Author: nina hovnanian

PRESIDENT AL-ASSAD TO CCTV: SYRIA ISN’T WORRIED OVER DRAFT RESOLUTION ON CHEMICAL WEAPONS PROPOSED AT SECURITY COUNCIL

25/09/2013

Damascus, (SANA) – President Bashar al-Assad affirmed that Syria
isn’t worried over draft resolution on chemical weapons proposed
by the United States, France and Britain at the Security Council,
because Syria is fully committed to all the agreements it signs and
to everything it announces its agreement to, and because Syria is
reassured by the role played by China and Russia at the Security
Council so that no justification can be used for aggression on Syria.

In an interview with the Chinese television CCTV, President al-Assad
said that what the United States, France and Britain are doing through
this proposed resolution or the one they want to reach between Russia
and America aim at making them appear victorious in a battle against
an imaginary enemy they assume to be Syria.

President al-Assad added that the first factor to ensure the success
of the international conference on Syria in Geneva would be stopping
terrorist acts, preventing the entry of terrorists from outside Syria,
and ceasing the supplying of these terrorists with money and weapons.

Following is the full text of the interview:

CCTV: Hello Mr. President, thank you for agreeing to give this
interview to Chinese state television, CCTV.

President Assad: You and your team from CCTV are most welcome in Syria.

CCTV: According to the agreed framework between Russia and the United
States, as soon as the list of chemical weapons arsenal is handed
to the OPCW, the experts will visit Syria before November with the
aim of destroying the chemical weapons by mid-2014. Can the Syrian
government complete this task on time?

President Assad: Yes, the Syrian government is required to do two
things: first, to provide OPCW with the necessary information and
data; this was submitted a few days ago, since all the information was
ready and documented. Second, the government is required to allow OPCW
inspectors’ access to chemical weapons production and storage sites,
which we do not have a problem with.

The main obstacle to the process, however, is the security situation in
certain areas controlled by armed groups who may not allow inspectors
access to the sites in order to obstruct their work. It is well know
that many of these groups are affiliated with foreign states whose
interests lie in obstructing the implementation of the agreement in
order to place blame on the Syrian government.

CCTV: Mr. President, as you said, the security situation could be an
issue, do you think the situation on the ground in Syria will delay
the implementation of the agreement?

President Assad: In principle, it is not supposed to. But as I said,
this depends on the agenda of certain countries that might instruct
the terrorists on the ground to apply certain tactics to prevent the
inspectors from carrying out their task in order to accuse the Syrian
government of obstructing the implementation of the agreement. You
are aware that the terrorists are very mobile and do not stay in
specific areas. This is a possibility, but we won’t know until the
inspectors arrive in Syria.

CCTV: Syria’s chemical weapons stockpile is said to be huge – maybe
a thousand tons. Is that true?

President Assad: Syria has been producing these weapons for decades,
so naturally there are huge stockpiles. We are in a state of war and
our land has been occupied for over 40 years. In any case, the Syrian
Army has been preparing itself to fight using traditional weapons.

CCTV: How is the Syrian government preventing the armed opposition
from reaching these weapons before they are destroyed?

President Assad: The process of storing chemical weapons is always
conducted under special and strict protocols controlled by any state
or army in order to prevent terrorists or foreign groups from hostile
countries from accessing them; we have no concerns in this regard.

Syria’s chemical weapons are in secure sites and areas under the full
control of the Syrian Arab Army.

CCTV: Some western countries still have doubts about the intentions
of the Syrian government, concerning the destruction of the chemical
weapons. According to the UN resolution proposed by the United States,
the United Kingdom and France, if Syria doesn’t implement the framework
agreement fully, punitive measures could be taken against it. How do
you see this?

Syria has always committed itself to the agreements it signs; we
commit fully to anything we agree to

President Assad: We are not concerned for two reasons. First, since
independence, Syria has always committed itself to the agreements
it signs; we commit fully to anything we agree to. Second, we are
assured today by China and Russia’s role in the Security Council to
insure that no excuse is used to justify aggression against Syria.

I want to add though that the U.S., the U.K. and France, through the
proposed Security Council resolution, are trying to appear victorious
against an imaginary enemy they assume to be Syria. That’s why we
don’t need to be concerned about such propositions or agreements.

CCTV: We, in China, see this agreement to hand over chemical weapons
to be in return for peace. Mr. President, are you concerned that
western countries might take advantage of this agreement to find
another excuse for military intervention in Syria in the future?

President Assad: This is a very important question, because if the
United States was looking for a justification for the war, it will
continue to look for other justifications. What prevented them from
waging the war was not the Syrian-Russian agreement to hand over
the chemical weapons, but rather the strong opposition to the war –
internationally and domestically in the US; people did not find the
reasons presented plausible and, as I already mentioned, the Chinese
and Russian position at the Security Council was also a major factor.

As long as the U.S. wants to pursue its hegemonic policies over other
countries, we should remain worried, regardless of the current crisis.

As long as there are countries in the West who want to supersede the
U.N. Charter and international law, we should always remain concerned.

Any small country, Syria included, should be concerned by any violation
of the UN Charter.

CCTV: Can you tell us how abandoning chemical weapons will affect
the Syrian army?

President Assad: There is no real issue since the Syrian Army was
built for traditional warfare and the traditional arsenal will not be
affected. Typically weapons of mass destruction are used in worse case
scenarios – some describe it as suicide; in Syria, we are not going
to commit suicide. It’s for this very reason that, ten years ago,
we submitted a proposal to the Security Council to create a WMD-free
region in the Middle East. This has been our conviction for a long
time; had we thought it would affect the capabilities of the Syrian
Army we wouldn’t have made that proposal ten years ago.

