Serviceman wounded on Nagorno-Karabakh border

The Caucasian Knot
Aug 2 2022
Albert Bakhshiyan, a serviceman of the Defence Army of Nagorno-Karabakh, who was wounded on the contact line, is in satisfactory condition, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) of the unrecognized republic has informed.

The "Caucasian Knot" has reported that in the evening on August 1, the MoD of Nagorno-Karabakh reported that its Defence Army had suppressed the attempts of Azerbaijani militaries to cross the contact line, but the Azerbaijani MoD has refuted this statement.

On August 1, as a result of a provocation by Azerbaijani units, Albert Bakhshiyan, a serviceman of the Nagorno-Karabakh's Defence Army, was wounded, the press service of its MoD has stated as translated by the "Caucasian Knot" correspondent.

"The health condition of the wounded soldier is assessed as satisfactory," the statement said.

This article was originally published on the Russian page of 24/7 Internet agency ‘Caucasian Knot’ on August 2, 2022 at 00:57 am MSK. To access the full text of the article, click here.

See earlier reports:
Nagorno-Karabakh accuses Azeri militaries of provocations, Yerevan refutes Baku's statement about shelling, Azerbaijan reports shootouts in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Author: The Caucasian Knot
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Congressman Pallone calls for every US diplomatic tool available to halt Aliyev’s dangerous actions

Congressman Pallone calls for every US diplomatic tool available to halt Aliyev's dangerous actions

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 09:07, 4 August 2022

YEREVAN, AUGUST 4, ARMENPRESS. United States Congressman Frank Pallone is calling on Washington to “use every diplomatic tool available to halt Aliyev's dangerous actions” following the latest Azerbaijani attacks in Artsakh.

“This is the latest example of Aliyev threatening the people of Artsakh over absurd demands like the closing of the Lachin corridor. I urge the US State Department and the US Mission to OSCE to condemn these actions and use every diplomatic tool available to halt Aliyev's dangerous actions,” Pallone tweeted.

On August 3, two Artsakh soldiers were killed and around 20 others were wounded when Azerbaijani forces violated the ceasefire and launched an attack on Artsakh military positions. The Azerbaijani military used mortars, grenade-launchers, combat UAVs in attacking a permanent deployment location of an Artsakh military base.

Chess: GM Aronian’s influence endears in chess-obsessed Armenia though he now plays for USA

The Indian Express
Aug 6 2022
  • Updated: August 6, 2022 12:07:42 am

The grandmaster of shock moves, Levon Aronian, pulled off just one shock move on Friday. He did not turn up at all for the game between his adopted country and the nation of his birth. He was neither amidst his new friends nor with those he had grown up, travelled and roomed for two decades.

But even in his absence, his shadow sprawled over the game as a simmering undercurrent—for he is such an eminent personality in chess. Not only that the tie could potentially decide the Olympiad as Armenia and the US were placed first and second on the table, but also that Armenians wanted to prove that there is life to them beyond Aronian and that even without him, they could mount a serious challenge. Perhaps the US wanted to demonstrate that they are a force even without Aronian. It was a game for points as well as pride, all these sub-plots adding layers of intrigue.

On the first match board were Fabiano Caruana and Gabriel Sargissian. Caruana is one of his best friends, “ who he cooks food for.” So is Sargissian. A year younger to Aronian, who is 39, both have been friends and collaborators since teenage. Beside them were Wesely So, who lives next door to Aronian at St Louis, and Hrant Melkumyan, who considers Aronian the “biggest influence of his life”. Aronian looms large in the life of all eight players. A joke that he had cracked. A move that he had taught them. More so as Aronian is as raffish a chess player could be.

What followed was engrossing chess, with neither team willing to surrender easily. The end result captured the feistiness of the game—apart from the Welsey So-Hrant Melkumyan match-up, every game was a dogged affair. Both teams won two games each in a delivery of poetic justice. There was no Aronian to settle the tie, no Aronian to swing the game this way or that. How heartbreaking it would have been for Armenia. Perhaps, not as heartbreaking as when he left them.

But like most nations born out of war and have endured genocides, Armenia has a remarkable capacity to move on. Life without Aronian would have been unthinkable. Until last year, Aronian was Armenia’s guiding light, their biggest hope, their perpetual inspiration, a national hero, and the man every child and adult in the chess-mad country, which has the most grandmasters per capita in the world, was the first country to make chess a mandatory part of the curriculum, wanted to be. The story of Aronian’s life is taught in school. Even if his life-story were to be culled out of the syllabus, it’s part of the folklore. How the Aronian family housed a homeless chess player who had fled from Azerbaijan during the war of 1988, over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region, in exchange for teaching their son chess. How Aronian fought poverty, walked five miles on weekends to play chess tournaments in Yerevan. And so on and so forth.

