Thousands spend night in temporary accommodation after Italy quake

Photo: AP

 

Thousands of people in central Italy have spent the night in cars, tents and temporary accommodation following the fourth earthquake in the area in three months, the BBC reports.

The 6.6-magnitude quake – Italy’s strongest in decades – struck close to the region where nearly 300 people were killed by a quake in August.

This time no-one appears to have died, but about 20 people were injured.

Powerful aftershocks are still bringing down masonry.

In the town of Norcia, in the Perugia region, close to the epicentre of Sunday morning’s earthquake, some locals have decided to stay in their homes.

Others spent the night in tents pitched near the town or have taken up the authorities’ offer of shelter on the Adriatic Coast.

Armenian Foreign Minister meets with French lawmakers

Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalabndian had a meeting with members of the France-Armenia Parliamentary Friendship Group at the French National Assembly.

During the meeting reference was made to the joint efforts towards reinforcement of Armenian-French ties and the joint programs. In this context, the parties emphasized the importance of parliamentary cooperation.

Minister Nalbandian briefed the lawmakers on the efforts of Armenia and the OSCE Minsk Group Co-chairs aimed a furthering the process of settlement of the Karabakh conflict.

The Foreign Minister informed the French MPs about the ongoing reforms in Armenia.

The interlocutors referred to a number of urgent regional issues and the ways of their resolution.

Robert Fisk: A beautiful mosque and the dark period of the Armenian genocide

By Robert Fisk

The ‘Liberation’ Mosque is a fine, neo-classical, almost Gothic construction with striped black-and-white stone banding, unusual for a Muslim holy place but a jewel in the Tepebasi district of the old town of Gaziantep. Its stone carvings and mock Grecian columns beside the window frames are a credit to another, gentler age. The minarets perch delicately – and I had never seen this before – on square towers that might have been church towers had there been Christians in this ancient city.

But of course, there were. What no-one will tell you in Gaziantep, what no guidebook mentions, what no tourist guide will refer to, is that this very building – whose 19th century builders were none other than the nephews of the official architect of Sultan Abdulhamid II – was the Holy Mother of God cathedral for at least 20,000 Christian Armenians who were victims of the greatest war crime of the 1914-18 war: the Armenian genocide. They were deported by the Ottoman Turks from this lovely city, which had been their families’ home for hundreds of years, to be executed into common graves. The murderers were both Turks and Kurds.

Altogether, up to 32,000 Armenians – almost the entire Christian population of 36,000 of what was then called Antep – were deported towards the Syrian cities of Hama, Homs, Selimiyeh, to the Hauran and to Deir Ezzor in 1915. The Muslim citizens of Aintep then apparently plundered the empty homes of those they had dispossessed, seizing not only their property but the treasures of the cathedral church itself. Indeed, the church, ‘Surp Asdvazdadzin Kilisesi’ in Armenian, was turned into a warehouse – as were many Jewish synagogues in Nazi Germany and in Nazi-occupied eastern Europe during the Second World War – and then into a prison.

Prowling around the church-mosque enclosure, I found some of the prison bars still attached to the window frames, although the building has been functioning as a mosque since 1986. The main gate was closed but I pushed it open and found not only that the structure of the magnificent building is still intact but that scaffolding has been placed against the walls for a renovation. Behind the church – and separate from the building – was an ancient stone cave whose interior was blackened with what must have been the smoke of candle flames from another era, perhaps a worshipping place because the cave appears to have been a tomb in antiquity. The caretaker came fussing up to us to tell us that the mosque was shut, that we must leave, that this was a closed place. But he was a friendly soul and let us take pictures of the great façade of the church and of the minarets.

The only sign of its origin is the date “1892” carved in stone on the east façade of the original church, marking the final completion of the work of the great Armenian architect Sarkis Balian – he was the official architect of the 19th century Sultan Abdulhamid II, a terrible irony since Abdulhamid himself began the first round of Armenian massacres of 80,000 Christians (the figure might be 300,000) in Ottoman Turkey just two years after the Armenian stonemason Sarkis Tascian carved the date on the façade. In the later 1915 Armenian Holocaust – even Israelis use this word for the Armenian genocide – a million and a half Armenians were slaughtered by the Turks. It is a shock to realize that Aintep’s vast toll of dead were only a small fraction of this terrifying war crime.

