Author: Navasardian Karapet

How to free hostages: war, negotiation, or law-enforcement?

Mary Kaldor
=3D2&articleId=3D2127#

29 – 9 – 2004

The seizure, and sometimes killing, of civilian hostages is not random
violence but part of a deliberate strategy that is changing the
relationship between war and politics. Mary Kaldor asks: how should
citizens, and their governments, respond?

The eruption of hostage-taking onto the agenda of international
politics and the lives of ordinary citizens worldwide – both those
directly affected and those consuming the phenomenon via the media
spectacle – is not itself new.

But while past incidents like the 444-day United States embassy crisis
in Iran from 1979-80 and the seizure of westerners in Lebanon in the
_1980s_
()
could beunderstood as particular outgrowths of defined security
crises, hostage-taking in the era of `war on terror’ has acquired new
and more disturbing aspects that reflect the changing relationship
between war and politics.

Chechnya and Iraq reveal this new reality at its most brutal. The
siege at Beslan, _North Ossetia_
() was only
the latest in a tragic series (_Budyonnovsk 1995_
() , Moscow 2002), while
the proliferating kidnappings of foreign personnel (journalists, aid
workers, contract employees) in Iraq suggest a pattern of behaviour
that reflects not just the agency of individual radical groups but a
deeper political and even moral disorder in which all those who
witness it are at some level implicated.

To understand what is happening, and how we – citizens, governments,
families, NGOs, media observers – can best respond to
hostageâ=80`taking requires an assessment both of the difference
between `old’ and â=80=9Cnew’ wars and of the main existing strategies
used by states in the light of `best practice’ in the field.

A rose in the black garden I remember visiting Baku, Azerbaijan, as
part of a Helsinki Citizens Assembly delegation, in the middle of its
war with Armenia over the statusof the disputed territory of
_Nagorno-Karabakh_
() in 1992. A
Russian builder approached us and asked if we could help find his son
who had been taken hostage in Armenia. We travelled with him to the
border and spoke to the local authorities. They told us that the
builder’s son had been taken hostage by a family in Armenia, who
refused to release him until their own son – who had been taken
hostage in Azerbaijan – was released; indeed they described a long
chain of hostage-taking.

They suggested we talk to a former KGB agent on the other, Armenian
side of the border. We negotiated a temporary ceasefire so we could
cross the border; our Armenian and Azeri interlocutors knew each other
well from before the war and seemed bewildered by what was
happening. When we arrived on the other side we were greeted by the
KGB agent, wearing military fatigues and Rayban sunglasses with a
silver cross round his neck. We exchanged the names of the missing
young men.

This particular story had a happy ending. The Helsinki Citizens
Assembly _committees_ () in both
Azerbaijan and Armenia were able to use the information we had
collected to put pressure on the authorities on both sides; on 12 May
1994, hundreds of hostages were released in the border _area_
() where we had crossed.

But in other wars, the hostages are not lucky. At best, they are
ransomed for money, weapons or even dead bodies. But they are also
dragooned into fighting, raped or mutilated, kept in captivity for
years, or are killed in often macabre ways.

A third way of warâ=80¦ Contemporary wars are quite _different_
() both from the
classic wars of the past where soldiers fought against
fellow-soldiers, and even from the more recent `small wars’ where the
adversaries are at least recognisable combatants, like guerrillas or
paramilitary units. In this new form of warfare, battles are rare,
most violence is inflicted against civilians, and the distinction
between war itself, organised crime, and violations of human rights is
increasingly blurred.

These wars are transforming the relationship between politics and
violence: rather than politics being pursued through violent means,
violence becomes politics. It is not conflict that leads to war but
war itself that creates conflict. The insurgent or terrorist
combatants try to establish political control by killing or
intimidating those who are `differentâ=80=9D – politically,
ethnically, religiously. This generates fear and hatred among all the
social groups involved.

Population displacement, mass rape, the destruction of historic
buildings and symbols, are not side-effects of war – they are part of
a deliberate strategy. Actions of spectacular violence – beheading,
the chopping off of limbs, the destruction of 16th century mosques (as
in Banja Luka, _Bosnia_
() )
or of Buddhist statues (as in Bamiyan, _Afghanistan_
( esearch/bamiyan/buddha/statue.html)
)- are designed to highlight and give reality to the idea of holy war,
an epic struggle between good and evil.

These wars are usually fought in what have become known as `failing’
or ` failed’ _states_
() .

In the absence of tax revenue or state sponsors from abroad, finance
for these wars is raised through violence – looting, pillage,
â=80=9Ctaxation’ at checkpoints, illegal trading. Many commentators
argue that this abnormal political economy becomes a self-sustaining
system and a motive for continued violence.

Chechnya and Iraq offer current examples of how in practice, politics
and economics become blurred in these _new wars_
() . In Chechnya,
Russian generals buy oil drilled by Chechen warlords from backyard oil
wells, and sell their own higher-quality oil for a profit on the open
market. In Iraq (as in former Yugoslavia) hundreds of criminals
released from prison use the cover of war to continue criminal
activities which they can now justify in political terms.