But his departure has not plunged them to the pits of despair. Rather, it has motivated them to punch above their weight. They always had—a country of three million has won the Olympiad thrice. “Obviously, he was our best player and a very good player. But we, as a country, have been through a lot, so we don’t mourn for personal losses but find the best way to make the best use of what we have,” Armenian captain Arman Pashikian had said at the start of the tournament when asked about Aronian’s switch.

However, Armenians can’t hate him. He would polarise opinions with the single act of adopting another country, but he would continue to be figure of inspiration for Armenians. “We cannot hate him, though obviously we are sad. He is a brother and friend to us. So many beautiful memories. But he will continue to be an inspiration for us and our country, though I hope that more players don’t follow his path and change the nation,” GM Ave Grigoryan, who told chessbase.com

But the Armenian chess culture is so deep-rooted that the game would thrive on even after their greatest player had left. In 1963, when Tigran Petrosian took on the Russian Mikhail Botvinnik for the World Championship, thousands camped out in Yerevan, watching each move relayed through telegraph to a giant demonstration board in the city’s Opera Square. “There could be more chess clubs than coffeeshops in Yerevan,” Aronian himself had once said.

There are geographic and social reasons too. The Armenian-American writer Peter Balakian had once written in New York Times: “For a small, landlocked country, chess is a particularly ingenious way, and effective way, of mobilising both competitive spirit and sports competition and intellectual discipline, without the need for huge infrastructural resources and, of course, financial spending,” But they have lost the hero that embodied this spirit. But they would neither mourn nor shed a tear for Aronian.

Turkish press: Top US diplomat urges ‘direct dialogue’ in calls with Azerbaijani, Armenian leaders

Michael Hernandez   |05.08.2022


WASHINGTON

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Friday called for Armenia and Azerbaijan to engage in "direct dialogue" as he spoke with the Caucasus nations' leaders amid heightened tensions.

Speaking with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev by phone, Blinken "called for de-escalation" and repeated the appeal for "direct dialogue" to resolve issues related to the Karabakh region, State Department spokesman Ned Price said in a statement, referring to a region largely liberated in fall 2020 from nearly 30 years of Armenian occupation.

Blinken also assured Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan “that the United States is watching the situation in and around Nagorno-Karabakh closely," said Price in a separate readout of the call.

"He urged direct dialogue between Armenia and Azerbaijan to resolve issues related to, or resulting from,” the Karabakh conflict, Price added.

Azerbaijan said it launched a retaliatory operation on Wednesday against Armenian forces in the Karabakh region after Armenia opened fire and killed an Azerbaijani soldier, according to its Defense Ministry.

Armenia has accused Azerbaijan of violating the fall 2020 agreement that ended the 44-day Karabakh War, with Azerbaijan dismissing the charge as "nothing but mere hypocrisy."

Azerbaijan has decried Armenia’s failure to fulfill the provisions of the agreement, particularly how Armenian armed forces have not yet fully pulled out of Azerbaijani territories.

Relations between the former Soviet republics have been tense since 1991 when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh (Upper Karabakh), a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, and seven adjacent regions.

After new clashes during the fall of 2020, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and over 300 settlements and villages occupied by Armenia for almost 30 years.

The fighting ended in November 2020 with a Russia-brokered deal.

Eroding the Russian Imperium

Aug 3 2022
by Emil Avdaliani

It has been 29 years since Armenia and Turkey severed diplomatic and commercial ties over the first war for Nagorno-Karabakh and now, finally, there are signs of movement. 

Firstly, the two countries agreed to open borders for third-country nationals. In addition, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan held a rare phone conversation on July 11, with both leaders expressing a readiness to accelerate the normalization process.

Russia is watching this with some apprehension – it is unclear how it could benefit the Kremlin, and more obvious that it could harm Russia’s armlock on the broader South Caucasus region. Engrossed by its war of choice in Ukraine, its garrisons stripped to the bone of fighting men, it is also at a historically weak moment.

The Turkish-Armenian moves were not entirely unexpected as both countries had been consistently making positive statements and even concrete policy moves toward normalizing bilateral ties. For instance, in previous months, Armenia legally paved the way for trade with Turkey and made the resumption of relations a foreign policy objective within the country’s national strategic document.

That said, what exactly normalization means is far from clear; statements from both sides indicate that the countries aim at the complete opening of the border with the emerging potential for restoration of diplomatic ties.