CCTV: Why did Syria keep chemical weapons during the past years?

President Assad: When we started producing them, in the 1980s, there
was a gap in traditional weapons between Syria and Israel – the enemy
occupying our land. In the second half of the 1990s, Syria stopped
producing these weapons – we stopped production nearly 15 years ago –
because we were able to partially bridge the traditional weapons gap
and we continue to pursue this policy. So, basically the justifications
for the existence of WMDs in the 1980s no longer existed and that’s
why, as I said before, we proposed in 2003 to make the Middle East
a WMD-free region.

CCTV: Will you get anything in return from your allies after handing
over the chemical weapons?

The process of strengthening the Syrian arsenal was on-going before
the agreement and it will continue

President Assad: I can’t say that there is something in return.

However, even before the Russian initiative, there were weapons
contracts between Syria and Russia, and, as President Putin and a
number of Russian officials have said, they will continue to deliver
these weapons according to the agreements signed. The process of
strengthening the Syrian arsenal was on-going before the agreement and
it will continue; it has no connection with the chemical issue. It
is linked to the fact that we are a country which is periodically
attacked by Israel and whose land is also occupied by Israel. So,
it is to be expected that we would strengthen our traditional arsenal
and enhance the power of our armed forces in order to defend Syria.

CCTV: Mr. President, can you give us some information about what you
might get from Russia in the military field?

President Assad: Primarily air defense systems since the greatest
threat to us are Israeli warplanes, which attack Syrian territory
from time to time. Air defense systems are the most important defense
weapons for us in Syria today.

CCTV: Russia said that the Syrian government is in possession of
evidence that the opposition used chemical weapons in the eastern
Ghouta. Mr. President, can you provide us with this evidence?

President Assad: We have several types of evidence including different
chemical materials and storage devices. These materials were sent to
the Russian government at various stages, the last of which was about
a week ago after the Syrian Army entered areas previously controlled
by the terrorists and was able to gather this evidence. We also
have confessions of the terrorists who brought these materials from
neighboring countries and this evidence was shown on Syrian Television.

CCTV: Russia and the United States agreed that the Geneva conference
should be held despite the differences between them concerning the
chemical weapons. What are your expectations of the Geneva conference?

Political action is crucial to solving big problems in any country

President Assad: From the very beginning, we supported the Geneva
initiative, which will be implemented through the Geneva conference.

We have always believed in political solutions when there is any kind
of problem. Political action is crucial to solving big problems in
any country. We have hopes for the Geneva conference, but these hopes
also need to be realistic. In order for the Geneva conference – or any
political solution – to succeed, it needs a number of factors and the
right environment. The first factor, which would ensure the success
of the Geneva conference, is putting an end to terrorist activities,
preventing terrorists from entering Syria and ceasing the supply of
arms and money to terrorist groups. Unless this is done, any political
solution will be an illusion without any real value.

That’s why we believe that the Geneva conference is important and
necessary with the first provision for its success being the cessation
of terrorist acts in Syria.

CCTV: Do you think that the general situation is suitable for holding
the Geneva conference?

President Assad: We believe that the circumstances today are suitable
for holding the Geneva conference, as we believed them to be suitable
a month ago, six months ago, and a year ago. The problem is neither
with the Syrian government, nor with Russia, China, Iran, or many
other countries in the world that support the Geneva conference in
order to reach a solution in Syria. The real problem lies with some
western countries, particularly the United States, which want to hold
the Geneva conference on the back of military advancements on the
ground in favour of the terrorists. Another reason preventing the US
and the West from going to Geneva is that they have not yet been able
to unite the so called ‘opposition,’ which is not really an opposition
because it does not represent the Syrian people, it is fragmented and
riddled with infighting and conflicts within its different factions.

As I said, like Russia and China, we believe that the time is
appropriate to hold the conference.

CCTV: Mr. President, do you mean that one of the conditions for
the Syrian government to attend the Geneva conference is for some
countries to stop financing and arming the fighters of the opposition?

if terrorism continues after the conference, it will have lost
its value

President Assad: It is not a condition, but if we want the conference
to succeed, this needs to be done. In other words, if we, as Syrians,
sit around the table and agree on something while terrorism continues,
where’s the gain? There isn’t any. There can be no public referendum,
no elections, no real work can happen if terrorism continues to destroy
and kill throughout Syria. I’m not talking about a precondition. If
it happens before the conference – that will be good, but if terrorism
continues after the conference, it will have lost its value.

CCTV: As we know, the opposition now includes some political
organizations, “the Free Syrian Army,” and extremist Islamist
organizations like Jabhat al-Nusra. Which parties will you not
negotiate with?

President Assad: We do not negotiate with those carrying weapons. We
negotiate with the opposition; and the definition of opposition is
a political act. The opposition cannot be a terrorist act, which
involves killing people. No state in the world accepts to negotiate
with terrorists. That’s why we negotiate with those who abandon their
weapons; we have no problem with this. We also will not negotiate
with anyone who accepts foreign intervention – whether military or
political. Otherwise we have no problem negotiating with any party.

CCTV: How do you see the balance of power on the ground in Syria now?

President Assad: There is no doubt that there are a large number
of armed men fighting and carrying out terrorist acts in Syria,
the majority of which are foreigners. The army kills thousands of
them, only for them to be replaced by another thousand coming from
outside Syria. Consequently, the number of foreign fighters is much
higher than the number from within Syria; the issue, is neither this
imbalance nor the number of fighters.