At the same time, political militants, former regime officials or
religious fanatics, become involved in crime to finance their
activities. Failed states are often former authoritarian states, where
the shadowy activities of former political leaders and officials have
come to the light, but withouta political transition that allows the
society as a whole to establish security and come to terms with past
violations.

Hostage-taking is a typical expression of this blurring of the
political and economic. Much of it is undertaken for profit. Many
family members of the Iraqi elite have been taken hostage for
ransom. The Italian government reportedly paid $1 million for the
freeing of two Italian aid _workers_
() , Simona
Parretta andSimona Pari.

Sometimes hostage-taking is motivated by political instrumentality- to
get prisoners or other hostages freed. In the case of the French
_journalists_
() , Georges
Malbrunot and Christian Chesnot, it seems that the goal was better
media coverage for the insurgency. The status of the journalists has
reportedly been changed- in an echo of the experience of Jo Wilding in
Fallujah in April _2004_
() –
fromhostages to ` embedded reporters’ with the insurgency.

In other cases, hostage-taking is part of a wider strategy involving
spectacular violence that captures the attention of the media as well
as terrifying the local population. The killing of Wall Street Journal
reporter _Daniel Pearl_
()
in Pakistan, the mutilation of children in _Liberia_
( iew.jsp?id=3D1685) and Sierra
Leone, or the bizarre atrocities of the Lords Resistance Army in
_Uganda_ (;l=3D1)
seems expressly designed to invest shockingly horrific violence with a
non-human and therefore religious significance.

At the time of writing, it appears that the case of the British civil
engineer, Ken Bigley, belongs to the latter category. The head of the
group (Tawhid & Jahid) holding him, _Abu Musab al-Zarqawi_
() , is a religious
fanatic in the Osama bin Laden mould (indeed, one interpretation of
his actions is that he may be trying not simply to emulate but to
`succeed’ the al-Qaida _leader_
(,12239,1313021,00.html)
). He employs Qur’anic terms like ` raids’ or `plunder’ that
deliberately seek to place his actions in the context of a history of
jihad. Beheading – inflicted on Bigleyâ=80=99s two _American
colleagues_
()
, Eugene Armstrong and Jack Hensley – is propagated as the ritualised
slaughter that early Islamic warriors inflicted on infidels.

â=80¦needs a third strategy in response Hostage-taking, as well as
being the subject of a United Nations _convention_
() ,
is an international crime – something different from both war and
politics. In response, neither military pressure nor political
negotiations are appropriate tactics. Britain’s prime minister, Tony
Blair, is _using_ () the
hostage crisis to claim that everyone has to choose the side of
democracy against terrorism. The more shocking the behaviour of
al-Zarqawi and his cohorts, the more he can put on his concerned face
and explain why a the terrorist challenge demands a forceful reaction.

But this is exactly what _al-Zarqawi_
()
wants. He wants a war of the west against Islam, in which there is no
space for democrats who are critical of the west and no space for
Muslims who are horrified by violence, hostage- killing and
suicide-bombing. He may indeed hope that the Americanswill bomb
suspected places where he might be hiding and that many people will be
killed as ` collateral damage’.

But if polarising rhetoric from western leaders like Tony Blair plays
into the hostage-takers’ hands, nor should there be any political
negotiations.

Contacts with groups who can act as intermediaries (like the Council
of Muslim Clerics in Iraq) may be part of a necessary attempt to save
lives, but those who argue that conceding the hostage-takers’ demands
wouldstrengthen and legitimise the kidnappers are right.

What is needed is a third approach beyond militarism and concession:
one based on law-enforcement. Rather than defeat the hostage-takers in
war or negotiate with them, the police must make systematic efforts to
uncover their hideaways and arrest them. This approach requires a
political and moral strategy aimed not so much at the kidnappers
themselves but at the local population, especially those living in the
immediate neighbourhood where they operate.

The aim should be twofold: to deny the hostage-takers local support,
and to create a situation where local people both believe it is right
to give information to the authorities and feel safe in doing so.

This was the strategy of the Helsinki Citizens Assembly committees in
the south Caucasus during the Armenia-Azerbaijan war of the early
_1990s_ ()
. They tried to engender a political and moral atmosphere where
hostage-taking became less acceptable because local people themselves
refused to allow their local area to become a favourable environment
for hostage-taking.

This experience suggests that the approach adopted by Ken
Bigley’sfamily is probably the best in the circumstances: inviting
spokesmen of the Muslim _Council of Britain_
() to visit
Iraq, talk to local dignitiaries, and leaflet the area where he is
being held. But more needs to be done. The United States-led
coalition’s continued bombardment of urban areas and maltreatment of
Iraqi prisoners- both involving terrible suffering by innocent
civilians – make Iraqis less likely to condemn hostage-taking. The
kidnappers themselves make gleeful useof the argument that the west
itself holds `hostages’ in _Guantánamo_
() and _Abu
Ghraib_ ( ) .

