Music: Junior Eurovision 2019: Armenia to announce entrant on September 15

Public Radio of Armenia
Sept 3 2019
Junior Eurovision 2019: Armenia to announce entrant on September 15

Armenia will select entrant for Junior Eurovision Song Contest on September 15, the Public TV has announced.

For the second year in a row, Armenia will use the national final called “Depi Mankakan Evratesil” to pick their JESC ambassador. 

The broadcaster has received tens of applications and has chosen ten finalist that will perform in the final.

The winner will be determined through a vote by an international jury, a children’s jury and viewers.

Junior Eurovision Song Contest 2019 will take place in Gliwice-Silesia Poland on November 24.



Azerbaijani forces fire nearly 650 shots at Artsakh line of contact

Azerbaijani forces fire nearly 650 shots at Artsakh line of contact

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13:59,

YEREVAN, AUGUST 31, ARMENPRESS. During the period from August 25 to 31 the Azerbaijani forces violated the ceasefire regime in the Artsakh-Azerbaijan line of contact over 70 times by firing nearly 650 shots from various caliber weapons at the Armenian positions, the defense ministry of Artsakh told Armenpress.

The Artsakh Defense Army forces strictly follow the ceasefire regime and confidently conduct their military service.

Edited and translated by Aneta Harutyunyan




Former Finance Minister remanded

Former Finance Minister remanded

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21:50,

YEREVAN, AUGUST 30, ARMENPRESS. A Yerevan Court of General Jurisdiction satisfied the motion to remand former Finance Minister and former chairman of the State Revenue Committee of Armenia Gagik Khachatryan, ARMENPRESS reports Khachatryan’s lawyer Yerem Sargsyan told the reporters following the trial.

“The court found that the arrest was not lawful but also found that there are enough grounds to remand him”, Sargsyan said.

The lawyer added that they will appeal.

The National Security Service of Armenia had submitted the motion to remand Gagaik Khachatryan.

The former official is charged with abuse of power and misappropriation of particularly large amount of money. His nephew, who also was a high level SRC official is charged with misappropriation of particularly large amount of money. The National Security Service of Armenia arrested them on August 27.  

Edited and translated by Tigran Sirekanyan




Sports: Simon Martirosyan to try to win in World C’ship again and set record

MediaMax, Armenia
Aug 29 2019
Simon Martirosyan to try to win in World C’ship again and set record

In 2018 the athlete lifted 240kg in clean and jerk of World C’ship in Ashgabat and gained the title of the World champion with 435kg.

Martirosyan said that this year he will compete for the gold medal for the first time. He became the two-time European champion this April. 

I have already achieved my previous physical fitness. There is still a month ahead of the championship, and I will try to lift more kilograms during this period to improve my indicator. 

I will try to lift more kilograms in Pattaya and show that I am still strong.

I am ready for the tournament and the competition. I will do everything possible to return with new victory.

Based on the kilograms that one lifts during the trainings in weightlifting, the place to aim becomes clear. So, I will try to set records.



Art: Iranian photographer Mahbubeh Farajollahi wins award at Armenian Intl. Photo Festival

Tehran Times, Iran
Aug 23 2019
  1. Culture
August 23, 2019

TEHRAN – Iranian photographer Mahbubeh Farajollahi has won the Bronze Medal at the 1st Armenian International Photo Festival (AIPF) in Yerevan, Armenia. 

She won the award for her single black and white photo “Just Laugh”, which depicts two boys laughing through a window, the organizers announced last week.

Kaushik Majumder from India received the AIPF Gold Medal for his photo “Race”, while Yesayi Durmuzyan from Armenia won the AIPF Silver Medal for his photo “Sevan”. 

The awards will be given to the winners during the opening ceremony of the festival today. 

A selection of the submissions to the festival will be put on display during the festival, which will run until September 28. 

Over 15 Iranian photographers, including Omid Farrokh, Mardin Ahmadi, Rezvan Motahhari, Mohammadreza Keivanfar and Hamidreza Gohari, participated in the festival. 