The positive trend became possible as a result of a number of regional and more global geopolitical developments. Azerbaijan’s victory in the second Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 and surrounding Armenian-held territories removed a major roadblock in the Ankara-Yerevan talks. Before the war, Turkey had always argued that any improvement of bilateral ties was almost entirely contingent upon Armenia making significant concessions on the Karabakh issue.

The present momentum is also powered by the moderately positive attitude of Azerbaijan, which no longer regards Armenian-Turkish rapprochement as dangerous. It nevertheless closely follows the process and is trying to link progress with its own negotiations with Armenia (where significant progress has also been made, although the countries are a long way from a definitive peace agreement.)

Turkey’s activism in all this is noteworthy and is based on its dynamic eastern foreign policy, specifically in the South Caucasus. After the 2020 war, Turkey has been especially keen to help reshape regional geopolitics by improving relations. The Turkish leadership is also intent on creating additional trade corridors to the Caspian Sea and Central Asia through Armenia.

The momentum is there. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine changed the patterns of Eurasian trade and people movement. The Russia route which for decades helped connect China with the EU market has collapsed because of sanctions. The need to find alternative routes has increased and the Middle Corridor, stretching from the Black to the Caspian Sea and Central Asia (which of course means traveling through Turkey), could serve as a substitute. Turkey is actively supporting the idea, and along with the route through Georgia, it sees the emerging rapprochement with Armenia as yet another possibility to expand the Middle Corridor.

It is still hard to tell whether the normalization process will be successful. Obstacles remain, especially the internal Armenian political situation. The opposition and Armenian diaspora are staunchly opposed to rapprochement with Turkey. And though these two groups have so far failed to mount a decisive offensive against Pashinyan, they nevertheless can from time to time complicate the internal political process.

The second problem is Russia. While it has tentatively supported the improvement of ties, it is also clear that the Kremlin is uneasy. Armenia’s isolated position in between Azerbaijan and Turkey has always presented easy geopolitical picking for Russia, with its governments usually staunch allies. Now Armenia potentially could look westward toward Turkey and use its ports to reach EU markets, thereby balancing its overdependence on Russia.

Of course, Armenia-Turkey normalization will not signal the end of Russia’s influence in Armenia. Russian troops will remain in the country and deep economic ties will persist. But over time, the Turkish alternative will inevitably reduce Russia’s regional clout.

Another critical element when calculating what Russian perspective on Armenia-Turkey relations is the war in Ukraine. Russia might now have little choice but to tolerate Turkish inroads into the South Caucasus because of its military preoccupation. The Kremlin simply might not have enough political and economic power to prevent it. And its ability to intimidate Turkey is limited at a time when it needs to keep Erdoğan’s government as neutral as possible toward the Ukraine war.

Turkey is nothing if not smart. Rapid progress with Armenia needs to happen now, because a potential Russian victory in Ukraine would tip the balance back in the Kremlin’s favor.

For Russia, Turkey’s activism presents new variables for the geopolitical game in the South Caucasus. Accustomed to exclusive domination of this space, there are growing indications that Turkish influence has turned into a constant. Russia will therefore need to modify rather than banish its increasing influence. Better perhaps to allow the Turks in and then seek to reshape their ambitions.

It is true that Russia and Turkey, despite their history of 12 wars, understand each other, more or less respect each other’s red lines, and are religious about the concept of regionalism, i.e. limiting non-regional actors in the Black Sea, Syria, and the South Caucasus. Yet geopolitics dictates that Turkey benefits from diminished Russian influence.

And it is here that Turkey and the West have overlapping interests. The Middle Corridor, the territorial integrity of Georgia and Azerbaijan, and a number of other security issues are focal issues that Turkey and the West agree on and where they could expand cooperation.

Armenia and Turkey are likely to continue their normalization progress. We might see a full-scale resumption of ties, but there’s a long road ahead involving Russian behavior towards progress and what comes from the Azerbaijan-Armenia peace talks.

Emil Avdaliani is a professor at European University and the Director of Middle East Studies at the Georgian think-tank, Geocase.



AW: Do Armenians have a future as an independent nation? Part 3

Celebrations on the streets of Yerevan after the declaration of independence (Sept. 21, 1991)

Author’s Note: The first two installments of this series focused on the need to establish a culture of personal and societal responsibility and accountability and the need for a doctrine of national security, based on the principle of absolute inviolability of the integrity of the Armenian nation and the readiness to exact the most severe of punishments on those willing to test the resolve of the nation.

The former is needed to demonstrate to our citizens that all must be accountable and all must participate in upholding the laws of the land. A fundamental problem in Armenia is the complete lack of any respect for the rule of law, partially due to formulation of laws not for the benefit of the citizens, and partially out of convenience and personal gain. The latter is not motivated by a lust for blood, but for the basic need to ensure sovereignty and to secure a place for the nation on the table to deal and negotiate with regional and world powers. Armenia happens to be located at a strategic location. Exercising the nation’s sovereignty to the fullest will allow Armenia to participate in the processes shaping the future of the nation and that of the region. If we are not at the table, then we surely are on the menu, a predicament made abundantly clear by the actions of the current regime. 