Although _Ken Bigley_
( 3D10000087&sid=3Dax2Pbf7Aqusg&refer=3Dtop_ world_news)
may well be alive, it may prove impossible to save him; al-Zarqawi is
a fanatic who probably wants to prolong the media attention for as
long as possible. But the approach adopted to try to free him is the
best way to deal with the hostage phenomenon in general â=80` one that
combines police primacy in arresting criminals with a strategy aimed
at gaining the confidence and support of local Iraqi
people. Unfortunately, what Blair defines as a second conflict in Iraq
– understood as one between the forces of good (coalition troops and
the puppet Iraqi government of Iyad Allawi) and evil (Abu Musab
al-Zarqawi and his accomplices) – is just what the hostage-takers want
to legitimise their criminal activities.

_Mary Kaldor_
(;articleId=3D2127#) 2004. Published by openDemocracy Ltd

deseretnews.com
Friday, October 1, 2004

Azerbaijan looks to U.S. as leader in democracy

By Mammad Baghirov
For the Deseret Morning News

The presidential campaign in the United States is being watched
very closely in Azerbaijan – an oil-rich former Soviet republic,
situated in the Caucasus region. And that is not surprising: Since the
first year of its independence, Azerbaijan has been working to keep
strong relations with the United States.

Mammad Baghirov

The first reason for this is democracy, as my country faces a
period of transition. Another reason is the geopolitical environment –
Azerbaijan borders Russia on the north and Iran on the south. A close
relationship with the United States gives the Azerbaijani leadership
an opportunity to be more independent in the dialogue with our
powerful neighbors.

As to the attitude toward the U.S. presidential candidates, the
sympathy of many people in Azerbaijan does not lie with President
Bush. And war in Iraq is the main reason for that feeling. People see
that things are getting worse there. But, ironically, we also have
military in Iraq because the Azerbaijani leadership decided to join
the U.S.-led coalition. Many people are also concerned with the
possibility of a military operation against our southern neighbor –
Iran – and what might negatively influence the regional situation.

John Kerry seems to be the more pragmatic leader. But there are
also fears in my country that if Kerry is elected, the attitude of the
United States toward Azerbaijan could change. One of the top-priority
issues for my country is the restoration of territorial integrity. At
the moment, 20 percent of Azerbaijani lands are occupied by a
neighboring state – Armenia, which pursues the goals of increasing its
territory by gathering “historical Armenian lands,” which include part
of the territory of Azerbaijan and Turkey. As a result of aggression
of Armenia, thousands of people in my country were killed and wounded
and hundreds of thousands became homeless. In 1994 a cease-fire was
achieved and negotiations started. Unfortunately, they haven’t brought
any results up to now, but the good news is that they are
continuing. And there is a large Armenian diaspora in the United
States, which claimed support of Kerry’s candidacy. That’s made people
in Azerbaijan cautious about Kerry.

It seems to me that Thursday’s presidential debate increased the
chances of Bush winning the race. The American president looked much
stronger than his opponent. Kerry’s stance was, as clearly stressed by
his opponent, “inconsistent.”

Watching the debate, frankly speaking, I was impressed by the
atmosphere of openness and mutual respect between candidates. It’s
very difficult to imagine the current president in Azerbaijan running
for another term and participating in such a debate with his
opponents. Unfortunately, there is lack of respect for opposite views
in my country, and that makes the political situation in Azerbaijan
very tense.

Azerbaijan is moving towards democracy, but this movement is
still very slow. One reason: It’s difficult to build democracy with
those who ruled Azerbaijan in the Soviet period. They can say they are
democrats, but in reality their way of thinking and doing things has
nothing in common with this word. We adopted good laws, but often they
don’t work because of the resistance of such “democrats.” People in my
country, for instance, have the right to elect and be elected, but
there are still big doubts about the fairness of the vote.

Unfortunately, it was also the case during the last presidential
elections in the United States when some American watchdog
organizations were seriously concerned about the results. And it
strengthened the standing of Azerbaijani “democrats,” who used the
example of the American elections of 2000 in debate with those who
criticized the vote in my country. Now, upon harsh criticism of
Azerbaijani elections, they could point to the American case and say
that it’s not only Azerbaijan that had problems during elections, but
also the United States – the leading democratic state.

Let us hope that the upcoming elections in the United States
become really the best example of democracy at work.

E-mail: [email protected]

Press-Enterprise (subscription), CA
Sept 29 2004

Local Armenian church to host archbishop

The Press-Enterprise

Archbishop Hovnan Derderian, primate of the Western Diocese of the
Armenian Apostolic Church, will celebrate the Holy Badarak, the
Armenian Church’s term for the Divine Liturgy, at the monthly service
of the Armenian Apostolic Church of Riverside on Sunday. The 2 p.m.
Mass will be celebrated at All Saints Episcopal Church, 3847
Terracina Drive, Riverside.