The most important issue is popular support. If the Syrian people, or
Syrian society, support the terrorists, then they are stronger. But
if the Syrian society supports the army, then the army is more
powerful. That’s why, and in answer to your question about the balance
of power, I can say that the situation now favours the army and
hence it has been able to make significant progress during the past
few months; a large majority of the Syrian people – from different
political factions – now support the army particularly after they
have realized that what is happening is terrorism and has nothing to
do with reform. This is the balance that we believe favors the Syrian
armed forces.

CCTV: Do you think it is possible at present to reach a ceasefire
between the two sides?

There can never be a ceasefire between a state and terrorists

President Assad: No, because a ceasefire is reached between two
fighting states – between two armies. There can never be a ceasefire
between a state and terrorists. Anywhere in the world, it is the duty
of the state, in accordance with the constitution, to fight terrorism
against citizens in its society; it is self-evident that any state
should defend its citizens.

On the one hand, by reaching a ceasefire, this means we are in fact
recognizing the terrorists; on the other, it means that we have
abandoned our responsibilities to defend our people. That’s why we
cannot even accept the term “ceasefire” between a state and terrorists.

CCTV: Mr. President, what is the red line for the Syrian government
in the negotiations in the Geneva conference? Is it the office of
the presidency?

President Assad: As I mentioned earlier, the red line is first –
using weapons against civilians and against the state and the army, and
second – calling for any form of foreign intervention. Other than that,
when the Syrians sit around the table they can propose anything: the
constitution, legislations and anything else. Within the constitution
of course lies the office of the presidency and other governance
matters. In other words, we have no red lines except using arms
and foreign intervention. If the Syrians decide to change the whole
political system – it might become presidential, parliamentary, or any
other type of political system – we have no problem. I personally agree
to anything that the Syrian people and their representatives agree to.

CCTV: How do you look at the US insisting that you step down?

President Assad: First of all, this issue is the responsibility
of the Syrian people alone. No state, whether friend or foe, has
the right to determine on behalf of the Syrian people who should be
their president. The people and nobody else chose the President in any
country; that’s why we do not accept such propositions, neither from
the United States nor from any other country. This issue is determined
through presidential elections and people’s vote in the ballot box.

CCTV: Do you intend to stand as a candidate in the 2014 presidential
elections?

President Assad: This depends on the desire of the Syrian people. If
the Syrian people want me to be a candidate, then naturally I should
accept; otherwise, my answer will be no. However, this issue is still
nine months away and as such it is still too early to determine the
wishes of the Syrian people; this should be done two-to-three months
before the elections.

CCTV: Do you think that the Syrian people want you to be a candidate?

President Assad: Obviously there are Syrians who would want me to run
and there are those who do not. There are no figures at the moment
to determine where the majority lies, but we do have indicators –
one of which is the Syrian people’s support of the state two and a
half years into the crisis.

We are not only facing terrorist groups, we are facing powerful
countries which are backing these groups: the West, countries in the
region, and Gulf states which have a lot of money and are funding
these terrorist groups. Without popular support, we wouldn’t have
been able to withstand all of this for two and a half years; this is
a major indicator for us. Nevertheless, we need to look for a certain
method before the elections in order to determine with more accuracy
the size of support for the state, and the size of popular support for
the president and those who want him to stand in the coming elections.

CCTV: It was said that the future of Syria depends on Russia and
America. How do you see that?

President Assad: In general, superpowers, and especially Russia and
America, influence all other countries, negatively or positively,
according to their own agendas; there is no doubting this. We live
in a world today, which is similar to a small village in that we all
influence each other.

However, regardless of the significance of these countries, and
regardless of their influence, they do not replace the influence of
the Syrian people. No state in the world can replace the people of
another country no matter how small or weak that country is. That’s why
I have always said that the Syrian people primarily decide the future
of Syria. However, this doesn’t mean that the position of a country
like Russia does not have a positive affect on the crisis, and that
the position of a country like America – or other Western countries
does not have a negative affect on the current situation in Syria.

CCTV: How do you see the Chinese role in the Syrian crisis?

President Assad: China is a superpower today and an important
international power in every sense of the word: politically, militarily
and economically. For us in Syria, what is important is China’s role
during the crisis. The Chinese position, particularly through the
cooperation with Russia, was crucial and has had a positive influence
on the Syrian crisis. In other words, without the Chinese position,
in cooperation with Russia, the situation in Syria would have been
much worse. Its role in the Security Council prevented the big Western
powers from using the Security Council to launch an aggression against
Syria; I can say that China’s role has had a significant and positive
impact on Syria during this difficult crisis.

CCTV: Do you have the final decision concerning military operations
and state policy?

President Assad: In accordance with the constitution, the President
of the Republic has clear authorities. He is the Commander in Chief
of the Army and the Armed Forces, and consequently he is the lead
decision-maker in moving and leading the armed forces in Syria. At
the same time, the presidency plays a major role in foreign policy,
and as such is responsible for setting the foreign policy agenda. I
have exercised these authorities fully before and during the crisis.

CCTV: Mr. President, during two years of crisis, what is the situation
of your family?

President Assad: We are like every other Syrian family. There’s no
doubt that the events in Syria, which have been very difficult and
cruel, have affected every family in Syria. Every family has lost a
loved one, a relative or a neighbor; where there was once happiness,
grief now prevails in every Syrian household. Like any other family,
this has affected us as well.

