the chagrin of others in their ethnic community.

Third, Middle Eastern churches that establish themselves in the
United States attract non-Arab members. The Antiochian Orthodox
Church leads this trend. Says Father Bill Caldaroni, pastor of Holy
Trinity Antiochian Orthodox Church in Warrenville, Illinois, “My
parish is made up almost entirely of converts to Orthodoxy with names
like Caldaroni, Adams, Morrison, Jager, Thiel. We have only one Arab
in our midst.” Ethnic shifts have affected other churches, too,
though not so dramatically.

Despite these complications, looking at Middle Eastern churches in
the United States is a good way to begin to understand Arab American
Christians. The investigation also opens many forgotten chapters in
church history.

Foreign names, forgotten roots
Antiochian Orthodox, Assyrian, Chaldean, Coptic, Maronite, Melkite,
Syriac Orthodox – these names sound foreign and ancient. They are.
These Middle Eastern churches all trace their origins to the earliest
years of Christianity. Copts claim that the Apostle Mark began their
church in Egypt, while Syriac Orthodox believe they possess records
of correspondence between King Abgar of Edessa and Jesus himself.
Though these traditions may sound exaggerated to Protestants, they
convey the deep sense of rootedness at the heart of Arab
Christianity.

Strong roots have enabled Arab Christians to hold fast through a
remarkably turbulent history. First came persecution under the Roman
Empire. Then came major church councils, at which some Middle Eastern
churches (notably the Assyrian, Coptic, and Syriac Orthodox) broke
with what would become the Roman and Eastern Orthodox mainstream.
Believers whose representatives sparred over doctrine at councils
sometimes fought each other afterward, usually with economic and
social pressure but sometimes with weapons.

In the seventh and eighth centuries, Islam swept across two-thirds of
what had been the Christian world. Initially, some Christians were
not concerned. Being treated like second-class citizens in Muslim
society had advantages over being treated like heretics by mainstream
overlords. Churches generally stood unmolested, and select Christians
gained prestige as physicians, scholars, and government ministers.

Eventually, though, Islam exacted a steep toll. Middle Eastern
churches grew more isolated from the Christian mainstream and from
each other. Their worship languages, mainly Coptic and Syriac, were
smothered by Arabic. Christians were not allowed to evangelize, and
their numbers dropped through conversion, attrition, and sporadic
persecution.

The 20th century, though, probably saw more disruption of the
religious balance in the Middle East than any preceding century.
Persistent violence, among Arab nations as well as between them and
Israel, has destabilized the region politically, socially,
economically, and religiously. Destabilization has hit those in the
most precarious position – Christians – hardest.

Ten to twelve million Copts remain in Egypt, where they have some
political power and legal protection. In all other Arab nations (and
the area of Palestine), far more Christians have left than have
stayed. Lebanon, for example, has retained 1.5 million of its
Christians, while 6 million Christians of Lebanese descent live
elsewhere. Even 1.5 million Christians is a larger population than
can be found in the rest of the Arab world. Of course, as late as the
1960s, Lebanon had a Christian majority.

The first wave of Arab emigration occured from 1880 to 1920. Most of
these people left their homes to find better educational or economic
opportunities. Others sought religious freedom, or to escape
persecution.

During World War I, Arab Christians in what was then known as Syria
were attacked on all sides as the Ottoman Empire crumbled. Nearby,
millions of Armenians, mostly Christians, perished in the century’s
first genocide.

Extra Scrutiny
More recently, persecution has again become the main reason for
leaving the Middle East.

Arab Christians undoubtedly enjoy more freedom and economic
opportunity in America than in the Middle East. But just as the
situation back home is not as unremittingly bad as one might expect,
the situation here is not as overwhelmingly good.

Like all immigrants, Arab Christians struggle to get all of their
paperwork in order, to find jobs and housing, to communicate in a
second language, and to establish social connections. They face extra
scrutiny because they are Arab, which for some Americans means Muslim
and potential terrorist. Yet in another sense they are invisible,
because they are not Muslim. The American Arab Anti-Defamation League
does not speak for them, and neither, it seems, does anyone else.