The archbishop’s visit will be the first since the congregation was
formed in February. The Riverside church, which serves Armenians in
San Bernardino and Riverside counties, is a mission parish of the
Armenian Apostolic Church.

At the end of the service the archbishop will bless members of the
parish council, the Ladies Society and the youth group, said the Rev.
Dr. Stepanos Dingilian, visiting pastor. A brief reception will
follow the service.

Church members will observe October as Cultural Appreciation Month, a
time to reflect on 4,000 years of Armenian culture and the
complementary roles that faith and culture play, Dingilian said by
phone.

“The Armenian Orthodox Church does not see religion and culture
competing against each other,” he said. “Faith should raise the
standards of culture, and the culture should support the faith.”

For information about Sunday’s service, call (951) 684-1722, (951)
369-6119 or (909) 883-1066.

TURKEY HAS TO RECOGNIZE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE, THOUGH IT WILL HARDLY
CONDITION ACCESSION TO EU

PanArmenian News
Sept 27 2004

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Official Ankara recognizing the Armenian Genocide
will hardly be a condition for Turkey’s accession to the European
Union, Vice-President of the Assembly of West European Union Marco
Zakera stated at a press conference in the Embassy of Italy in Armenia
today. At the same time he noted that Turkey has to recognize the
Armenian Genocide and reminded that in its time the Italian Parliament
passed a resolution, which mentions the massacre of Armenians in the
Ottoman Empire as genocide. In M. Zakera’s words, he is personally
for Turkey’s membership in the EU in case of fulfillment of certain
EU criteria.

Tensions high in disputed Caucasus territory
By Onnik Krikorian

Great Reporter
Sept 27 2004

In Greek mythology, the Caucasus was a pillar supporting the world,
but today the developing region is a hotbed of discontent that
threatens to erupt into conflict once more…

Anyone taking the road from Goris to Stepanakert has passed through
Lachin, the strategic, main artery in the lifeline between Armenia
and the self-declared Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh. Few actually
visit the town now of course, perhaps unsurprisingly given the
destruction evident throughout. The only interest for many passing
through is that Lachin lies not in Karabakh, but within what the
international community considers sovereign Azerbaijani territory.
Conflict erupted over Nagorno Karabakh in 1988 after this tiny
enclave, mainly inhabited by Christian Armenians but governed by
Azerbaijan, demanded reunification with Armenia. Moslem Azerbaijan
refused. At least 25,000 died during the following six years of
fighting, and one million were forced to flee their homes. By the
time a ceasefire agreement was signed in May 1994, Armenian forces
controlled 14 per cent of Azerbaijan.

Most of the 700,000 Azeri refugees that ended up living in squalid
camps in Azerbaijan come from territory outside of Karabakh proper,
and for the international mediators charged with the task of finding
a peaceful solution to the 13-year-old conflict; any settlement must
include the return of refugees to their former homes. The reality at
ground zero, however, is that those villages and towns have long
since been razed.

For most Armenians, this bridge between Armenia and Karabakh is part
of an ancient historical motherland usurped long ago from its
rightful owners by nomadic Turkic interlopers and is now being
resettled. For Azeris, this is their land, recognised internationally
and seized illegitimately. Nearly eight years after the ceasefire,
the issue still has the power to pull Azeris out onto the streets,
demanding, as they have in recent weeks and months, that their
government take military action to reclaim the territory.

Into the buffer zone

The daily van that departs for Lachin from Yerevan should make the
trip in five hours, but, driving at a snail’s pace, it takes seven.
The landscape is scenic but the journey arduous, and the road itself
says much about the region’s recent history. After passing the border
where Armenia theoretically ends, the road is immaculately asphalted,
but rubble from the war still lies strewn across the landscape.
Further on, wires strung across the valley, originally intended to
prevent low-flying helicopters from evading radar detection, still
remain.

On the outskirts of Lachin, a recently constructed church belies the
fact that this town, now renamed Berdzor, was once inhabited by at
least 20,000 Azeris and Kurds. During the war, both sides pursued
tactics designed to prevent inhabitants from returning to their
homes, and the destruction unleashed on Lachin was considerable.
Houses are being rebuilt however, but this time for approximately
3,000 Armenians relocated in an effort to repopulate the region.

The aim is to increase the population of the unrecognised republic
from under 150,000 in 1994 to 300,000 by 2010. Given the size of
Karabakh, it is hard to imagine that the plan does not also include
towns such as Lachin that lie outside Karabakh proper, in the buffer
zone connecting the enclave to Armenia. Moreover, while the official
line suggests that those relocating to Karabakh and elsewhere are
Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan, the reality on the ground suggests
otherwise.

New arrivals

Zoric Irkoyan, for one, is not a refugee. Arriving six years ago from
Yerevan, he openly admits that most of those inhabiting the disputed
territory are from Armenia and that few refugees have joined the
resettlement program. “Not many came because they were used to their
life in Baku and Sumgait [in Azerbaijan],” explains Irkoyan. “Many
now feel safer in Armenia, and like a million other Armenians, some
have left for Russia.”

Not surprising, perhaps.

