CSTO to intervene if Armenia gets attacked, affirms Secretary General of 6-nation security bloc

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 17:59, 8 October, 2020

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 8, ARMENPRESS. The Collective Security Treaty Organization, which Armenia is a member of, will provide Armenia with military assistance in case of a real threat to the country’s territorial integrity, the 6-member security bloc’s Secretary General Stanislav Zas said.

“When real threats are created for any CSTO member country’s security, stability, sovereignty and territorial integrity, then this country is entitled to apply to the CSTO, the inter-state, including emergency consultations mechanisms are activated and the necessary help or assistance is provided to that country in accordance to its request,” he said.

He said the other situation for it to intervene is an aggression, that is a military attack. Zas said an aggression on one member state of the CSTO is considered to be an attack on all members, and in this case based on the application of the country that is under attack the CSTO is providing any kind of assistance, including military.

“In such cases the CSTO response regime is initiated,” he said.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Turkey expects Azerbaijan to ‘liberate its territories’ in Karabakh, says Erdogan

TASS, Russia
Oct 3 2020
Meanwhile, the Turkish President tied the escalation in Nagorno-Karabakh to the situation in the Eastern Mediterranean and in Syria

ANKARA, October 2. /TASS/. Turkey expects Azerbaijan to "liberate its territories" in Nagorno-Karabakh, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said Friday.

"We support the friendly and fraternal Azerbaijan in every way possible and we will continue to do it. This struggle will continue until Karabakh is liberated from occupation," the Turkish leader said, according to NTV.

Meanwhile, the Turkish President tied the escalation in Nagorno-Karabakh to the situation in the Eastern Mediterranean and in Syria.

"If we connect the crises in the Caucasus, in Syria and in the Mediterranean, you will see that this is an attempt to surround Turkey," Erdogan said.

Renewed clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia erupted on September 27, with intense battles raging in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh. The area experienced flare-ups of violence in the summer of 2014, in April 2016 and this past July. Azerbaijan and Armenia have imposed martial law and launched mobilization efforts. Both parties to the conflict have reported casualties, among them civilians.


Azeri official: Military using Israeli-made drones in war with Armenia

Israel Hayom
Oct 1 2020


The Azeri military has been using Israeli-made drones in its military campaign against Armenia, Hikmet Hajiyev an aide to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, told Walla News on Wednesday.

"If the Armenians are afraid of these drones they should stop the occupation," Hajiyev was quoted as saying, referring to a geographical area where intense battles are taking place.

Fighting has erupted between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces in recent days in the separatist region of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Dozens of troops have reportedly been killed on both sides as the UN Security Council held an emergency meeting on Tuesday and called the warring countries to reach a ceasefire.

"We appreciate very much the cooperation with Israel – especially the security cooperation," the aide said. "The goal is to strengthen the defensive capabilities of Azerbaijan. We are in a state of defense and this technology allows Azerbaijan the ability to protect the security of its citizens."

Israel has thus far refrained from publicly commenting on the uptick of violence between the two Eurasian countries. A strategic-defensive collaboration between Jerusalem and Baku was signed in 2016, as estimates in the media say that Israel supplies more than 60% of the Azeri military's weapons.

This article was first published by i24NEWS.


Do clashes between Armenia and Azerbaijan matter to Israel? – analysis

Jerusalem post
Sept 29 2020
 
 
 
With new peace deals in the Gulf and discussions about what countries might be next to recognize Israel, the Caucuses seem far away.
 
By SETH J. FRANTZMAN   SEPTEMBER 29, 2020 15:54
 
In recent months, there have been increasing tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan. In general, these tensions have appeared peripheral to Israel’s concerns.
With new peace deals in the Gulf and discussions about what countries might be next to recognize Israel, the Caucasus seems far away. However, it would be a mistake to think that this brewing conflict is not of great concern to Israel, because of wider strategic ramifications and the Israeli relationship with the countries involved. This is particularly true because the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict is potentially a crossroads for Turkey, Russia and Iran and their rising roles in the Middle East.
 