Part 3 will shift focus to education, as another pillar of building a strong and thriving nation, to raise generations of well-educated, knowledgeable and articulate citizenry capable of critical and independent thinking, able and ready to respond to the unforeseen challenges of the future. Such citizenry will be well aware of its history, culture, national ethos and values, in addition to formal education. The current reality of Armenia provides anything but, where an outdated and mediocre system perpetuates mediocre citizenry. Arnold Toynbee astutely observed that “Civilizations die from suicide, not by murder.” Our willful destruction of our institutions, our willful ignorance for the rule of law and our willful shirking of personal and societal responsibilities are pointing us to pull the trigger.

Most Armenians, both on Armenian soil and in the Diaspora, have been engaged and/or continue to engage in efforts within their capabilities to support the nation. However, we know that these disparate efforts, as well-intentioned and as well-conducted as they might be, cannot lead to the systemic shift needed to address Armenia’s underlying problems. To do so, a hard reboot is essential. Armenia and Artsakh have a significantly homogeneous population, with other small ethnic populations who have shown their valor in defending Armenia. This is both an asset, as it reduces the chances of internal strife, and a challenge, as it reduces diversity. They also have a significant Diaspora, a great yet severely underutilized and misunderstood asset. These sum up the hard resources of the Armenian nation. Therefore, her future depends on harnessing the innovative spirit of these assets for a brighter path ahead. Each one of us can and must play a role in the tapestry of our nation. The key is to frame the vision, develop a robust plan to implement the vision, and use existing resources as much as possible towards achieving the vision. This includes using our single most important asset, our people in Armenia and abroad (the Armenian nation) as skillfully and as efficiently as possible. 

In 1945, Dr. Vannevar Bush, the scientific advisor to President Roosevelt, authored a report titled “Science – the Endless Frontier” in response to President Roosevelt’s question on how science and technology could best be applied to benefit the nation’s health, economic prosperity and national security in the decades that would follow WWII. Seventy-five years later, the Armenian nation must answer the same question. Significant investments and well-thought-out plans are called to usher in an era of science, technology, engineering, art and mathematics (STEAM). This will educate and engage our brightest minds, to develop technological, biomedical and artistic breakthroughs and expressions, to propel Armenia’s economic and military might and its standing in the world. Previous success stories abound, be they Singapore, South Korea, Israel, Estonia, Finland or Ireland, all with different opportunities and threats, national characters and regional and international constraints and advantages than Armenia, but all unified in the desire to turn a new page in their history. Some were led by strongmen and others were not. 

To forge ahead, we need to better understand the existing foundations to build upon. There is a strong history of higher education and extremely high rate of literacy in Armenia as one of the positive effects of the Soviet era. Unfortunately, this has significantly diminished in recent years, to a point that literacy is not guaranteed among our graduates. This year, we appear to have thousands of unfilled college spots, undoubtedly spurred by the realities of the past two years. There are a number of public and private institutes of higher education and national academies devoted to science, with the Yerevan Physics Institute as the crown jewel of the Armenian scientific prowess of the yesteryears. Unfortunately, the last 30 years have not been kind to Armenia’s higher education institutions. Government funding has been insufficient, allocating 0.36 percent of the GDP to higher education and less than one percent to science, well below international benchmarks. On average, Armenia spends $1,000 per pupil for primary and secondary education, whereas international benchmarks are in the $10,000 to $15,000 range. In general, Armenia lags in education spending by 40 percent or so, when compared to the other countries in the region and countries with similar income. Similarly, Armenia allocates $2,600 per student in its top nine ranked institutes of higher learning (seven public and two private institutions with external sources of funding and significantly larger expenditure per student from the Diaspora and Russia). This number drops to $1,500 per student for the top seven public institutions.