There is no doubt that the security situation in Syria has also
affected the lives of many people; the lack of security, the
incidents of kidnapping and killing by terrorists have restricted
people’s mobility in many regions. However, the biggest challenge
for us in Syria is to try and live as normal a life as possible. The
first priority for every mother and father is to be able to work and
provide for their families; the second priority is to ensure that
the educational process continues and that children are able to go
to school.

CCTV: The proceedings of the UN General Assembly have started. There is
no doubt that the Syrian issue will be a major point for discussion. Do
you want to say anything to the states taking part in this meeting?

President Assad: Before World War II and the formation of the UN,
there was the League of Nations. That organization collapsed at the
time because many big powers did not abide by its charter. What’s
happening in the world since the 1990s – for about 20 years now – is
an increased violation of the UN Charter and international laws and
resolutions. This implies that the United Nations is heading towards
a collapse, as was the case six decades ago. With the return of the
joint Russian and Chinese role aimed at creating a balance within this
organization, I urge all relevant states to abide by the UN Charter;
this organization and its charter constitute a real guarantee for
peace throughout the world. The opposite is also true, if the Charter
is violated, this will lead to more chaos, unrest and wars around the
world and particularly in the Middle East. This is the fundamental
message to all the countries taking part, especially the big powers,
including China.

CCTV: Thank you very much for this interview.

President Assad: Once again, you are welcome in Syria, and please
send my regards to all the staff of CCTV.

AREVALUYS AMALYAN: 100 YEARS OF EXPECTING REPENTANCE (PHOTOS)

11:00, 09.03.2015

By Ani Afyan

Armenian News-NEWS.am continues publishing stories within “Survivors”
project launched ahead of the centennial of the Armenian Genocide
perpetrated in the Ottoman Turkey in 1915-23.

“Survivors” is the stories of common people who lost their childhood
and homeland.

“Survivors” is a hundred years of memories and pain, hundred years
of expecting retribution.

“Survivors” are a diminishing group of people who won’t lose their
hope for acknowledgement of their pain.

“Survivors” is 102-year-old Arevaluys Amalyan

“Where were you born dear?” Arevaluys Amalyan asks me, holding my
hand in her warm hands and looking at me with starlight in her eyes.

It is hard to imagine how these hands were building a house, a
marriage, a new life… (PHOTOS)

“In Yerevan. And where are you from?”

“I am from…. I am from Yergir,” she said, folding her arms and
staring at the window silently. She made it clear that she is reluctant
to continue a conversation.

“That’s it. She will not say a word,” her son Levon said.

Children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren – more than 60 of
them – lavish attention and care on Arevaluys, but she still cannot
reconcile with her past where she left her orphan childhood and the
lost home.

“Yergir” is translated as “native land, homeland”. This is how Armenian
survivors call Western Armenia, being unable to adjust to new life.

Arevaluys Hazaryan was born in Arabkir on January 4, 1913 to a family
of craftsmen.

In April 1915 her father Khachatur was brutally killed. Vergine –
her beautiful mother – got married with Turkish pasha in exchange
for saved lives of her children and other family members.

Grandfather and sisters of her father took care of 2-year-old
Arevaluys. Her brother, 4-year-old Hovhannes, was taken to Aleppo
by the brothers of her mother. This is a tragic story of how her big
and friendly family was scattered around the world.

The survivors of Arabkir massacres did not manage to come back to
their normal life, and finally Armenians – among them Arevaluys and
her aunts – said goodbye to the native streets and took to the road in
1926. They reached Batumi first and then moved to Yerevan by a train.

Here they were given land to build a house. There was a new district in
Armenia’s capital city called “Arabkir” to commemorate the oldArabkir.

In 1930s Arevaluys married Sargis Amalyan.

“Was he a native of Armenia?”

“No, my father was among refugees from Arabkir. He has a tragic story,
too,” Levon said.

Sargis Amalyan was almost 8 when Turkish soldiers broke into their
house and took away his family. He was the only one who managed
to escape and hide in the forest. On the next day he was found by
Armenians who took him with them.

“My dad said he witnessed the Turks lined the Armenian up against the
bank of the Euphrates river and hit with truncheons on their heads
and threw them off into the river.

“Has he found anyone of his family?”

“No.”

“How many children do Arevaluys and Sargis have?”

“They are three, except for me. Sirush, Anahit and Grigor”

“Have you ever tried to find your uncle in Aleppo?”

“Yes. Unfortunately, we have not seen him. He died in a horrific
accident many years ago.”

“What happened to Vergine grandma?”

“She gave birth to three sons for pasha. They said he loved her very
much, allowed praying and keeping Bible under her pillow.”

Levon said Vergine managed to find and establish contacts with her
brothers in Aleppo. Once after the death of her husband, she kissed
her grandchildren and left unnoticed. No one saw her since that day.

“Where did she go?”

“To her brothers in Aleppo.”

The local journalists were so much interested in the story of Vergine
that they published an article entitled “I came to die as an Armenian”.

Photo of Arevaluys’ mother Vergine (first from right)

“Did grandpa try to find Arevaluys?”

“She found us through his brothers. But she could not believe that
her daughter is alive. Once our mutual friend came to visit us from
Aleppo and she asked him for something.”

“What for?”

“To make sure that Arevaluys was her daughter, she asked to check
whether she had a birthmark on her shoulder. Being assured that her
daughter was alive, Vergine said she wanted to see her, but Arevaluys
refused to meet her mother.”