 Israel and Azerbaijan have had close connections for many years. One of Israel’s most talented diplomats, George Deek, is Israel’s new ambassador to Azerbaijan. In addition, there is trade with Baku, including defense trade.
Azerbaijan is a Muslim country and it has been one of the most open to Israel and genuinely interested in wider and warmer relations over the years.
However, those relations are complex. Israel has no historical interest in the conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan. This is similar to Israel’s view of the conflict in eastern Ukraine between Russia and Ukraine.
In both instances, there are separatist or breakaway areas, disputed areas such as Crimea and Nagorno-Karabakh, and ancient Jewish connections.
However, these conflicts have roots generally in the Soviet era, when borders were drawn and redrawn. Israel prefers positive relations with Ukraine and Russia, as well as with Armenia and Azerbaijan.
 
Yet, larger countries like Russia that have a role in Syria are of greater long-term importance on issues relating to the Middle East. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has generally been good at navigating these complexities, meeting with both sides.
WHEN IT comes to Azerbaijan, the frequency of important visits has sketched out the importance that the relationship has to both sides.
Azerbaijan’s foreign minister came to Israel in 2013 and its defense minister came in 2017. Israel’s then foreign minister, Avigdor Liberman, went to Azerbaijan in 2018; Netanyahu was in Baku in 2016.
In 2017, then regional cooperation minister Tzachi Hanegbi went to Armenia and its foreign minister came to Israel. Armenia said it would open an embassy in Israel in 2019.
The conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan is ostensibly over a disputed area claimed by both sides, a self-declared Armenian republic in Nagorno-Karabakh, similar to the republics in Donbass that were declared after the conflict in 2014.
It is also similar to the republics like South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which are largely unrecognized. The Nagorno-Karabakh republic of Artsakh was declared in 1991.
In some ways, this conflict is a frozen version of the problems inherent in the new world order of the 1990s, when many countries were fighting over old colonial and Cold War boundaries and many new states were declared but left unrecognized.
The same is true of Somaliland, for instance, which should be a recognized state but is forcibly tethered to the failures in Mogadishu.
REGARDLESS OF the problems of history, the current issue on the ground is clear. A rising Azerbaijan would like to show its strength in the face of continued clashes with Armenia or “Armenian-backed separatists.” Azerbaijan has increased investment – and it has new support from Ankara.
The issue for Israel is that Turkey is one of the most hostile states to it in the Middle East. Turkey and Iran compete to be the most anti-Israel, largely because of Turkey’s current ruling party, which is riding a wave of nationalism and militarism designed to distract from economic problems at home.
Turkey wants to sell military equipment, such as drones, to show off its potential. Iran also wants to play a role.
Iran sent forces to participate in Caucasus 2020 military drills earlier this month alongside Russia, Armenia, Myanmar, Pakistan and China.
This appears to show that Armenia, Iran and Russia are closer allies, even though Iran and Azerbaijan want to boost trade ties. Ankara would like to increase its role with Baku.
That potentially could supplant or harm Israel’s relations there depending on how Ankara’s efforts play out. For instance, in the past Israel has sold drones to Azerbaijan.
Earlier this year, it was reported that Israel’s Elbit Systems had sold the SkyStriker drone to Azerbaijan. Turkey would like to offer its Bayraktar and other drones to Baku as well. Is this competition, or could the different capabilities of Israel and Turkey mesh well?
Turkey’s drone industry is a recent phenomenon, whereas Israel has historically been one of the leaders in the field. Turkey once even acquired Israel’s Heron drones.
It’s possible that everyone could work together well in this third country. But given Ankara’s anger over Israeli peace deals with the UAE and Bahrain, it appears that Turkey’s overall regional worldview is to try to isolate the Jewish state. This would indicate that Ankara’s push for more militarization of the Caucasus may not bode well for Jerusalem.
The wider regional issue is important. Israel has good relations with Russia, which supports Armenia. Israel has very bad relations with Iran, which also supports Armenia.
Israel has good relations with Azerbaijan but bad relations with Turkey, and Turkey supports Azerbaijan. That means that with all this complexity there is no clarity on what a wider conflict could mean for Israel.
Israel has no direct role in the outcome of the conflict, but like every conflict in the Middle East, even when Israel has no connection, the wider ramifications will eventually affect the Jewish state. This is true whether they be tensions in the eastern Mediterranean or in northern Iraq, Yemen, Libya and Syria.
This is because, as the US withdraws from its historical hegemonic role in the Middle East, the regional powers such as Turkey, Iran and Israel will inevitably have a larger role.
 