Figure 5

To put this in perspective, Figure 5 presents higher education expenditure (USD) per student for universities ranking from 1-10, 11-100, 101-1000, and 1001-2000 respectively. While the key point is to transform and consolidate the higher education system in the nation, these funding indicators show how our universities compare against international peers and how far they are lagging. In world university rankings, an Armenian institution appears first at 2,531 (Yerevan State University), followed by the American University of Armenia (3,923), Russian Armenian State University (4,738), Yerevan State Medical University (5,724) and Armenian State University of Economy (7,316), rounding out the top 10,000 list. Astonishingly, the National Polytechnic University of Armenia is ranked at 12,840. Clearly, if we are to build an innovation-based economy, these institutions in their current shape will not be the ones leading us to innovation and economic prosperity. Again, all rankings have their biases and flaws, but they provide a comparable snapshot worldwide. Only one ranking system (webometrics) covered institutions of higher learning past the 2,000 mark. The other ranking systems (US News, Times Higher education, QS and Center for World University Rankings) only go as far as the highest 2,000 institutions. We can also compare the ranking of our top nine universities with those of our neighboring nations, including our enemies (Table 1), ranging from 211 to 10,886. The first appearance of an Armenian institute of higher learning among our neighbors is at number 32.

Table 1

There is no arguing that most of our institutions are mediocre at best. But, this is not exclusive to institutions of higher learning, as it applies to most other public and private institutions in the country, with a few notable exceptions. We, as a nation, have adopted the mantra of mediocracy. Lack of resources, lack of highly trained individuals, lack of systems level thinking and implementation, ease and indifference, and most notably lack of vision all contribute to this unfortunate state. Armenian political elite frequently confuse vision with empty grandstanding. This must stop. The academic curricula are not up to date; neither are the faculty and the facilities meant to nurture the next generation of leaders and builders of the economy. A review of the departments and divisions of the State Engineering University of Armenia (the Polytechnic) reveals that a whopping 77-percent of the department/division heads graduated from the same institution (mostly in the 70s). This is the very definition of academic incest. The archaic names of these divisions further betrays their disconnect with the state of the art in technology. And in the rare cases where resources are available, they are underused and underappreciated by out of touch faculty. Even in the IT sector where we have achieved economic success, we lag behind in innovation and development of future technologies. We lack a strong secondary education in this domain, because it does not pay to be a computer and electrical engineering or computer science faculty in the nation. One can make a better living being an iOS or Android developer individually, but as a nation we miss out on contributing to the development of the next technological wave of innovation. This is the key multiplier of our economy and not another app development house.

Webometrics has ranked 31 additional Armenian institutions of higher learning, ranking from 13,752 to 29,298, a mixed bag of public and private institutions, which are little more than degree mills. One could argue, why would a nation of less than three million inhabitants need 40 universities? The answer is, it doesn’t. Let’s compare Armenia with Switzerland (admittedly an extremely unfair comparison). Switzerland has a population of 8.5 million with two federal technical universities – the only two in the nation (ranked six and 14 worldwide by QS), and 10 cantonal (state) universities, ranking from 69 to 650 worldwide. A more favorable comparison is with institutions of higher learning in Lithuania, an ex-Soviet nation with a population of 2.8 million. University of Vilnius appears at number 423, Vilnius Gediminas Technical University at 696 and Kaunas Technical University in the 801 to 1,000 range. Lithuania has gained a foothold in the auto industry, with Continental AG building a factory for high-precision car electronics (the biggest greenfield investment project in Lithuania so far) and Hella opening a plant to produce sensors, actuators and control modules for the automotive industry. These automotive companies are relatively small, but their size allows them to be nimble for small and non-standard orders at competitive prices. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University prepares the manpower for this sector. In fact, Lithuania is among the top five countries in the world by tertiary education attainment, with 55-percent of the population aged 25 to 34, and 31-percent of the population aged 55 to 64 having completed tertiary education. Their share of tertiary-educated 25 to 64-year-olds in STEM fields are above the OECD average. It is not coincidental that Lithuania’s nominal GDP per capita is $19,601, whereas Armenia’s is $4,622. Another fair comparison is with Estonia, another ex-Soviet state with a population of 1.32 million. Its University of Tartu ranks at number 285, Tallin University of Technology (TalTech) at 676, and Tallin University in the 801 to 1,000 range. Estonia enjoys an incredible nominal GDP per capita of $22,986. It boasts a strong IT sector, thanks to its heavy investment in the Tiigrihüpe project in the 90s, while we were busy with pilfering. Estonia’s PPP GDP per capita is a whopping $37,033. One could only imagine the quality of life of Armenian citizens at such GDP levels. Understandably, Lithuania and Estonia have Scandinavians as neighbors and not uncivilized barbarians like Azerbaijan and Turkey. Additionally, Lithuania and Estonia neither suffered a devastating earthquake in the waning hours of the Soviet Union nor were thrust into a bloody war to save their kin and face closed borders on two sides. Nonetheless, in the early post-Soviet years, they made a conscious decision to move toward inclusive political and economic institutions, adopt and encourage a strong work ethic, value competence and invest in education and consolidate institutions of higher learning. The results speak for themselves.