Photo: “Just Laugh” by Mahbubeh Farajollahi won the Bronze Medal at the 1st Armenian International Photo Festival.


Culture: “Gutan” annual festival of Armenian folk music and dance dedicated to Komitas

Panorama, Armenia
Aug 20 2019
Culture 11:22 20/08/2019 Armenia

On August 23, the annual festival of Armenian traditional music and dance will be held in Cafesjian Sculpture Garden. The sixth edition of the festival is dedicated to the 150th birthday anniversary of Komitas, great composer who is considered the founder of the Armenian national school of music, the ministry of education, science, culture and sport repotted. 

The festival launched since 2014 is implemented by RA’s honored artist Arsen Grigoryan’s initiative and idea, with the support of RA’s ministry of culture.

In the scope of the festival traditional Armenian songs and dances will be performed by the best groups with their original versions and live performances, “Akunq”, “Maratuk”, “Sasnatsrer”, “Tarontsiner”, “Nubar”, “Van”, “Veradardz”, “Masunk”, “Gorani”, “Menkenq mer sarere”, “Tavros”, “Mshohavqer”, “Tsovak”, “Zartonk”, “Ardvin”, “Varkhayots”, “Vostan” among them. Performances of Komitas music and a screening of documentary  about him are planned.

The annual festival is an important cultural event, organized for the protection of folk music, dance and their transmission to the next generations. The basic purpose of the festival is to spread and protect folk music and dance and make our heritage recognizable to younger generations.

Upwards development exists in relations with Armenia, says Russia

Upwards development exists in relations with Armenia, says Russia

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16:29, 9 August, 2019

YEREVAN, AUGUST 9, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had a meeting today with Russian counterpart Dmitry Medvedev during the Eurasian Economic Union Inter-governmental Council session in Kyrgyzstan.

The PMs discussed a broad range of issues concerning the strategic Armenian-Russian relations and touched upon the bilateral partnership agenda, according to a news release issued by the Pashinyan Administration.

Pashinyan and Medvedev particularly discussed the further development of trade-economic ties, increase of trade turnover volumes and implementation of joint programs. The Armenian and Russian PMs stated that dynamic growth is recorded in bilateral relations and that active work must be continued to strengthen and develop the allied Armenian-Russian ties.

Medvedev commended Armenia’s successful presidency in the EEU and noted that an upwards development exists in bilateral relations, which is testified by the frequency of various-level high ranking official meetings and contacts in the formats of both leaders of countries, inter-governmental and inter-parliamentary.

PM Pashinyan positively assessed the Armenia-Russia strategic cooperation process and was pleased to note particularly the growth in tourism: the number of Russian tourists visiting Armenia grew 19% in the first half of 2019 compared to the previous year’s same period, in conditions when the overall number of visiting tourists in Armenia grew 12,8%. Pashinyan also noted that the mechanism for solving problems which appear at the Upper Lars checkpoint is effectively working. The Armenian PM attached importance to the complete utilization of the entire potential of the EEU in the context of further developing bilateral relations.

The sides also touched upon cooperation in the areas of natural gas, the nuclear power station and air transportation, as well as a number of other issues of the bilateral relations agenda.

They also exchanged ideas over issues covered recently in the Armenian and Russian press.

Edited and translated by Stepan Kocharyan.

Book Review: Turkey’s Killing Fields

The New York Times
Sunday
Turkey's Killing Fields
 
By BRUCE CLARK.
 
Bruce Clark writes on religion and society for The Economist. He is the author of ''Twice a Stranger,'' a study of the Turkish-Greek population exchange.
 
 
Armenian refugees in 1918.CreditCreditLibrary of Congress

 
THE THIRTY-YEAR GENOCIDE Turkey's Destruction of Its Christian Minorities, 1894-1924
By Benny Morris and Dror Ze'evi
 
Using the word ''genocide'' to describe an episode of mass killing has consequences. If the horrors are unfolding now, it invites other countries to intervene and punish the perpetrators. If the unspeakable events are in the past, the word's use can affect the way they are discussed, by historians or ordinary people. Once the term ''genocide'' has been established, it can seem tasteless or morally impossible to talk in much detail about the context in which mass murder occurred. Any speculation about precise motives or catalysts can sound like making excuses.
 