“Why?”

“All these years my mom hid the story of her mother. She could not
forgive her for marrying a Turk, and when asked, she always said her
mother was killed by Turks together with her father. When we learnt
the truth, she said: ‘How could she be the wife of a Turk? It would
better if they killed us.”

Vergine Hazaryan died in Aleppo at the age of 106. They say she was
not losing hope to see Arevaluys till the moment she died.

Photo by Arsen Sargsyan

The first article of “Survivors” project is Khosrov Frangyan: 100
years of expecting repentance

ASSASSINAT DE TROIS MILITANTES KURDES : LES SERVICES SECRETS SUR LA SELLETTE

Publié le : 30-03-2015

Info Collectif VAN – – Le Collectif VAN vous
invite a lire cette information publiée sur le site des Amitiés
kurdes de Bretagne le 25 mars 2015.

mercredi 25 mars 2015 par Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne

Le triple assassinat du 147 rue Lafayette a Paris : les services
secrets sur la sellette

Le 9 janvier 2013 étaient sauvagement exécutées au siège du Centre
d’Information du Kurdistan, en plein Paris, trois militantes kurdes,
Fidan Dogan (Rojbîn), Leyla Söylemez et Sakine Cansiz. Le tueur
présumé était très rapidement identifié et écroué. Manuels
Valls, ministre de l’Intérieur, promettait sur les lieux mêmes
que toute la lumière serait faite, promesse réitérée a Rennes
le 9 janvier 2014, tout en laissant entendre que l’affaire était
compliquée et qu’il ne pouvait présentement en dire plus. Aux
craintes exprimées d’un étouffement de l’affaire au nom de la
raison d’Etat, il réaffirmait sa confiance en la justice pour que
la procédure aille jusqu’a son terme.

L’affaire vient d’être relancée par Hakan Fidan, chef des services
secrets turcs (MIT) qui, rapporte la presse turque, a déclaré que
le meurtre des trois militantes kurdes a été l’Ã…”uvre d’une faction
de ses propres services opposée aux négociations avec le PKK et
noyautée par le puissant courant islamiste de Fethullah Gulen,
naguère ami et soutien de R.T. Erdogan alors premier ministre et
chef du parti au pouvoir, aujourd’hui l’ennemi irréductible du ”
sultan ” devenu président de la République de Turquie.

Des ” révélations ” qui ne dédouanent pas Erdogan

La ficelle, un peu grosse, est sans doute a usage interne, a placer
dans le cadre de la campagne électorale pour les législatives
de juin prochain. Les déclarations de Hakan Fidan, venant d’un
homme puissant, homme-lige d’Erdogan, ressemblent a une opération
de communication de la guerre psychologique qui consiste a faire
porter le chapeau a celui qu’on veut discréditer, en lui imputant
ses propres faiblesses ou mieux encore la responsabilité des ”
coups tordus ” qu’on a soi-même fomentés, des ” coups tordus ”
qui consistent a faire endosser par l’adversaire un méfait voulu,
permis ou couvert. Le MIT n’en est pas a son coup d’essai : citons
par exemple le plasticage d’une librairie de Semdinli par 4 membres
des services spéciaux (attribué a tort au PKK) ou le faux vrai
mitraillage du minibus de BeytuÅ~_ebap (attribué également a tort au
PKK). En faisant assassiner nos amies kurdes, Fethullah Gulen pouvait
effectivement nourrir l’ambition de faire capoter les négociations
avec Abdullah Ocalan mais Erdogan pouvait tout autant trouver utile
d’éprouver la détermination de son interlocuteur et le pousser a
la faute, car on peut douter de sa réelle volonté de trouver une
issue dans ces négociations. Pour preuve les derniers événements :
alors qu’Abdullah Ocalan exhorte son peuple et ses troupes ” a tenir
un congrès pour mettre fin a la lutte armée ” dans le cadre d’un
processus entamé sur la base de 10 articles acceptés officiellement
de part et d’autres, Erdogan se dérobe en faisant de la reddition
sans condition du PKK un préalable et en déclenchant une vaste
opération militaire dans la région de Mardin. Il se permet même
d’accuser son propre gouvernement d’être trop conciliant avec le PKK.

Une levée partielle du secret-défense qui embarrasse

Une éventuelle implication des services secrets francais serait-elle
la cause d’une très prudente attitude des autorités francaises
? Cette interrogation, nous l’avions posée le 21 juin 2014, au moment
où Erdogan était recu a l’Elysée. Il nous paraissait essentiel
que la justice francaise puisse interroger les services secrets,
ce qui en quelque sorte a été la cas le 4 septembre 2014, quand la
juge d’instruction, dans le cadre de ses attributions, a adressé une
requête en déclassification des documents émanant de la Direction
générale de la Sécurité intérieure (DGSI). En réponse, le
Ministre de l’intérieur a saisi le 3 décembre 2014 la Commission
consultative du Secret de la Défense nationale qui a émis, le 22
janvier 2015, un avis défavorable a la déclassification de deux
documents émanant de la DGSI et un avis partiellement favorable
a un ensemble d’une quarantaine de notes dont l’énumération
rend perplexe. Par exemple, seul le 3e paragraphe de la page 7 de
la note du 17 juin 1998, commencant par : ” le 10 mai 1998 ”,
soit 4 lignes, est déclassifié ; seul le passage de la note du 23
novembre 2001 commencant par ” Rujbin ” en page 3, soit 2 lignes,
est déclassifié ; de même seul le passage de la page 2 de la note
du 23 février 2011 commencant par ” Fidan DOGAN ”, soit 12 lignes,
est déclassifié. La magistrate n’aura a connaître que 7 lignes
écrites de la note du 22 juin 2004 consacrée a Sakine Cansiz, 17
lignes écrites de la page 4 de la note du 7 janvier 2013, consacrée
également a Sakine, soit 2 jours avant son assassinat. Il en va ainsi
pour plus d’un document sur deux. Nous n’en connaissons pas le contenu,
secret de l’instruction oblige, mais cette déclassification partielle
doit aiguiser la curiosité sur ce qui n’est pas déclassifié.