Figure 6 presents the GDP growth of Armenia, along with those of Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Croatia and Slovenia, all post-Soviet or previous eastern bloc countries who have performed significantly better than Armenia.

Figure 6

Figure 7 shows the nominal GDP per capita of Armenia along with those of 10 immediately higher and lower ranked countries, hardly a company of powerhouses. If Armenian citizens would like to enjoy the lifestyle of Estonian citizens, they need to increase their per capita GDP 5.13 times. Given that education and innovation must be the driving forces of the country’s economic engine, Armenia must allocate at least one-percent to 1.33 percent of its projected nominal per capita GDP (that of Estonia) toward education and science ($615 million to $818 million USD), as opposed to the paltry 0.33 percent of the current nominal GDP that is spent on education and science in Armenia (public/private sector partnership is also of essence here). Additionally, the projected increase in this GDP will expand the country’s purchasing power to match its enemy, Azerbaijan, with its three-fold higher population. This parity is essential to prevent the reoccurrence of the disastrous outcomes of the 2020 war. While Azerbaijan enjoys a 40+ billion dollar sovereign wealth fund, it is run by the Aliyev clan as their personal fiefdom and enjoys the last decade or so of its oil revenues with little else to fall back on, where 95-percent of their industry revolves around hydrocarbons. The vision of the current regime is in opening borders in hopes of selling goods with neighbors to increase trade. What goods are to be sold and based on what innovation remains to be seen.

Figure 7

According to the World Economic Forum, the following countries have the best education systems in the world: 9-Japan, Barbados and New Zealand; 8-Estonia; 6-Ireland and Qatar; 5- the Netherlands; 4-Singapore; 2-Belgium and Switzerland; and 1-Finland. The predominant features of these countries are the presence of inclusive political and economic institutions, competence, strong work ethic and value systems. Not surprisingly, Estonia appears eighth on this list, spending a high percentage of its GDP on education. Estonia’s 1992 Education Act says that the goals of education are “to create favorable conditions for the development of personality, family and the Estonian nation; to promote the development of ethnic minorities, economic, political and cultural life in Estonia and the preservation of nature in the global economic and cultural context; to teach the values of citizenship; and to set up the prerequisites for creating a tradition of lifelong learning nationwide.” These values are far from paying bribes to obtain an unearned degree or to place an unqualified student in an unearned university or major, simply because he or she is the son/daughter of an oligarch, merit be damned. Estonians dared to establish a plan to develop the Estonian citizen, family and nation. How dare they pursue such blatantly nationalistic policies?

Another example is the Finnish system, where many lessons have been learned from its focus on developing an innovation-based economy as presented in a 2006 World Bank Institute report. “The first lesson is that it is possible for a country to make a dramatic recovery in the level of GDP and at the same time, undertake a major restructuring, as Finland did. An important corollary is that a crisis can be turned into an opportunity. However, for this to happen, there may need to be certain preconditions as well as great flexibility in the economy. A second lesson is that globalization is a double-edged sword and a demanding taskmaster. Finland has become the leading ICT technology, because it has adopted the global ICT industry and produced for the global market. On the other hand, Finland is also struggling with the impact of globalization, which is putting pressure on it to improve its technology and education systems to stay competitive in a very demanding global environment. The third lesson is the importance of flexibility or elasticity of the economy to react to changing opportunities, and the importance of a responsive education sector to facilitate this. It is perhaps the educational system that has played the most critical role. Finland already had a high level of educational attainment, which previously facilitated the necessary restructuring of the economy. In addition, the educational system was able to respond very quickly and flexibly to the new opportunities. The Finnish experience also has several implications for developing countries. The first implication is the continued importance of the basic elements of the Washington Consensus. These elements are essential to give the economies the flexibility they need to constantly redeploy assets to their most productive uses. The second implication is the imperative to develop vision and consensus-making mechanisms. Reforms involve changing the status quo, and doing so usually does not happen unless there are major external or domestic forces advocating for such changes. The third implication is the importance of developing appropriate knowledge strategies. Finland had to increase higher educational attainment in general, and scientific and technical skills in particular. These challenges involved not only increasing R&D expenditure but also focusing on getting the fruits of R&D into the market. Finland’s strong emphasis on the systemic approach to innovation evolved, including bridging the entrepreneurship and financing gaps to turn invention into commercial application. These strategies have to be adjusted to the specifics of each country. For the majority of developing countries the focus needs to be somewhat different than Finland’s. Because, in virtually all sectors, developing countries are still very far from the technological frontier, they still need to put priority on developing effective means of tapping the preexisting and rapidly growing stock of global knowledge. A final implication for all countries is the importance of focusing not only on what can be learned from the past (their own and other countries’ experience) but on anticipating and preparing for the future. This is one of the key lessons of the Finnish example and explains to some extent why Finland not only was able to make such a dramatic transformation to a knowledge-based economy, but also why it has been able to remain so competitive.