Outside the church, I found an elderly Syrian refugee sitting on the pavement by the closed gate. He greeted us in Arabic and said that, yes, he knew this was once a church. Just over a century ago, the Arabs of northern Syria – the land now occupied by Isis – were among the only friends the Armenians found in the vast deserts into which they were sent to die. Some took Armenian children into their homes. Others married Armenian women – the degree of coercion involved in this ‘charitable’ act depends on the teller — although more than twenty years ago I met a Syrian man and his ‘converted’ Armenian wife near Deir Ezzor, both around a hundred years old and both of whom has lost count of their great-great-grandchildren.

A Turkish man in a shop below the cathedral was less generous. Yes, it had been a church, he said. But when I asked him if it had been an Armenian church, he chuckled – dare I call it a smirk? — and looked at me, and said nothing. I suppose a kind of guilt hangs over a place like this. So it is a happy thought that some Armenian families have in recent years – as tourists, of course – visited the city that was once Antep and have spoken with warmth to members of Turkey’s leftist parties and celebrated the work of American missionaries who cared for both the Armenian and Turkish Muslim population here before 1915. One Armenian identified his old family home and the Turkish family who lived there invited him in and insisted that he should stay with them and not in a hotel. For this was also his home, they said.

But tears of compassion do not dry up the truth. For when the First World War ended, Allied troops marched into Antep. First came the British, led by the execrable Sir Mark Sykes – of Sykes-Picot infamy – and then the French in October 1919, who brought with them, alas, elements of the Armenian volunteers who had joined their ‘Legion d’Orient’ in Port Said. The Muslim elites who had taken over the town – and the Armenian homes and properties – feared the newcomers would demand restitution. Fighting broke out between Muslims and the French and their Armenian allies and the Muslims discovered a new-found enthusiasm for the independence struggle of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Thus began the false history of the city.

Perhaps the greatest font of knowledge on this period is a young Harvard scholar, Umit Kurt, of Kurdish-Arab origin, who was born in modern-day Gaziantep. Mr Kurt is now an academic at Harvard’s Center for Middle East Studies and wrote his doctoral dissertation on the Armenians of Antep from the 1890s with a special focus – this is the important bit for readers – on property transfers, confiscation, deportation and massacres. Mr Kurt’s conclusion is bleak.

“The famous battle of Aintab [sic] against the French,” he says, “…seems to have been as much the organised struggle of a group of genocide profiteers seeking to hold onto their loot as it was a fight against an occupying force. The resistance…sought to make it impossible for the Armenian repatriates to remain in their native towns, terrorising them [again] in order to make them flee. In short, not only did the local…landowners, industrialists and civil-military bureaucratic elites lead to the resistance movement, but they also financed it in order to cleanse Aintab of Armenians.”

They were successful. The French abandoned Antep in December 1919 and the Armenian volunteers fled with them. The new Turkish state awarded the Muslim fighters of the city with the honourific Turkish prefix ‘Gazi’ – “veterans” – and thus Antep became Gaziantep and the great church of old Sarkis Balian would eventually be renamed the ‘Liberation Mosque’ – “Kurtulus Cami” – to mark the same dubious victory over the French and Armenians, the latter being defamed as killers by those who had sent the Armenians of the city to their doom in 1915.

Not much justice there. Nor in the official Turkish version of that terrible history of the Armenian Holocaust in which – this is the least the Turkish government will concede – Armenians died ‘tragically’ in the chaos of the First World War, as did Muslims themselves. German military advisers witnessed the genocide. Hitler was later to ask his generals, before the invasion of Poland and the destruction of its Jews, who now, in 1939, remembered the Armenians. The official Turkish account of the fate of Gaziantep’s original Armenians refers to their “relocation” – a word used by the Nazis when they sent the Jews to their extermination in eastern Europe.

No, we shouldn’t contaminate the Turks of modern Turkey with the crimes of their grandfathers. Umir Kurt wrote his dissertation for the brilliant and brave Turkish historian Taner Akcam, whose work on the Armenian genocide has revolutionised historical scholarship in Turkey. Last year, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan deliberately moved the date of the 1915 Gallipoli commemorations to the very day of the anniversary of the start of the Armenian genocide in an attempt to smother any memory of the crime – but the government allowed Armenians to parade through Istanbul in honour of their 1915 dead. Yet if the historical narrative from the 20th century’s first holocaust to its second holocaust is valid, then the path upon which the first doomed Armenians of Antep set out in their convoy of deportation on 1st August 1915 led all the way to Auschwitz. The ‘Liberation’ Mosque is a milestone on the journey.

25th anniversary of Armenia’s independence celebrated in Syria

The 25th anniversary of Armenia’s independence was celebrated in Damascus on September 21.