Les services secrets francais ont-ils déficients ? Il n’est pas sÔr
que les documents censurés puissent être une aide pour les magistrats
dans la recherche de la vérité. Affirmer sa confiance dans la justice
n’est pas suffisant. Faut-il encore que les moyens lui soient donnés.

André Métayer

Source/Lien : Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne

PUTIN AND SARGSYAN TO DISCUSS KARABAKH ISSUE IN YEREVAN ON APRIL 24

by Tatevik Shahunyan

Monday, March 30, 11:36

Presidents of Armenia and Russia, Serzh Sargsyan and Vladimir Putin
will meet on April 24 in Yerevan and discuss the Karabakh issue among
others, Leonid Slutsky, the head of the State Duma Committee for CIS,
Eurasian Integration and Compatriots, told reporters in Yerevan.

“The Karabakh conflict is a sensitive and delicate matter. The
negotiations are held within the OSCE Minsk Group format. There is
another format of trilateral negotiations between the presidents,”
Slutsky said recalling the August 2014 meeting of the Armenian,
Azerbaijani, and Russian presidents in Sochi wherein, as he said,
the settlement was discussed rather comprehensively.

Slutsky hopes for “symbolic steps” in the Karabakh peace process
within the coming months. He stressed the need for sooner settlement
of the conflict given the latest upsurge in tensions on the frontline.

JUDGES IN ARMENIA SHOULD FOCUS ON THE ABUSER, NOT BLAME THE VICTIM

03.30.2015 13:04 epress.am

In her article, titled “Unethical Questions of Judges to Domestic
Violence Victim,” founding director of “Women’s Support Center”
NGO Maro Matosian talks about the trial of domestic violence victim
Hasmik Khachatryan’s case.

– It has been noted many times that judges and lawyers in Armenia have
no training nor understanding of the specificity of domestic violence
cases, and this hinders, even more so, the outcome of the trials in
the detriment to the victim. This has been amply observed at the last
hearing in the case of Hasmik Khachatryan on March 17, 2015.

When a victim of DV is on trial, or even when a social worker or
a psychologist works with her, it is imperative that she is not
doubly victimized. Yet, the three judges, Ruzanna Barseghyan, Sergei
Chichyan, and Gagik Avetisyan, have asked the exact kind of questions
that victimized Hasmik once again, as if wanting to make her guilty
of not leaving an abusive relationship. Hasmik was repeatedly asked
by the judges: “Why didn’t you leave him earlier?”; “Did anyone tie
your hands forcing you to stay?”; “Did you want to stay in such a
relationship just for a piece of bread?”. Such questions are demeaning
and derogatory, not befitting of a judge.

For the past fifty years domestic violence has been researched
and studied by psychologists and social workers, and now those
knowledgeable in the field follow internationally approved methodology
in dealing with DV cases. Unfortunately, there has not been proper
training in Armenia for this field to be understood. So, why is it
wrong to ask such questions?

In a domestic violence situation, the reasons for women not to leave
the husband are manifold: fear, emotional and financial dependency,
economic reasons, no place to go or live, shame, fear or reprisals,
threats by husband to take away kids, to kill her or her family
members…no money to leave and no place to go.

Furthermore, a woman always hopes that her marriage could be saved,
and she tolerates the abuse year after year, in hope that things would
change. The abuser usually isolates the victim. In Hasmik’s case,
she was not allowed to do anything without the husband’s permission;
not even go to the doctor to treat her injuries. This isolation leaves
the victim with no place to turn for help.

Often, in Armenia women are tormented by what “people would say”, the
shame of leaving the husband – even an abusive one. The stigmas put
on her – that she neglects the children, that she is a loose woman –
can be devastating, even more so for women from the regions.

Studies around the globe have shown that abuse has the psychological
effects of trauma on a person. This leads to the person getting
depressed, having feelings of immobility, being unable of making
decisions or seeing a way out. As a coping mechanism, the victim
gets used to the abuse until their life or that of their children is
in danger. When Hasmik came to the “Women’s Support Center” she was
in a depressive state. Months of rehabilitation and psychological
counseling dissipated the effects of trauma caused by her husband.

In Armenia, only recently a shelter to women whose life is in danger
and centers where they are understood instead of being blamed has been
offered. That is what saved Hasmik’s life – having a place to go to
where the abuser, and not the victim, must take all the blame and
punishment for abusing another person. Why didn’t the judges ask:
“Was Sargis a good husband?”; “Did he ever work?”; “Was he taking
care of his family?”; “Was he a good father figure, having a mistress,
drinking and beating the mother of his children, exposing the children
to psychological trauma?” Why didn’t the judges focus on the abuser?

Who are they protecting? A man like Hasmik’s abuser, who cannot control
his violent behavior and is now in jail for attacking his own parents,
is obviously the person to carry the blame and not his victim, Hasmik.