Primary/Secondary Education

Armenia must reform the system to absorb at least $10,000 per pupil toward this level. With approximately 20-percent of the population in the five to 19 years age range, this translates into $592 million USD. As funds alone will not solve the problem, Armenia desperately needs world-class expertise and trained individuals to engage in systems level thinking to devise appropriate educational platforms, using best practices worldwide, optimize them to local and cultural needs and implement them. Unfortunately, the significant professional resources of the Diaspora have not been fully engaged in any meaningful manner during the past 30 years. Despite its depth of expertise, it is quite possible that even Diasporan resources might not have systems level expertise to help develop a state-of-the-art primary and secondary education system. However, there will be significant resources that can assist in gathering the right thought leaders, planning, training and implementation components for such plans. Therefore, it is essential to engage diasporan experts in education with select experts from Armenia to form an internationally recognized advisory board to assess the existing system, evaluate best practices worldwide and offer a working plan to reinvigorate the primary and secondary education system, with concomitant education on good citizenship, a focus on national values and history and a moral compass rooted in honesty, justice, work ethic, civic and personal responsibility and accountability. A meritocratic system revolving around rewarding the best teachers to train the best pupils must be the driving force. Anything less must be considered as dereliction of duty and treason. The lottery system can be leveraged as a source of revenue for the education system, converging the monetary gains of a vice into funding a national virtue. 

Ara Nazarian is an associate professor of Orthopaedic Surgery at Harvard Medical School. He graduated from Tennessee Technological University with a degree in mechanical engineering, followed by graduate degrees from Boston University, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology and Harvard University. He has been involved in the Armenian community for over a decade, having served in a variety of capacities at the Hamazkayin Armenian Educational and Cultural Society, the Armenian Cultural and Educational Center, Armenian National Committee of America, St. Stephen’s Armenian Elementary School and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation.


Asbarez: Dinner held in Los Angeles to Benefit Armenia’s ‘Family and Community’ Nonprofit

Attendees of the benefit dinner held in Los Angeles for "Family and Community." (Photo: Tufenkian Foundation)


LOS ANGELES—The Iraqi Armenian Family Association of Greater Los Angeles (IAFA) and the Tufenkian Foundation held a benefit dinner on July 10 at Glendale’s Shiraz restaurant in support of the Family and Community NGO (FAC) of Armenia.

The event featured remarks by Primate of the Armavir Diocese Archbishop Sion Adamyan; FAC founder and director Knarik Garanfilyan; Tufenkian Foundation director of development Antranig Kasbarian; IAFA chair Maral Anjargolian; as well as a cultural program by the students of the IAFA-funded Armenian Saturday School.

“The Diaspora has supported Armenia for more than thirty years and continues to do so in various capacities. However, we can do more if we consider new types of assistance. Today, Armenia’s requirements are different: long-term rehabilitative, developmental assistance that can help people stand on their own two feet and become self-sufficient. The Tufenkian Foundation’s programs are actively helping those in need, especially the most vulnerable families and their children, to become self-sufficient individuals,” Kasbarian said in his remarks.

Initiated by the Tufenkian Foundation in 2002, FAC works to develop the potential of vulnerable children and their families. The organization addresses the poorest and most vulnerable strata of Armenian society, implementing programs for social and psychological support; empowerment of families; capacity building for youth and children; identification and development of resources; and community development.

In her remark, which featured a short video, Garanfilyan provided details about the NGO’s ongoing work and a broader context about how the NGO specifically addresses fundamental problems through various types of intervention.

“Children come into our centers carrying all of life’s difficulties on their shoulders. They are from poor and vulnerable families: some of them have one or both parents in prison, some are children of those who were killed in the Artsakh War. Our specialists try to understand the problems these children bear and find effective ways to solve their problems,” Garanfilyan explained in her remarks.

Archbishop Sion Adamyan, a long-time supporter and friend of the FAC, then spoke about the impact the program has had on the community. “Years ago, the organization accepted several dozen children from Metsamor. Most kids were in the fourth and fifth grades and didn’t even know the alphabet. Thanks to the selfless experts and staff and their endless patience and care, the children were given new hope for a bright future,” Archbishop Sion noted.

As one of the primary beneficiaries of the Foundation, FAC currently operates in five cities across three regions in Armenia. In the Armavir region, it runs centers in Metsamor (est. 2002) and Armavir city (est. 2018); in Tavush, it operates centers in Ijevan (est. 2016) and Noyemberyan, (est. 2017); and in Shirak, it runs its newest center in Artik (est. 2020).