Syrian Minister of Agriculture and Agrarian Reforms Ahmad al-Qadiri was a guest of honor at the reception hosted by the Armenian Embassy.

Attending the event were Grand Mufti of Syria Sheikh Ahmad Badreddin Hassoun, Adviser to the President Bouthaina Shaaban, Minister of Tourism  Bishr Yazigi, Electricity Minister  Mohammad Zuhair Kharboutli, representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, lawmakers, political and public figures, religious leaders, members of the Armenian community.

Addressing the guests, Armenian Ambassador Arshak Poladyan refered to the path Armenia has covered during the 25 years of independence and the Armenian-Syrian relations. The Ambassador  presented the priorities of Armenia’s foreign policy and wished peace and stability to the people of Syria.

A number of political and public figures, representatives of the Armenian community were handed awards and certificates of gratitude of the Armenian Ministry of Diaspora and the Armenian Embassy in Syria for their contribution to the reinforcement of bilateral relations between Armenia and Syria.

Robert Fulford: Turkey’s genocidal shame

By Robert Fulford

A question Adolf Hitler once asked still haunts the history of political atrocities: “Who remembers the Armenians today?”

He was confident that in a few years no one would care that he killed a multitude of Jews. After all, the Ottoman Empire and its successor state, Turkey, murdered more than a million Armenians, beginning in 1915. Less than three decades later, Hitler believed that crime was already forgotten.

In fact, much of the world ignored the Armenian tragedy as it was occurring. The First World War seemed more important than fragmentary news from remote Anatolia. But ever since, Armenians around the world have done their best to recall what happened. Every April 24 they commemorate the day in 1915 when the Turkish government began the genocide by arresting 200 Armenian community leaders in Istanbul. They were imprisoned and in most cases executed.

Armenians particularly want governments to acknowledge what happened as genocide, the conscious attempt to obliterate an ethnic group. The government of Turkey is just as anxious to deny that genocide occurred. The official story is that the people involved were deportees, leaving Turkey by foot, under harsh circumstances. That would explain the deaths.

Within Turkey it’s forbidden to name this a genocide. Orhan Pamuk, Turkey’s winner of the Nobel prize in literature, was prosecuted for “insulting Turkishness” by referring to the killings in an interview with a Swiss magazine. Protests from around the world got Pamuk’s case dismissed. But there are still Turks who believe Pamuk expressed anti-Turkish opinions just to promote his career.

This decades-old dispute has taken an interesting turn with the appearance of the first ambitious and expensive movie about the genocide, The Promise. It’s a U.S.-Spain co-production recently given its world première at the Toronto International Film Festival. The director, Terry George, who had a success with Hotel Rwanda, embraces the story as told by most Armenians and most historians. He depicts masses of Armenians of all ages trying to escape Turkish rule, travelling across deserts and mountains as Turkish soldiers harass and shoot them. These sections of the film are convincing and moving.

But there’s also a wearying romantic triangle involving Michael (Oscar Isaac), a medical student, Chris, a U.S. journalist sympathetic to Armenians (Christian Bale) and the woman they both love, Ana (Charlotte Le Bon), a painter. This badly over-written, too-familiar tale takes up much of the film’s foreground.

The Promise does not attempt to explain why the Turks hated Armenians. Turks were Muslims, Armenians were Christians, both living under Ottoman rule. The Armenians tended to be better educated and more prosperous, creating envy.

They were also said to be close to their neighbours, the Russians, and Turks suspected them of treason. In the First World War, Turkey sided with Germany and the Austro-Hungarian empire while Russia was allied with Britain and France. Turkey justified the forced deportation of the Armenians as a “wartime measure of military security.” Armenians were also victims of the passionate nationalism of Turkey. The cause of independence brought with it a desire to “Turkify” the new nation-state.

If the genocide was little noticed by the world, it was recorded by many witnesses. Henry Morgenthau, American ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, described it as “a campaign of race extermination” in a 1915 telegram to Washington. In his memoirs he wrote, “When the Turkish authorities gave the orders for these deportations, they were merely giving the death warrant to a whole race. In their conversations with me, they made no particular attempt to conceal the fact.”

In forcing the victims to reach its border, Turkey made no provisions for them. They were allowed only what they could carry. Starvation killed many. There were many massacres. Those Armenians not shot were reduced to a famished mass. Having inhabited the Armenian highlands for 3,000 years, survivors eventually settled in about two dozen countries around the world. Those who eluded deportation formed a small enclave, Russian Armenia. By late 1920, the Soviet Army arrived and their region became the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. Freed finally by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the current Republic of Armenia appeared.