Any person has the right to make their own decisions, to live a life
free of abuse and threats. Perhaps this article can enlighten the three
judges, Ruzanna Barseghyan, Sergei Chichyan, and Gagik Avetisyan, so
they may focus their attention on the abuser and not blame the victim,
who has already suffered enough physical and psychological damage.

AUSTRALIA NOT TO SEND OFFICIAL REPRESENTATIVE TO YEREVAN ON APRIL 24

13:57, 30.03.2015

Australia will not send an official representative for the
commemoration of the centennial anniversary of the Armenian Genocide
in Yerevan, SBS reported quoting the Department of Foreign Affairs
and Trade.

The Department refused to comment on the reasons for this decision
and on a question whether an official invitation had been received.

The Armenian National Committee of Australia’s Executive Director Vache
Kahramanian said it was “Ankara’s ongoing gag order on Australia on
the issue of the Armenian Genocide.”

“We’ve heard from many members of Parliament throughout the country
that Turkey continues to use Gallipoli and the centenary of Anzac
Day as a bargaining chip to ensure that Australia does not formally
recognise the Armenian genocide,” SBS quotes Kahramanian.

Armenia News – NEWS.am

ARMENIAN CAPTIVE TO “STAND TRIAL” IN AZERBAIJAN

16:44, 30.03.2015

Azerbaijan has conducted an “investigation” at a stunning speed into
the case involving Armenian captive soldier Arsen Baghdasaryan.

The preliminary trial of Baghdasaryan will be held by the Ganja Court
of Grave Crimes on April 7, reported APA news agency of Azerbaijan.

Within the framework of this hastily concocted case, Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic citizen Arsen Baghdasaryan was “charged” under the Azerbaijani
Criminal Code’s articles 218.2 (participation in criminal community),
29,120.2.1 (attempt to a deliberate murder by group of persons, on
preliminary arrangement by group of persons, by organized group or
criminal community), 29,120.2.7 (attempt to a deliberate murder of two
or more persons), 29,120.2.12 (attempt to a deliberate murder on motive
of national, racial, religious hatred or enmity), 29,282.2 (attempt to
commitment of explosion, arson or other actions directed on destruction
or damage of enterprises, constructions, means of communication, means
of message and communication, objects of life-support of a population
with a view of undermining defensibility and economic safety of the
Azerbaijan Republic), and he was sentenced to pretrial detention.

To note, the case of Arsen Baghdasaryan is a vivid illustration of
Azerbaijan’s violation of international human rights. The Azerbaijani
authorities had not permitted the International Committee of the Red
Cross representatives to see him for 1.5 months since his capture.

Baghdasaryan was taken into Azerbaijan captivity on December 26 of
the year past.

PUTIN’S FINAL MESSAGE TO ARMENIAN PEOPLE

Lragir.am
Politics – 30 March 2015, 14:51

On these days the delegation of the Russian Duma Committee for
CIS Countries, Eurasian Integration and Relations with Compatriots
attending the joint meeting with the Armenian Standing Committee of
Foreign Relations visited the 102nd base of Gyumri and the graves of
the Avetisyan family.

The head of the Russian Duma Committee Leonid Slutsky commented on the
case of murder of the Avetisyan family and made an almost sensational
statement. He said that the Russian Investigative Committee is closely
working with the Armenian Investigative Committee, and there is certain
progress in the investigation. According to him, the trial will be
in the territory of Armenia, in the 102nd military base in Gyumri,
as requested by the Armenian side.

In fact, the Armenian side has requested to hold the trial in Armenia
and the Russians “have agreed”, and it will be in the premises of the
military base. It is known that the military base is the territory of
Russia, hence for the time being nobody has been granted access there.

In other words, the trial is going to be closed.

Oleg Lebedev, Slutsky’s deputy, said Valery Permyakov’s case is
under the Russian president’s personal supervision. Speaking about
the issue of handing Permyakov to the Armenian side, he said control
is more important. “This case is controlled, and not only by the
parliamentary and joint parliamentary committees but also the Russian
president. The Investigative Committee updates the president once in
three days about the process of the case,” he said.

In fact, the delegation of the Russian Duma has brought Putin’s
official message to Armenia which is Permyakov will not be handed to
the Armenian side, and the trial will be held in the premises of the
base, not in Russia as a “compromise”.

Besides, the commander of the base Ruzinsky has been dismissed and
other high-ranking officers underwent disciplinary measures to “soothe”
the Armenian side.

Instead, a few days ago the Armenian government generously gave away
a piece of Gyumri to the Russian base. Apparently, in return for the
“request of the Armenian side” to try Permyakov in the military base.

Sports Mole
March 29 2015

Result: Shkelzen Gashi heads Albania to 2-1 win over Armenia

Armenia rue a red card for Hovhannes Hambardzumyan as they slump to
2-1 defeat at Albania.
By Charlie Bennett, Reporter

Shkelzen Gashi’s header has given Albania a crucial 2-1 victory at
home to Armenia in Group I of the Euro 2016 qualification tables.

Armenia stunned the home side when they took the lead in the fifth
minute, as Henrikh Mkhitaryan’s cross was diverted into his own goal
by Mergim Mavraj.

The visitors almost doubled their advantage shortly after, but Artur
Yedigaryan’s long-range effort grazed the post.

It took a while for Albania to wake up but when they did, they really
threatened. Sokol Cikalleshi struck the post with a left footed shot,
before Lorik Cana missed a header from a few yards out.