 
 

Spain Calls for Ceasefire Between Armenia and Azerbaijan

US News
Sept 28 2020

Her comments come after 21 people were killed earlier on Monday during a second day of heavy clashes over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

(Reporting by Inti Landauro and Nathan Allen)

U.S. lawmakers call on Library of Congress to adopt Armenian Genocide subject heading

Public Radio of Armenia
Sept 25 2020

Armenia FM: We cannot be indifferent to the many developments in the Middle East

News.am, Armenia
Sept 20 2020

14:55, 20.09.2020
                  

Armenia 2nd President’s defense issues statement

News.am, Armenia
Sept 15 2020
Armenia 2nd President's defense issues statement Armenia 2nd President's defense issues statement

21:23, 15.09.2020
                  

Most of Armenia’s Independence Day celebrations will take place at online platform

 

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 17:55,

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 15, ARMENPRESS. Most of the events dedicated to the 29th anniversary of Armenia’s Independence will be held online and will be shown on TV because of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19).

On September 21 festive programs will be broadcast on the First Channel, Armen Khachatryan, head of the department of Information and Public Relations at the PM’s administration, told Armenpress.

“There will be numerous interesting archival videos, warm greetings by soldiers serving in the Army and performance by musicians in the beautiful sites of the country, and the annual award ceremony Hero of Our Times will take place in the Zvartnots historical-cultural museum-reserve. It will be held by keeping all anti-coronavirus rules”, he said.

On September 21, 2020, Armenia will celebrate the 29th anniversary of its Independence.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Turkish press: Naming the ‘Untitled’: The concept art of Sarkis

An exhibition view

In his ninth decade, Sarkis is still on fire. Born of the ashes that provoke nostalgia among his multigenerational kith of old Istanbul, he is, excuse the cliches, a living legend of Duchamp-like grandmaster status, particularly among art world aficionados. For his most recent opening at Dirimart on Sept. 10, titled “Untitled,” he zoomed in for a call with fellow culturati from Paris, delighting collegial curators, publishers and intellectual comrades of all stripes from that city of luminaries where he has lived and belonged to since the 1960s.

Digital patchworks of scannable QR codes are placed at each end of the expansive main gallery floor inside Dirimart, a decidedly commercial outfit earnestly affirming Turkey as integral to the critical establishment of art and the development of its international canon. Situated amid the bustling din of the Dolapdere quarter in Beyoğlu district, the socioeconomic diversity of the overburdened, urban environment contrasts with unequivocal contemporary visions of newly curated art alongside the inner-city freeway’s growing cultural ecology, shared with Evliyagil, Arter and Pilevneli galleries.

A work by Sarkis at "Untitled." (Courtesy of Dirimart)

Not weighed by history, as the local communities appear to be, so many low-income migrants and minorities who endure various manual labor in the surrounding neighborhoods, Sarkis places an everlasting, however virtual, flame within the palms of his venturesome seers. To forego the risks of an ongoing global pandemic that has claimed nearly a million lives and to bear witness to the life of objects and experience firsthand with its spatial dimension, a person essentially takes their life in their hands.

But as the trickster that he is, Sarkis turned assumptions around and has, in place of a purely palpable and immediate course of sense perception, reproduced computer simulation, only site-specifically, as an image beheld within an image, perhaps analogous to the idea of a dream within a dream.

As a concept artist whose primary medium could be said to be that of the installation, Sarkis has made a career out of producing work that defies much of the material objectification that would circumscribe originality and creativity into an intellectualized commodity that while valued abstractly, is still arguably dependent on the industrial complex for its existence. His art perpetuates the postmodern focus on the greater contexts in which works are shown, be it in a gallery, museum, city, community, nation, aesthetic or theoretical movement.