But one merit of "The Thirty-Year Genocide,'' about the agonies suffered by Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire immediately before and after its collapse, is that the authors overcome that problem. Their narrative offers a subtle diagnosis of why, at particular moments over a span of three decades, Ottoman rulers and their successors unleashed torrents of suffering.
 
The book examines three episodes: first, the massacre of perhaps 200,000 Ottoman Armenians that took place between 1894 and 1896; then the much larger deportation and slaughter of Armenians that began in 1915 and has been widely recognized as genocide; and third, the destruction or deportation of the remaining Christians (mostly Greeks) during and after the conflict of 1919-22, which Turks call their War of Independence. The fate of Assyrian Christians, of whom 250,000 or more may have perished, is also examined, in less detail.
 
The authors are distinguished Israeli historians. Benny Morris, a chronicler of the fighting that attended Israel's birth, has written bluntly about incidents in which Arabs were killed or expelled. He also argues (contentiously) that it would have been better if the result had been total separation between Jew and Arab. His co-author, Dror Ze'evi, is a fellow professor at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.
 
Each of their chosen episodes occurred at a particular historical moment. The first unfolded in an Ottoman Empire that was at once modernizing and crumbling, while in chronic rivalry with the Russians. The second took place when the Turks were at war with three Christian powers (Britain, France and Russia) and were concerned about being overrun from west and east. During the third, Greek expeditionary forces had occupied the port of Izmir, with approval from their Western allies, and then marched inland.
 
An impressive chapter explains the buildup to the 1894-96 massacres. It describes the strain imposed on rural Anatolia by newcomers fleeing Russia's march through the Caucasus, and the transformation of the Armenians from a religious minority into a political community feared by the Ottomans.
 
This story is told with a feeling for shading and nuance. Yet there is a paradox about the book. As diligent historians, Morris and Ze'evi acknowledge many differences between the three phases of history they recount. (For example, different regimes were involved: in the first case, the old guard of the empire; in the second, a shadowy clique of autocrats; in the third, a secular republic.)
 
But their self-imposed mission is to emphasize continuity. As they argue, the Armenian death marches of 1915-16 are by now well documented, and their status as a genocidal crime, with one million or more victims, well established. By contrast, they feel, things that happened at the beginning and end of their chosen 30 years need to be better known, so that all the travails of the Ottoman Christians over that time can be seen as a single sequence.
 
Between 1894 and 1924, they write, between 1.5 million and 2.5 million Ottoman Christians perished; greater accuracy is impossible. Whatever the shifts in regime, all these killings were instigated by Muslim Turks who drew in other Muslims and invoked Islamic solidarity. As a result the Christian share of Anatolia's population fell from 20 percent to 2 percent.
 
Well, all those statements are accurate as far as they go, and they reflect one aspect of the multiple tragedies that attended the region's lurch toward modernity. Yet it remains difficult to express the authors' core case in a single true-or-false proposition. Are they suggesting that Islam is intrinsically violent? No, they reject that view. Are they implying that a 30-year plan was formulated and then implemented, albeit by different regimes? At times, they hint at something like that. But their skill as historians holds them back from saying anything so crude.
 
In one of their best passages, Morris and Ze'evi carefully discuss possible interpretations of the 1915-16 blood bath, and offer comparisons with debates about Hitler's Holocaust. As they note, historians have disputed how far in advance the mass annihilation of Jews was dreamed up. Regarding the Armenians, they say, there is no doubt that the death marches that began in April 1915 were centrally coordinated. But there have been reasonable arguments over how long in advance they were planned, and whether it was always intended that most victims would die.
 
Sifting the evidence, Morris and Ze'evi conclude that the Ottoman inner circle began planning deadly mass deportations soon after a Russian victory in January 1915. However, Ottoman policy was also shaped and hardened by the battle of Van, in which Russians and Armenians fought successfully, starting in April 1915. These conclusions rest on careful analysis.
 