In the second half Armenia were reduced to ten men when Hovhannes
Hambardzumyan was shown a second yellow card, and Albania capitalised
as Mavraj powered in a header from a corner, before Gashi’s header
secured the win.

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
March 29 2015

The concept of the Armenian state must be different from that of the diaspora

28 March 2015 – 6:18pm

Interview with Denis Maksimov, especially for Vestnik Kavkaza

On the eve of the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide in the
Ottoman Empire, the central themes being discussed in the political
and expert circles of Armenia are the national, state and
international aspects of the genocide. The debate around the recent
statements by the first president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, occupies a
special place. The ex-President expressed concern about the content
commissioned by the authorities of the Pan-Armenian Declaration and
pointed to the need for the publication of this document.
Ter-Petrosyan said that Armenia should not make international
recognition of the “genocide” the cornerstone of its foreign policy
and should not confront Turkey with demands for recognition of
“genocide”, seeing it as an internal affair of the latter. Political
scientist Arman Gevorgyan answered the questions of Vestnik Kavkaza
regarding the position of Ter-Petrosyan and the position of the
authorities.

– How can the approach of the first president on the genocide issue
generally be described?

– To understand the position of Levon Ter-Petrosyan, you need to
understand the philosophy of the authors of the declaration, which
proceed from the necessity of worldwide recognition of the genocide,
including the recognition of the genocide in Ankara, Turkey, on the
basis of which the lost territories must be returned to the Armenians
and to compensate the descendants of the victims of genocide for
property damage. This view prevails in the Diaspora, and it’s
conventionally called the diaspora concept. Actually, in the
declaration the approaches of ARF Dashnaktsutyun (ARF) are reflected,
which is a kind of supporter and conductor of the Diaspora’s concept.
But the concept of the state in this matter, according to the first
president, should be different from that of the Diaspora.

Another point of view, which is reflected in the Declaration of
Independence of Armenia (DND) adopted on August 23rd 1991, should be
recalled. The vision set out at the bottom was adopted after a long
discourse in parliament by the first legislature. According to the
logic of the bottom of the text, Armenia, as a state which condemns
genocide and supports the demands of the Armenian Diaspora (formed as
a result of the genocide) of international recognition of the crime.
However, the issue of international recognition of this fact, as well
as the requirement for Turkey to recognize the genocide, are not part
of public policy. The bilateral format provides for the establishment
of relations without any precondition

– What threats does the Pan-Armenian declaration hold?

– It is a question of the security of Armenia. The contracts that
define the borders of Armenia today were concluded in the early 1920s.
According to these documents, Armenia has lost a significant part of
its historical territory. Turkey recognizes these borders. At the OSCE
summit in Istanbul in December 1999, the second president Robert
Kocharyan signed the final document, which includes a clause stating
that Armenia has no territorial claims against any state. Thus, the
adoption on the 100th anniversary of the genocide of the Pan-Armenian
declaration contradicts a number of international commitments of
Armenia, as well as the Declaration of Independence as a fundamental
public document.

The Republic of Armenia has always insisted on the right of nations to
self-determination, but never before has it had territorial claims.
Due to the Pan-Armenian Declaration, Armenia became a country that has
territorial claims. Accordingly, the state to which these requirements
are addressed may, according to a number of international documents,
including the contracts defining the borders of Armenia, put
international diplomatic pressure on Armenia. This will create
problems for Armenia in foreign policy and security.

– How would you describe the position of the world’s political
centers, primarily the United States, on Armenian-Turkish relations?
It is known that the negotiations between the Armenian and Turkish
sides were closed due to the interference of the US mediatiors.

– Yes, indeed, since the beginning of the 2000s American diplomacy has
actively led the negotiation process, beginning at the expert level
(in particular, we are talking about the Turkish-Armenian
Reconciliation Commission), then at government level. Then, in the
framework of these initiatives followed by “football diplomacy” and
the signing in October 2009 of the Armenian-Turkish protocols. But US
diplomacy has failed. The main mistake of the American intermediaries
was that they tried to combine two completely different processes:
reconciliation and normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations. The
first involves a very complicated and long process that can last for
decades, and the second is a state legal process. Mixing these two
processes up has led to useless documents being signed by the Parties.
New negotiations and new protocols are needed.

– Does the ruling Republican Party of Armenia (RPA) not see any
threats in some of the approaches set out in the Pan-Armenian
Declaration?

– The RPA acts according to the ideological doctrine of the party,
which is much more rigid than the ARF party’s doctrine. At least in
the Republican Party’s initial doctrine there was an item on the
revision of the treaties.

– Why do the Armenian authorities suddenly need to change approaches
in foreign policy, as set out in the basic public document – the
Declaration of Independence of 1991?

– In order to implement its main project – the reproduction of power
through constitutional reforms – President Serzh Sargsyan needs
political allies, in this case we are talking about the ARF. The
Declaration was adopted in the interests of the ARF party, which holds
its political line.

The President is trying to solve the problem of his faltering
reputation in the Diaspora. Because in the minutes there was a clause
about the establishment of a joint commission of historians to study
the events of the last century. In fact, these were the Turkish
preconditions which were agreed by the Yerevan authorities in 2009,
and it has caused a huge wave of indignation in the Diaspora. The
birth of the Pan-Armenian Declaration was the result of internal
processes. The Declaration, which bears the signature of the
president, has no serious political force. There is no guarantee that
future Armenian authorities will stick to the policy approaches set
out in the Declaration. The concept of the Armenian state should be
different from the concept of the Diaspora.