What Irkoyan, his wife and two young daughters have come to is a
simple, virtually unfurnished shack. Chickens run free in the yard
outside, while a hole in the ground serves as the toilet for the
entire family. Cooking is on a simple electric stove that just about
manages to boil oriental coffee in 15 minutes, and water collects
every morning in the makeshift sink assembled outside.

An old, dilapidated television barely picks up Russian television,
and Armenian TV broadcast from Yerevan is even worse. Homes like
these are among the poorest to be found anywhere the Caucasus, and
while life may be difficult throughout the region, things are even
tougher in Lachin. Still, Irkoyan does have a good job now, working
as the chief education specialist for the local department of
education, youth affairs, and sports.

The flag of the unrecognized Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh flies over
his offices, a municipal building serving as the administrative
centre for most of the territory sandwiched between Armenia and
Karabakh. Stretching from Lachin to the Iranian border, what has
become known as the occupied territories is marked on Armenian maps
as Kashatagh, while to the north; Kelbajar is part of the New
Shahumian region. For the traveller, though, only the rather
insignificant border crossing indicates that this is not Armenia.

Irkoyan’s 45-minute journey to work takes him along terrible roads
that are, in some places, nonexistent. As we pass the remains of
devastated and derelict buildings, Irkoyan admits that conditions are
bad, but says that there are plenty more waiting to come.

Fifteen thousand Armenians already live in Kashatagh, and buses bring
the new arrivals to Lachin every week to claim social benefits
dispensed from the window of the building opposite.

It would seem that for many in Armenia, conditions can be even worse,
but in Lachin virtually everyone has work. Schools and other social
services have been established to cater to the needs of the settlers,
and there is also the lure of other benefits. Anyone intending to
relocate to Kashatagh receives financial incentives, cattle and
livestock worth about $240, land, and a ruined Azeri home that they
can call their own.

None of that influenced Irkoyan’s decision to resettle here, he says.
Part of the military force that seized the town 10 years earlier, he
considers it his duty. “It was our dream to liberate Lachin,” he
explains, “and when I heard that there were schools in the liberated
territories that needed specialists, I decided to move. If we were
occupying someone else’s land, I would never have come, but there are
Armenian churches and monuments destroyed by the Azeris everywhere.”

“While those who once lived here could say they that were fighting
for their birthplace,” he continues, “they could not say that they
were fighting for their historical motherland.

If some Azeris wanted to return we might consider giving them homes,
but they don’t.” Irkoyan adds that he even keeps the photograph of
the former occupants of the home he has since rebuilt. “They looked
like normal people,” he admits.

Future perfect?

The sound of construction work can be heard throughout Lachin and
there are even two markets, dozens of small shops, and a café. The
shops may carry the names of regions long since lost to Turkey, but
on the shelves, somewhat ironically, there are dozens of boxes of
Azeri tea (Azercay) imported via Georgia. Irkoyan says that he has
“no problem with establishing cultural or economic contact with the
Azeris.”

In contrast, Calouste, a 39-year-old former computer programmer from
the Bangladesh district of Yerevan who opened a grocery store in
Lachin four years ago, says that if there were enough Armenian goods
to sell, he wouldn’t stock a single imported item. That is his goal,
and when that happens, everything will be perfect.

Life may not yet meet Calouste’s definition of perfection and there
is much hardship here, but there is a sense that Lachin is developing
into a community, although of course, nothing is ever that simple in
the Caucasus. With salaries low throughout the region, many still buy
goods on credit. One customer has come in that day to settle his
account, handing 6,000 Armenian dram (about $12) over the counter
while Calouste’s sister crosses his name off a list that stretches
several pages.

Another waits in line to buy vodka and wine while Calouste encourages
him to buy goods produced in Armenia from a selection largely made up
of imported items. He already offers bottles of wine named after the
disputed city of Shushi in Karabakh, along with Armenian cigarettes,
vodka, light bulbs, chocolate, ice cream, and fruit juices. There is
even talk of growing tobacco nearby to supply cigarette producers in
Armenia.

“We don’t want help,” he says, apologising that he’s a nationalist.
“If Armenians living in the Diaspora just send us money, we’ll forget
how to help ourselves.”

Present imperfect

The next day, Irkoyan takes me northward in the direction of Herik,
formerly the Azeri village of Ahmadlu. Until around 1918, when the
Azeris came and displaced its Armenian population, it was the
Armenian village of Hayri. Herik lies 50 kilometres along a road that
passes the 5th Century Armenian monastery of Tsitsernavank, but it
seems like more than 200. Meandering through a pastoral scene that
contrasts sharply with the sight of towns and villages long since
razed to the ground, cows brought over the border with Armenia now
graze among the ruins.

In these parts, it is not always easy to talk, like Calouste, of
self-sufficiency. In Melikashen, a little village not far from
Lachin, one family invites us in for coffee. Amid the dirt and
dilapidation of their new home, “repossessed” from its former owners,
the new arrivals explain that the Armenian Diaspora must invest in
these new communities while Irkoyan is more interested in validating
Armenian claims to this land by taking me to see an old Armenian
castle. An Azeri house has been built into its side.