But they are less confident about the fate of the Greek Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire from 1919 to 1922. They document many horrifying incidents but these do not add up to a fluent story.
 
Morris and Ze'evi vigorously challenge the Turkish argument that after World War I Greek separatism in the Black Sea region posed a danger to the emerging Turkish state requiring deportation. The authors maintain that agitation for a state on the Black Sea was never serious, and that Greeks in that region never offered much resistance to the Turkish regime. Neither of those statements is completely accurate. Greek Orthodox guerrillas held out in the Black Sea hinterland with tenacity.
 
What is more, by challenging the Turkish justification for the Black Sea deportations, Morris and Ze'evi almost imply that if there had been a military threat in that region, the marches and deportations might have been morally right. This leads to a wider point about the book as a whole.
 
The reader is left wondering what the authors ultimately feel about the treatment of civilians in situations of total war. Nothing in the United Nations conventions implies that military expediency can justify the removal, whether by ethnic cleansing, killing or both, of populations whose presence is inconvenient. But by weighing up arguments for and against certain acts of expulsion, Morris and Ze'evi seem at times to be taking a less purist view.
 
There is no doubt that during the Ottoman collapse, millions of Christians died or suffered because humanitarian principles were grossly violated. But they were not the only victims. Consider the wars that drove most Muslims out of the Balkans, starting in the early 19th century and arguably culminating in the genocidal acts suffered by some Bosnian Muslims in 1995. Hundreds of thousands of Islam's followers were killed and millions displaced, often finding refuge in Turkey. If the era that gave birth to homogeneous post-Ottoman states is to be told as a single narrative, it must surely look on both sides of the mirror.
 
Follow New York Times Books on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, sign up for our newsletter or our literary calendar. And listen to us on the Book Review podcast.
 
THE THIRTY-YEAR GENOCIDE Turkey's Destruction of Its Christian Minorities, 1894-1924 By Benny Morris and Dror Ze'evi Illustrated. 656 pp. Harvard University Press. $35.
 
 
 

Why do Azerbaijanis in Georgia have such a hard time getting an education and good work?

JAM News

Locals say the main reason is that Georgian language isn’t effectively taught in local schools

There are almost 300,000 Azerbaijanis in Georgia – about 7.5 per cent of the country’s population. 

The bulk of Azerbaijanis in the country are located in the Kvemo Kartli region, and live in relative isolation from Georgian society.

How Russian propaganda sways Georgia’s ethnic minorities

Islamic sacred sites in Georgia – Azerbaijanis ask the authorities to help repair them

For many years, the government and non-governmental organizations in Georgia have come up with many projects for this region to turn the tide. They’ve spent a lot of money, but the result negligible. 

These people still do not participate in the sociopolitical processes in the country and do not feel that they are a full-fledged part of it,” said Georgian Public Defender Nino Lomjaria in June 2019.

A recent study by the Institute of Social Research and Analysis (with the support of the Georgian branch of the Soros Foundation) has come to similar conclusions.

Why hasn’t the problem been solved on a fundamental level, despite legislation that complies with European requirements and the enormous finances spent?

We decided to seek answers to this question in the Azerbaijani community in the Kvemo Kartli region. Based on dozens of interviews and conversations, we came to the conclusion that the root of the problem is where the basis for the development and integration into the larger community should have been laid: in schools.

•Low level of teaching of the Georgian language.

•Low quality of general education.

•Studying in a Georgian school is too often not a solution, but the creation of additional problems.

More on each of these problems below.

There are 78 schools in Kvemo Kartli – 58 of them are non-Georgian. Children study here mainly in Azerbaijani or (less often) in Russian.

Georgian is taught in non-Georgian schools from the first grade. But the majority of pupils finish school without having learned to speak Georgian, even elementary phrases.

Georgia – schools without children 

My German house in Georgia

The first is that only five lessons per week are allocated to Georgian. This alone should be enough to understand why children do not know Georgian well after leaving school.