Occasionally Arab American churches try to speak for themselves. One
of the more vocal is the Assyrian Church of the East, which can
afford to make pronouncements because its patriarch, Mar Dinkha IV,
resides far outside the reach of Muslim authorities – in Morton Grove,
Illinois. He temporarily moved his headquarters there, from the
ancient Persian capital of Ctesiphon, in 1980.

The Assyrian Church would like to play an active role in
reconstructing its homeland, Iraq, and instituting protections for
ethnic and religious minorities. To this end, Dinkha called a meeting
of Chicago-area Assyrians on May 15, 2003. The meeting included
delegates from the Assyrian National Congress, the Assyrian
Democratic Party, the Assyrian American League, and many other
organizations, but its press release prompted no reporting.

At the opposite end of the outspokenness spectrum are American Copts.
Their leader, Pope Shenouda III, resides in Cairo, and he strongly
discourages members of his flock in the “lands of migration” from
making political statements. If Copts abroad disparage Egypt’s
Muslim-dominated government, the Copts back home might pay.

The government has cracked down before. Egyptian president Anwar
Sadat placed Shenouda under house arrest for four years in the 1980s
to quell local hostilities between Muslims and Christians. Westerners
scarcely noticed the incarceration. Shenouda has cultivated stronger
ties outside Egypt since then, but he remains anxious about conflict
with authorities.

Separation from the homeland is spiritually wrenching. The Maronites,
who are among the most acculturated Arab American Christians, feel
this tension acutely. Many Maronites today are second-, third-, or
even fourth-generation Americans. Maronite churches have been
established here long enough to develop an identity separate from the
church in Lebanon.

Rosanne Solomon, who attended the summer 2003 Maronite Patriarchal
Synod in Lebanon as a lay delegate, likens the American Maronite
church to a time capsule. She feels that Americans have kept beliefs
and practices that Christians in Lebanon have abandoned. “We’re more
Maronite than they are,” she told a November 2003 meeting of the
National Apostolate of Maronites in Durham, North Carolina.

America: Two Views
How Maronite, or Coptic, or Chaldean, or otherwise traditional Arab
American Christians remain is one question. How American they become
is another. Father Mouris raves about “this blessed country.” He
extols the freedom for Christians, clergy and lay, to participate in
government and influence society. He likewise appreciates America’s
technological and educational resources, as well as the people who
have made them possible.

Such blessings “came from the hard-working of the people,” he says.
“All of them, they work like the bees, working hard to make honey.
Now we see America is good honey.”

Father Joseph Thomas, an American-born priest of the Basilian
Salvatorian Order who is working to establish a Maronite parish in
Raleigh, North Carolina, sees America differently. He worries that
the country’s reaction to the 9/11 attacks is eroding democracy and
taking an unseen toll on Arab Americans.

“A lot of people just go along with whatever developments take place
in our legal system, but meanwhile, people who don’t look right are
really suffering from a very truncated vision of democracy,” he says.
“My [Lebanese] grandfather owned a restaurant in Richmond, Virginia.
If he were living today, he might be very much fearful of what might
be done to him or said to him. But in World War II, he used to feed
any serviceman who came in with his army uniform on the house.

“People don’t realize that when Muslims or Arabic Christians – just on
the basis of ethnicity, name, or looks – are being tagged by government
officials, even though we ourselves don’t experience it, our American
identity, everything we knew to be American, is poisoned.”

Arab Christians remain a small minority in America, but their numbers
continue to rise. The Antiochian Orthodox, Assyrian, Chaldean,
Coptic, Maronite, Melkite, and Syriac Orthodox traditions already
encompass more than 400 churches in America, spread across nearly
every state. Penetrating the American state of mind regarding all
matters Middle Eastern will take considerably more time.

Elesha Coffman is the former managing editor of Christian History and
a doctoral student at Duke University.