Behind the remains of an Armenian stone cross now broken in two, pigs
are being herded into an outhouse while an old woman skins the head
of a slaughtered sheep on the balcony above. Her husband invites us
in, insisting, as duty demands, that we have some tan, a drink
similar to yogurt, before we leave. A passing car throws up a cloud
of dust, momentarily obscuring the view.

The next stop on a road that takes us past the remains of Azeri
villages, towns, cemeteries, and the occasional Armenian monastery
perched high overhead is Moshatagh. The village head, another new
arrival from Jermuk, once a popular tourist destination in Armenia,
sits with his family of eight on the veranda of their new home. His
four-wheel drive is needed to make the journey to Herik, high in the
surrounding hills, but even then, the twisting, narrow road will be
difficult.

Upon our arrival, children in threadbare clothing clamour to have
their photographs taken outside the 16th Century church that the
Azeris once used as a cattle shed. Conditions must have been
significantly worse in Armenia for families to consider relocating to
Herik. There are no telephones, and water has to be collected from a
hosepipe that serves as the irrigation system for the entire village.
Irkoyan says that 50 per cent of the villages now being resettled
have no electricity.

And for some, the conditions are too hard. Another family invites us
in. Their living conditions are the worst I have seen anywhere. They
have decided enough is enough and have since moved their seven
children to Lachin as the winter set in. Another family from the 13
who originally came here has also left.

Others, however, are more resilient and defiant. Feasting on barbecue
and lamb stew, perhaps as many as 100 sit around plastic sheets that
serve as makeshift tablecloths. The vodka flows as freely as the
nearby river, and toasts made by former fighters still in uniform are
simple and to the point. For them, this is Armenian land, and it will
never be given back.

Future imperfect?

Their toasts may be defiant, but there is a fear that gnaws the
villagers as they eat – that Armenian President Robert Kocharian
might make concessions in order to bring much-needed stability and
economic investment to the region. Reports from Key West, Florida,
where the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
attempted to broker an agreement, worry them.

So too do reports suggesting that in order to restart the peace
process after it stalled in June, Armenia would have to first
withdraw its troops from the occupied territories and return the land
to Azerbaijan. The aim may be peace, but such talk could bring the
sides closer to war again. Nationalists in both Armenia and
Azerbaijan have already said they would rather resume hostilities
than concede any territory to the other, and when Vardan Oskanian,
Armenia’s foreign minister, referred to Kashatagh as “occupied”,
political parties instead called for his resignation.

Echoing these sentiments, Irkoyan says he would refuse to leave.
“Some might have moved here because of the social conditions in
Armenia,” he says, “but others did not. I can’t guarantee that I will
always live in Lachin, but there is a connection with this land. It
is our life, and if we lose that, there is nothing. While I am not
saying that everybody will fight again, at least 30 per cent would.
Nobody can tell us what to do, not even the Americans.”

“There could be concessions from some parts of Fizuli and Aghdam,” he
continues, “but anyone who knows this territory understands that
nothing else can be returned. In my opinion, not one centimetre
should be given back. If we return anything, we will again be risking
the security of Armenians living in Karabakh. The most effective
peacekeeping force is our own.”

Further south, Razmik Kurdian, an Armenian from Lebanon who heads the
tiny village of Ditsmayri situated between Zangelan and the Iranian
border, puts it more bluntly. “This land was paid for in blood, and
will only be given back with blood,” he says, in between impromptu
renditions of old nationalist songs glorifying victories over the
Turks. “If anyone ever thought of returning this land, they would be
betraying the memory of those who died.”

For Irkoyan, Kurdian, and many others, therefore, this land will
always be Armenian but while they admit that small pockets of
territory outside Nagorno-Karabakh proper, in particular Aghdam and
Fizuli, could conceivably be given back, it is unlikely that
Azerbaijan and the international mediators will ever consider any of
this land as Armenian. For the peacemakers, then, conflicting claims
to the land that lies between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh could
prove as sensitive an issue as the status of Karabakh itself.

;file=article&sid=291

Glendale News Press
LATimes.com
Sept 24 2004

Glendale Fire has plans to diversify

Department to ‘fast-track’ locals from cadet program, organize
meetings for the community.

By Jackson Bell, News-Press

GLENDALE CITY HALL – After city officials pressured the fire
department to better reflect the city’s ethnic make-up, Glendale Fire
Chief Chris Gray unveiled plans this week to diversify his staff.

Gray and other department personnel briefed the city’s Civil Service
Commission on Wednesday about the department’s recent community
outreach efforts. Those include giving fire cadets an edge over other
recruits when competing to join the force, and holding meetings to
inform locals about the force and what they have to do to join.

Many enrolled in the cadet program are of Armenian descent. Glendale
has no Armenian firefighters, even though an estimated one-third of
the city is of that ethnicity.