But there is also a second reason: textbooks are generally poorly prepared, but even such books are sorely lacking. Teachers say that children pass textbooks to each other for several years in a row, and new students use books that are not easy to read.

But local people say that even these two problems are not the most significant. The biggest challenge is educators who do not meet specific local needs.

“Our Georgian teacher comes to classes from Tbilisi. She does not understand the Azerbaijani language at all and, accordingly, cannot communicate with children. The lesson is not in language learning, but in the attempts of the teacher and students to understand anything they want to say to each other,” the director of one of the Azerbaijani schools told JAMnews.

He did not want to give his name, he said, out of respect for the Georgian language teacher.

Few if any local solutions have been put forward. Locals largely put the responsibility and burden on the ability of the state to solve the issue.

“Private tutor? This is completely inaccessible to our family money wise. It’s not just about getting a tutor – it’s about getting a taxi to Marneuli from our village for lessons. After all, the teacher will not come here”, JAMnews was told again and again in villages in the region

One could argue that there are free language courses that are funded from the state budget. But after talking with local residents, it became clear that they, too, did not solve the problem.

The demand for these courses is very large. But in order to be accepted to study, you must pass a number of tests. And many either can not pass them, or do not try. 

“I don’t want to disgrace myself before the examiners,” a 32-year-old farmer from Marneuli told JAMnews.

This applies to a majority of people. But of course, there are also results from these courses and various projects, especially among young people.

Many high school students in the regional center of Marneuli told JAMnews that non-formal education programs, which are paid for by either international organizations or the state budget, helped them enormously. 

“I became involved in youth projects after 8th grade. I started speaking Georgian very quickly after I visited several summer schools, camps, trainings and courses”, says 17-year-old Aytan Rustamova.

She has just graduated from high school and is taking university exams. She wants to be a physiotherapist.

“After these trips where I was invited, I had a lot of Georgian friends on social media. And when I enter the university, I’ll probably get acquainted with how Georgians live and I will have Georgian friends, and not just Azerbaijanis, as now.

Now that I’ve covered this path, I can say that five school lessons of the Georgian language a week were definitely a waste of time,” says Aytan.

Deputy Minister of Science, Education, Culture and Sport of Georgia Irina Abuladze calls schools where children from ethnic communities study a “parallel reality.” 

Children from Azerbaijani and Armenian schools make up the minority of schoolchildren in Georgia – but among those who fail in school leaving exams, these children account for about 20–25 percent each year.

A JAMnews correspondent asked Azerbaijani parents in Marneuli why local children have difficulties passing exams: 

“Because they are taught by teachers who are long overdue to retire”, the absolute majority replied.

Teachers in schools, even according to statistics, are mostly elderly, and rely largely on Soviet educational methods. 

But many, as students and their parents complain, have long ceased to follow innovations in their disciplines and do not have much of an understanding of modern methods of conducting a lesson.

A professional retraining programme which has been conducted by IREX since 2016 with the support of the Georgian government has been one response to the problem. 

The beneficiaries of the programme are school principals and teachers from grades 7 to 12 who teach chemistry, biology, mathematics, physics, geography, and English.

One of those who completed this course is the young director of a school in the village of Jandara of Marneuli district Vusal Bayramov.

“The program was not available to everyone, and after each training I tried to repeat it for teachers at my school. This knowledge helped me a lot”, said Vusal.

And what about the most seemingly obvious way out of the situation – when Azerbaijani children go to study in Georgian schools?

More and more often Azerbaijani parents are giving their children to study in Georgian schools in the hope that this will solve problems for the child in the future – to get a higher education and find a good job.

“My son studies in a Georgian school, my wife and I decided that this was the only way we could give him a fighting chance in his country,” said a resident of Marneuli, who did not want to give his name. “He already knows the Azerbaijani language – he doesn’t need more of it.” 

However, the situation is not as clear as it may seem.

18-year-old Aysel Nasibova from the village of Kizialjilo in the Marneuli district says that when the family discussed where she should study, her father insisted on a Georgian school.

But after the 9th grade, Aysel had to leave school – she had failed graduation examinations.