Donations to the Family and Community NGO can be made through the Tufenkian Foundation here.

Established in 1999, the Tufenkian Foundation addresses the most pressing social, economic, cultural, and environmental challenges facing Armenia and Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabagh). Since its inception, the Tufenkian Foundation has supported various community initiatives as well as civic activism and public advocacy campaigns to help improve life in Armenia, while providing housing, education, social, health, and livelihood support for the Armenians of Artsakh. 

The Family and Community NGO (FAC) addresses the poorest and most vulnerable strata of Armenian society, implementing programs for social and psychological support; empowerment of families; capacity building for youth and children; identification and development of resources; and community development. FAC currently operates in five cities across three regions in Armenia. In the Armavir region, it runs centers in Metsamor (est. 2002) and Armavir city (est. 2018); in Tavush, it operates centers in Ijevan (est. 2016) and Noyemberyan (est. 2017); and in Shirak, it operates a center in Artik (est. 2020).

FY2023 Senate Appropriations Bill Reaffirms Section 907



Washington, D.C. - The United States Senate Committee on Appropriations released its Fiscal Year 2023 Appropriations Bill today, which reaffirms Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act and recommend $2 million in demining assistance to Artsakh, along with humanitarian aid to help displaced Armenians, reported the Armenian Assembly of America (Assembly).
Specifically, the Committee Report stated that “up to $2,000,000 for humanitarian demining and unexploded ordnance [UXO] clearance activities in areas affected by fighting in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, subject to prior consultation with the Committees on Appropriations” as well as “humanitarian assistance” for those displaced “by the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh.”
Last month, the House of Representatives passed its version of the Bill that called for $60 million in assistance to Armenia and $2 million for demining activities in Artsakh. The House Bill also included language on Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act.
 
"Having just returned from Armenia and Artsakh, continued U.S. assistance and engagement remains critically important,” stated Assembly Congressional Relations Director Mariam Khaloyan. “The Assembly will continue to work with the House and Senate to ensure the best outcome to help the Armenian people,” Khaloyan added.

Established in 1972, the Armenian Assembly of America is the largest Washington-based nationwide organization promoting public understanding and awareness of Armenian issues. The Assembly is a non-partisan, 501(c)(3) tax-exempt membership organization.

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NR# 2022-31

Newspaper: There is another possibility to strip opposition MPs of their parliamentary mandate

News.am
Armenia –

YEREVAN. – Zhoghovurd newspaper of Armenia writes: Tomorrow, on July 28, the Council of the National Assembly [(NA)] will convene a council meeting again, with the agenda of petitioning to the Constitutional Court with the matter of  stripping [most of] the opposition MPs of [their parliamentary] mandate.

Zhoghovurd daily inquired from Tsovinar Khachatryan, press secretary of the NA president, ultimately, what will be the fate of the process of stripping the opposition MPs of [their] mandate. In response, she noted that the law does not define what will happen and what the next step is if the NA Council does not convene a meeting. (…).

According to Khachatryan, if the meeting of July 28 is not held again, then the NA Council can once again convene a meeting with the same agenda. If the 4th meeting with the same agenda is not held as well, then the matter will be automatically closed, gone.

But the question of, ultimately, what the [aforesaid opposition MPs’] absences [from the NA sessions and voting] will be (…) still remains unexplained.

Armenia economy minister on Jesus statue construction: Mount Hatis is actually wasteland

NEWS.am
Armenia – July 19 2022

Our participation in some events does not mean that all the relevant decisions of the government are in place and construction works have already started according to the procedures. Economy minister Vahan Kerobyan said this during the Facebook interview of RFE/RL Armenian Service—and referring to his participation in the start of the construction of a monumental statue of Jesus Christ on the top of Mount Hatis of Armenia.

"This is an event about the start of a project, and there is no mention of any construction. Naturally, this project must go through all the procedures, and after receiving the approvals, it will enter the working phase. Of course, there is a lot of disposition both from the investor [i.e., Prosperous Armenia Party leader—and business tycoon—Gagik Tsarukyan], and the Prime Minister has publicly approved this project during his speeches. But obviously none of us are going to implement projects by breaking laws. Everything will be done by the procedure established by law," the minister assured.

According to him, if this project is brought to fruition, there will be a very large tourist flow there.

“Mount Hatis is actually a wasteland. Expeditions are taking place [there], but there is little activity [there now] compared to what is planned. If the plan comes to fruition, there will be investments of tens, if not hundreds of millions of dollars there.

Investments in historical and cultural areas are not ruled out, but there is a special procedure for making investments [there]; various departments need to give their consent, the historical and cultural environment should not be disturbed", he said.