Commissioners gave their approval to allow the fire department – as
well as the police department – to have their cadets “fast-track”
their way on the force if they complete at least six months of work
and 600 hours of service. The cadet program is often used as a
stepping stone to becoming a sworn firefighter.

“It’s tough with open recruitment,” Gray said. “There are a series of
tests to find out who is or is not qualified for the job. But in an
interview, you really only get 15-20 minutes to look at someone.

“It’s better to bring someone into the fire service from the cadet
program because they have already done ride-alongs and have worked
alongside firefighters,” he added.

Battalion Chief Harold Scoggins, who heads recruiting and hiring,
also announced the next “Public Information Night,” a community
outreach meeting at 6:30 p.m. Oct. 27 in Glendale Fire Station 21,
421 Oak St. And Capt. Carlos Guerrero introduced “Bridging the Gap,”
a new translation booklet that allows firefighters to ask about 30
emergency response-related questions in Armenian, Korean or Spanish.

Commissioners, who recently slammed Glendale Fire officials for
lagging behind Glendale Police and other city departments in
diversity, praised Gray during the meeting for steering his staff in
the right direction.

“A month ago, I was a bit critical of the fire department,”
Commissioner Albert Abkarian said. “But not only have you met my
expectations, you have substantially exceeded what I expected to
see.”

Gray also introduced seven firefighters who were recently hired out
of a pool of about 2,400 candidates. One of them, Kevin Ku, is the
department’s first Korean-American firefighter.

SPORTSMEN FROM NAGORNY KARABAKH WIN FOUR MEDALS AT 37th PAN-ARMENIAN
GAMES IN TEHRAN

STEPANAKERT, SEPTEMBER 22. ARMINFO. Sportsmen from Nagorny Karabakh
returned home from the 37th Pan-Armenian games in Tehran with four
medals.

Deputy Minister of Education, Culture and Sports of NKR informed
ARMINFO, the NKR sportsmen won two gold, 1 silver and one bronze
medals.

PanArmenian News
Sept 22 2004

VARDAN OSKANYAN: TERRY DAVIS’ REPORT UNACCEPTABLE FOR ARMENIA

22.09.2004 17:25

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The report prepared by PACE Rapporteur on Nagorno
Karabakh Terry Davis is unacceptable for Armenia, Armenian Foreign
Minister Vardan Oskanian stated at a press conference today. In his
words, the report contained subjective assessments and represents
“one person’s opinion.” “One cannot agree with it, and it presents an
incorrect notion,” noted the head of the foreign department of
Armenia. At the same time he pointed out that the report has no
status, especially that the newly appointed Rapporteur David Atkinson
is to prepare his own report as well. When answering a question
whether they may be concern over new Rapporteur also representing
Great Britain, which is known for its conservative approach to the
Karabakh problem, V. Oskanian pointed out that irrespective of
whether the report will be based on the previous one or not, it is
necessary to work with the new Rapporteur for his report not to
reflect one person’s point of view alone and not to affect the
Nagorno Karabakh settlement.

The Almanac
September 21, 2004

UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL

On this date in history:

In 1792, the Legislative Assembly of revolutionary France voted to abolish
the monarchy and establish the First Republic, stripping King Louis XVI of
most of his power.

In 1893, the first successful American-made, gasoline-operated motorcar
appeared on the streets of Springfield, Mass. It was designed and built by
Charles and Frank Duryea.

In 1921, following the sex scandal caused by the arrest of comedian Fatty
Arbuckle, Universal announced it would require its actors to sign a
“morality clause” in their contracts.

In 1938, an estimated 600 people were killed by a hurricane that battered
the coast of New England.

In 1977, President Carter defended budget director Bert Lance as he
announced Lance’s resignation. Lance had been accused of a series of illegal
acts in banking.

In 1985, Western intelligence estimates said the Iran-Iraq war in five years
had cost nearly one million lives.

In 1991, Armenia became the 12th Soviet republic to declare independence.

In 1993, Russian President Boris Yeltsin suspended the parliament and
announced parliamentary elections would be held in December.

In 1996, President Clinton signed into law the Defense of Marriage Act,
which allows states to disregard “same sex marriages” that might be official
in other places.

And in 1996, John F. Kennedy, Jr., son of the late U.S. president and
described by tabloids as the world’s most eligible bachelor, wed Carolyn
Bessette.

In 1998, President Clinton’s videotaped grand jury testimony, during which
he admitted to an inappropriate relationship with former White House intern
Monica Lewinsky, was shown on television. It ran more than four hours.

Also in 1998, Hurricane Georges began its deadly rampage through the
Caribbean, killing more than 600 people.

In 1999, at least 2,300 people were killed when an earthquake measuring 7.6
on the Richter scale struck Taiwan.

In 2001, a telecast by top movie stars and musicians raised more than $500
million for survivors of the victims of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.

In 2002, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon reportedly told the Bush administration
Israel would strike back if attacked by Iraq. Israel made no response to
Iraqi Scud missile attacks during the Persian Gulf War.