“From the first grade, studies were hard. At home they could not help me with homework – I had to deal with a tutor. By grade 5, I knew Georgian at an elementary level. Often in the chemistry, physics classroom I could not understand the explanations of the teacher. I asked classmates to help, but they could do little, because they also spoke to me only in Georgian”, Aysel says.

 

Shalva Tabatadze, head of the Center for Civic Integration and Interethnic Relations, considers it wrong to send Azerbaijani children to Georgian schools:

“Georgian schools and their programs are not adapted for the Azerbaijani-speaking population. As a result, we get a student with poor knowledge of both the Georgian language and other disciplines. But the trend is already deeply rooted in the Azerbaijani population, and, unfortunately, the state supports it.”

For many years, due to the lack of knowledge of the Georgian language, Azerbaijani and Armenian youth were deprived of the opportunity to receive higher education in Georgia.

The situation began to change after the state launched the 1 + 4 educational program in 2009.

The idea is that applicants for whom Georgian is not a native language can pass an examination in a higher educational institution in their native language, and then intensively study Georgian for a year. After that, they are automatically transferred to the initially chosen faculty, where classes are conducted already in Georgian.

In the 2017-2018 school year, this preparatory program benefited 792 students. This is two to three times more than in the previous two years.

But in itself, this figure is very small in comparison with the number of graduates of Azerbaijani and Armenian schools. Very few of them are students.

There is another sad statistic.

At least 80 percent of Azerbaijani and Armenian applicants stop studying right after the preparatory courses or drop out in the middle of a bachelor’s degree. As many of our interlocutors said, it becomes very difficult to study, because there is a lack of general education and knowledge of the Georgian language, which the school should have given.

Armenia probes power shutdown

Energy Reporters
 
 
Armenia probes power shutdown
 
By Energy Reporters  | 12.07.2019  | Transmission
 
Armenia’s Infrastructure Ministry has blamed massive power outages and voltage drops this week on a voltage drop in the national grid.
 
“There are no frequency fluctuations in the system, stability has been restored,” the ministry said. “Efforts continue and the power supply is gradually being restored.”
 
The ministry said an investigation would identify the cause of the blackout.
 
“The public will be informed about the results,” the ministry said.
 
The director of Armenia’s National Security Service, Artur Vanesyan, has been instructed to report on the erratic supply and find if it was an act of sabotage.
 
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said: “I would like to express my gratitude to our partners in Iran and Georgia, who provided operational support and it was possible to avoid a long-term collapse of the power grid.
 
“We can record that our energy system has demonstrated sufficient flexibility and vitality. We just need to understand the causes of the accident,” the prime minister said.
 
Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Avinian posted on Facebook that outages were “possible across the republic” because of a failure within the grid.
 
Power was also cut in the Yerevan subway this week.
 
Yerevan Deputy Mayor Hakob Karapetian said the “power supply along the entire length of the subway was interrupted due to voltage drops in the network”.
 
“At some sections, trains were stranded inside the tunnels. Then the power supply was partially restored, and the trains that stopped between stations managed to arrive at the stations where passengers were evacuated,” Karapetian said.
 
“The situation is under control. The work of the subway has been suspended until the resolution of the power-supply problem,” he added.
 
In November 2013, Armenia suffered its worst power outage in nearly two decades after what the authorities called a disruption in electricity supplies from neighbouring Iran.
 
A new 250-megawatt power station in Yerevan would cut the electricity price by around 1-1.5 drams (1,000 drams=€1.9), said the head of the Public Services Regulatory Commission Garegin Baghramyan.
 
He said it would replace the ageing, inefficient Hrazdan plant.
 
Baghramyan said the new plant would be 4 per cent more efficient.
 
About US$250 million is expected to be invested in the project by Italy’s Simest and German giant Siemens, as well as international financial institutions.
 
The authorities said the new generating capacity would be used in regional programmes through the “gas for electricity swap” arranged with Armenia and Iran.
 
Armenia’s Soviet-era infrastructure is creaking. Picture credit: Flickr