Not worthy theatre, sad to relate: “Rogues Of Urfa”

Toronto Star, Canada
March 25 2004

Not worthy theatre, sad to relate

RICHARD OUZOUNIAN
THEATRE CRITIC

Rogues Of Urfa
Written and performed by Araxi Arslanian. Directed by Rebecca Brown.
Until April 4 at Artword Alternative Theatre, 75 Portland St.
416-504-7529.

Where does therapy end and theatre begin?

That’s the most provocative question raised by Rogues Of Urfa, which
opened last night at the Artword Alternative Theatre.

Araxi Arslanian has suffered all her life from arterio-venous
malformation, a vascular condition that in her case produces massive
seizures. This has caused her both tremendous physical and
psychological pain, and greatly impeded her efforts to establish
herself as an actress.

As the personal story she told colleague Robert Crew in last week’s
Star indicates, her efforts to overcome her difficulties are gripping
and worthy of our attention.

But that doesn’t make them a piece of theatre. Especially not in the
format she has chosen for this initially perplexing and ultimately
infuriating work.

Arslanian has – in effect – written two monologues that are
intertwined during the show’s 70 minutes. They come together at the
last instant in a way you can either call satisfying or contrived,
depending on your state of mind.

The first is Arslanian’s autobiography, from age 5 onward. “I have a
sandbox inside my head” is the initial sentence we hear and it sets
the tone for what is to follow. Pseudo-poetic verbiage alternates
with undigested chunks of personal history.

We experience her humiliation at the National Theatre School, among
other places, and listen while she recreates the horror of having
cast members from a show discuss her seizures in a most scathing
manner.

But these sequences wind up being chilling in quite the wrong way. We
are embarrassed not by the woman’s plight, but by the obstinate way
she insists in pursuing her grudges. Everyone who treated her badly
is pilloried; no one is spared (except her father, briefly, at the
end).

There is a sense of scores being settled that is acutely unpleasant.
The phrase “letting go” has obviously never occurred to Arslanian.
What makes this even worse is her use of the story of the Armenian
holocaust (1915-18) as a counterpoint. Besides being impossible to
follow most of the time (her characterizations all sound the same),
this episode tells us nothing new or insightful about that horrible
period of history.

Her writing here is also full of dime-store lyricism (“cinnamon
sands” and “emerald lakes” abound) and failed attempts at pathos.
Unless you’re one of those people who believe that simply saying
“genocide” makes for worthy drama, you will probably feel the same.

Matters are not helped by the direction of Rebecca Brown. The shifts
between time are indicated by Arslanian moving convulsively to the
ersatz Middle Eastern music of Iain Miller. And Brown has not
assisted Arslanian in defining characters, shaping a performance or
showing any finesse.

The assumption throughout seems to have been: “This is the truth;
that is enough.”

Yes, truth is where theatre begins, but unless you also apply
thought, craft and art, what you wind up with is … well, Rogues Of
Urfa.

System Of A Down announces support acts for benefit concert

RockRage
March 25 2004

System Of A Down announces support acts for benefit concert

As we had reported before, System Of A Down will be headlining the
`Souls 2004′ benefit concert on April 24th at the Greek Theatre in
Los Angeles, CA. with proceeds benefiting `organizations that work to
eradicate the atrocities of genocides across the globe, including the
Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA), an organization that
supports legislation in the U.S. Congress to recognize the Armenian
Genocide that was perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire during World War 1.’

System has just confirmed all the supporting acts for the event and
they include Saul Williams, Bad Acid Trip, and Zach Hill.

Saul Williams is an influential and award-winning
rapper/poet/actor/screenwriter who co-wrote and starred in the film
`Slam.’ He has also received awards including the Grand Jury Prize at
1998’s Sundance Film Festival.

Bad Acid Trip is an innovative and eccentric band that recently
signed on toe System frontman Serj Tankian’s label Serjical Strike
Records and will release their debut on April 20th.

And opener Zach Hill is a much buzzed-about drummer scheduled to
`perform one of the most astounding drum solos you’ll ever witness.’
He is also the drummer for Sacramento-based duo Hella, and also
played drums for Team Sleep, the side project fronted by Deftones
vocalist Chino Moreno.