In 2003, the spacecraft Galileo approached the fringes of Jupiter’s
atmosphere and then was directed to destroy itself in a high-speed plunge.

ARKA News Agency
Sept 17 2004

The Head of RA parliament receives newly appointed Ambassador of
Germany to Armenia

Chairman of Eurocommission Romano Prodi to visit Armenia on Sep 18-19

CBA Council left unchanged the rate on repo-agreements – 4% annual

MEDI program announces competition for the creation of the website of
MEDI

Spyur Armenian Information Service and ARKA News Agency implement
joint project

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THE HEAD OF RA PARLIAMENT RECEIVES NEWLY APPOINTED AMBASSADOR OF
GERMANY TO ARMENIA

YEREVAN, September 17. /ARKA/. The Head of RA Parliament Arthur
Baghdasarian received newly appointed Ambassador of Germany to
Armenia Haike Renata Paisch, RA NA told ARKA. The Speaker expressed
hope that during the activity of new Ambassador Armenian-German
interstate links will continue developing. He paid attention to
German assistance to Armenia in trade-economic and science-cultural
sphere.
The Ambassador in her turn noted that her country pays attention to
the region and its integration in Europe. She expressed readiness to
assist to all processes and future development of Armenian-German
relations. L.D. –0–

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CHAIRMAN OF EUROCOMMISSION ROMANO PRODI TO VISIT ARMENIA ON SEP 18-19

YEREVAN, September 17. /ARKA/. Chairman of Eurocommission Romano
Prodi will visit Armenia on Sep 18-19, RA MFA told ARKA. During the
official visit Prodi will meet with RA President Robert Kocharian, RA
NA Speaker Arthur Baghdasarian, RA Prime Minister Andranik Margarian
and RA Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanian. Prodi will also visit
Armenian Genocide Memorial, Armenian Center Mkhitarian and regional
European Academy. L.D. –0–

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CBA COUNCIL LEFT UNCHANGED THE RATE ON REPO-AGREEMENTS – 4% ANNUAL

YEREVAN, September 17. /ARKA/. The CBA Council decided to leave
unchanged the rate on repo-agreements – at 4% annual at today’s
session. According to the Press Service Department of CBA, the rates
on secure credits and attracted deposits also remained unchanged –
16% and 1% annual accordingly. L.V.–0–

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MEDI PROGRAM ANNOUNCES COMPETITION FOR THE CREATION OF THE WEBSITE OF
MEDI

YEREVAN, September 17. /ARKA/. Micro Enterprises Development
Initiative (MEDI) program adjunct to the USAID announces competition
for the creation of the website of MEDI. According to the advertise
published in the press, local companies, which can develop website of
MEDI, may participate in the competition. The deadline for submitting
applications for the participation in it is September 30, 2004. A.H.
-0–

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SPYUR ARMENIAN INFORMATION SERVICE AND ARKA NEWS AGENCY IMPLEMENT
JOINT PROJECT

YEREVAN, September 17. /ARKA/. Spyur Armenian Information Service and
ARKA News Agency implemented a joint project. As Ashot Grigoryan,
Director of Spyur said, along with analytic review of economic
situation in Armenia prepared jointly with the Armenian Development
Agency and National Statistical Service, for the first time the most
important economic events in Armenia provided by ARKA have been
included in the English version of the directory. In Grigoryan’s
words, the decision to include the news-reel in the directory can be
explained by the circumstance that all official economic reviews are
actually already one year old and do not contain info on today’s
economic trends. “The information provided by ARKA as a brief
news-reel of the current year allows filling up the gap formed in the
economic review”, Grigoryan said. He mentioned that the given
cooperation was on the initial stage and the works for its further
enhancements were being made. “The initiative is aimed at placing of
maximally useful news on minimal space, thus encouraging searching of
the required information”, he said. He also reported that the
Armenian version of the reference is in preparation stage and a
decision was taken to include ARKA’s news-reel in the directory.
In his turn Konstantin Petrosiv, Director of ARKA News Agency stated
that this is the first attempt to combine commercial and business
information in a single directory. “I think that inclusion of ARKA’s
news-reel in Spyur’s directory will enable the potential clients as
being acquainted with information on enterprises and organization of
Armenia as well as the most important developments in economic and
financial sectors.
Spyur Information Service was established in 1992. It collects,
processes and spreads information on enterprises and organizations in
Armenia. The company provides information thru free of charge phone
service, regularly issued business directory and yellow pages
references, Internet databases, e-versions and “Armenia” chapter in
intl information systems. Spyur’s business information directory
covers more than 1600 Armenian companies.
ARKA Information Agency operates since May 1, 1996. It specializes in
financial, economic and political information. Various organizations,
including state and private structures, banks, intl financial
organizations, consulting companies, embassies, mass media regularly
receive and use Agency’s information
ARKA News Agency was recognized by the Central Banks of the Republic
of Armenia the best agency providing economic information. In 2002
and 2003 BID intl organization awarded ARKA International Star Award
for Quality in Gold category. T.M. -0–

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