The Persian rug in the front of an original painting by Sarkis, which is enlarged as a video, at Dirimart Gallery, Istanbul. (Courtesy of Dirimart)

A sign for our times

Two of the broadest walls within the interior of Dirimart face each other with blood-red inflammations of visual lore, which Sarkis collected over the years behind the uncanny lens of his distinctive photography. Shot through with beams of light, the past rears its ugly head, blazing like an inferno of the archetypal subconscious, replete with a surrealistic menagerie of skulls adorned with 18th-century wigs and Lakota headdresses, prehistoric goddess statues, German words, African ceremonialists, street life and varieties of architectural perspective.

At the very end of the crimson-suffused smorgasbord of images, a band of neon tubes electrifies the air with a shock of rainbow hues. It is to symbolize the future that awaits, like the mythical pot of gold, before all goes white, and the mystery of the unknown that awaits emerges as a blank slate of unconsciousness. But these pictures are broken, and there are ample glowing forms of the crucifix throughout the show. Only it is not by way of occidental history that Sarkis approaches his subjects.

Inspired by the peculiar craft of cracked pottery in Japan, known as kintsugi, Sarkis did not merely appropriate exotic knowledge like any kleptomaniac Orientalist but instead fused, both conceptually and physically, the Japanese technique with his special adaptation of stained-glass. The result expresses a powerful, and lucid continuity between his materials and the histories and ideas that he has sought to convey with them. Across from the temporal, collagist mural are individuated works of fissured photographic panes.

One of these pieces portrays a man walking through the rubble of Istanbul in the bitter wake of two days, known as the September events of 1955. And beside him, hanging on the adjacent surface is a pictorial arrangement inspired by the tragedies after a painting by the late Turkish artist Aliye Berger, often sharing her reputation with Fahrelnissa Zeid, her sister. Although Berger was middle-aged when she made the piece, it is a bleary-eyed smog of confusion, something primal, child-like or enraged.

A stained glass work by Sarkis at the exhibition at Dirimart Gallery, Istanbul. (Courtesy of Dirimart)

Intermission for the avant-garde

To break up such concerns as that which Sarkis addressed as a public figure and progressive freethinker in his own right, the curation of “Untitled” draped a Persian rug over Dirimart’s gallery floor in the front of an original painting by Sarkis, which he also enlarged as a video work. The eye-shaped smear of orange and white looks over the complex weave with Farsi calligraphy from the “Book of Kings,” which inspired Morton Feldman to notate music, “Spring of Chosroes” (1976), based on its patterns. It resonates with the ideas of Sarkis.

The original Berger painting, titled “Fire” (1955), has been compared to the inimitable 1893 canvas “The Scream” by Edvard Munch for its bewildering coloration. On loan from the personal collection of Sarkis, the mystifying frame of emotional outpouring hangs around the corner in a smaller, contiguous room at Dirimart, where the more intrepid art lovers of the season may wear gloves and handle limited edition publications by Norgunk, a literary cohort of Sarkis and other freethinking artists and writers based in Istanbul.

Among the volumes in reference is one called, “The Treasure Chests of Mnemosyne,” which Sarks edited with art historian Uwe Fleckner, piecing together texts by Plato, Frierrich Nietzsche, Marcel Proust and Jacques Derrida where the cerebral heavyweights have hypothesized on the nature of memory. Mnemosyne, of course, is the Greek goddess of memory, celebrated as the mother of muses. And although the work of Sarkis has practically fallen off the edge of modernity because he is so utterly contemporary, “Untitled” contextualizes his oeuvre more reflexively.

Smack dab in the center of the exhibition is a burned wooden crate. It is a revision of an earlier work that he last showed in 1992, when a Turkish art critic insulted him outright, personally, professionally and intolerably, targeting his identity. Sarkis did not respond in words but by creating art. The neon evocation of his birth year, 1938, with an added 0, made for a bold statement, in which the artist exclaimed his immortality. While the indecorous railing of the art critic is long lost to the paper mill, in the year 19380, Sarkis will live on, on fire, red with life.