Today Armenians remain intent on getting more countries to recognize the genocide — so far 28 have done so. Recognition passed Canada’s parliament in 2004, after vigorous lobbying by Sarkis Assadourian, an Armenian-Canadian Liberal MP from Toronto — and over objections from the Turkish ambassador in Ottawa. He said Canada would suffer because Turkey would not buy Candu reactors or Canadian-made trains.

This year, Germany infuriated Turkey for a special reason. In June the Bundestag passed a resolution labelling the event a genocide, causing Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, to recall his ambassador. Worse, for Turkey, 11 Bundestag members who voted for the resolution had a Turkish background. Several received death threats. Erdogan attacked them by suggesting they take blood tests to see “what kind of Turks they are.”

Erdogan loses most of these battles, despite his skills in diplomacy. He lost conceivably the biggest one, with Pope Francis. The pope has publicly used the word genocide in connection with the Armenians and says he has always done so.

Cher promotes “The Promise,” praises Kirk Kerkorian

In a tweet to her 3,000,000+ followers, Cher (Cherilyn Sarkisian) welcomes  “The Promise” – this epic human drama, a compelling, must-see film, set against the Armenian Genocide, and starring Christian Bale and Oscar Isaac.

She graciously thanks the late/great Kirk Kerkorian for making this movie possible.

Ruling party leads Russia poll with 54.21%

Photo: Vladimir Smirnov/TASS

The ruling United Russia party won 54.21% of the votes in Sunday’s parliamentary elections with 90% of the ballots counted, the Central Election Commission said on Monday, TASS reports.

The Communist Party comes second with 13.53% of the votes, and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR) is in the third place with 13.28% of the votes. A Just Russian party gained 6.19% of the votes.

No other party has overcome the 5% threshold for entry into the parliament by party tickets.

Russia’s Communists party is at the fifth place with 2.35% of votes, followed by Yabloko (1.86%), the Russian Party of Pensioners for Justice (1.75%), Rodina (1.44%), the Party of Growth (1.18%), the Green party (0.74%), Parnas (0.70%), Russia’s Patriots (0.58%), Civil Platform (0.22%). The Civil Power party is at the last place with 0.14% of votes.

The United Russia party also leads in 203 out of 206 one-seat constituencies.

The voter turnout at the elections to the State Duma was 47.94%.

Elections to the State Duma, Russia’s lower house of Parliament, were held on September 18 in a split system: 225 members of parliament were elected by party tickets, while the other 225 were elected in one-seat constituencies. More than 111 million people were eligible to vote in the election and no minimal turnout was required.

Kazakhstan’s prime minister named security boss in reshuffle

Photo: Yekaterina Shtukina/Russian government's press service/TASS

Kazakh Prime Minister Karim Masimov was appointed chairman of the state security service on Thursday by President Nursultan Nazarbayev, Reuters reports.

No new cabinet head was named. Deputy Prime Minister Bakytzhan Sagintayev will serve as acting prime minister, according to the order published by Nazarbayev’s office.

Under the constitution, Nazarbayev will now need to propose a new prime minister to the lower house of parliament, which is dominated by his supporters.

Masimov has run the government since April 2014, his second stint as prime minister after heading the cabinet in 2007-2012.

Apple launches iPhone 7 and 7 Plus

Apple has officially announced the iPhone 7 and iPhone 7 Plus. The new iPhone features a design that’s very similar to last year’s iPhone 6S (and the year prior’s iPhone 6), with a rounded aluminum body, according to The Verge.

But what’s entirely new is the phone’s water resistance, which means you can get the iPhone 7 or the larger iPhone 7 Plus wet without worry. Also new is the long-rumored dual camera system, stereo speakers, and a darker black color scheme. And, as expected, the iPhone 7 does not have a headphone jack, rendering countless 3.5mm headphones useless with the device (or requiring the use of an adapter).

The new phone may look very similar to last year’s models, but instead of the matte metal finish we’ve become used to, it has a glossy, mirrored design. The new color is called jet black and is much darker and richer than the space black of years past. Apple is also releasing a standard black model, along with gold, silver, and rose gold.

Apple has redesigned the iconic home button for the iPhone 7, making it force sensitive like the Force Touch trackpads used in recent MacBook laptops. The phone has also gained the Taptic Engine haptic feedback system from the Apple Watch, which provides different vibration feedback for various alerts.