Author: Sonya Jalatian

Churches Committee warns Israel is seeking to takeover Armenian Quarter in East Jerusalem by force, calls for international intervention

Sonya Jalatian
WAFA News Agency, Palestine
Nov 17 2023

JERUSALEM, Friday, (WAFA) – The Higher Presidential Committee for Church Affairs said Israel is trying to control the Armenian neighborhood by force, threats, and intimidation, calling on the international community to intervene to preserve this Christian heritage.

The committee asserted that Israeli forces and settlers are aggressively attempting to seize control of the Armenian Quarter in occupied Jerusalem, utilizing force, intimidation, and threats against its residents. It urgently called upon the international community to intervene in order to safeguard this Christian heritage.

A statement released by the executive member of the PLO and head of this committee, Ramzi Khouri emphasized the relentless harassment faced by Armenian Quarter residents and highlighted recent measures to dismantle walls within the Armenian Orthodox Patriarchate’s private vehicle parking lot.

Khouri affirmed that the Armenian Quarter is an indispensable Armenian and Palestinian heritage, and underscored the unwavering determination of the Palestinian people to resist Israeli pressures, especially the discriminatory measures imposed on Christians and Muslims in Occupied Jerusalem.

The committee’s head called for immediate and decisive international intervention to counter Israeli policies, cease settler provocations, and halt the forced displacement of Palestinians, particularly in the Old City of Jerusalem.

T.R.


A reminder of the core of our identity…our relationships

Sonya Jalatian
 Stepan Piligian In Sight, Columns 0

My wife and I traveled to Florida this past week to attend the funeral of my uncle, who lived in northern Florida for the better part of the last 30 years. After my paternal grandparents migrated from Sepastia and Adana (with grandpa’s three-year stint in the Armenian Legion), they settled in Massachusetts, where our extended family established roots. Most of our greater family originated from either Indian Orchard (“the Orchard”) or Franklin, Massachusetts. Spending my summers on my grandparents’ poultry farm in Franklin afforded us a unique perspective of Camp Haiastan—attending as a camper and visiting as a “local.” Eventually, a branch of our family moved to California, to Los Angeles and San Jose. Another branch of the family from my parents’ generation moved to Florida. 

Uncle George and Aunt Rose Torosian

The primary purpose of our visit was to attend my dear uncle’s funeral, but we also had the opportunity to see several relatives who are all in their 90’s. Uncle Charlie, my father’s youngest brother, moved to Florida to retire. He was 91 and had served on the Camp board for many years during his time residing in Franklin. Uncle George and Auntie Rose, also poultry farmers from Franklin and remarkable individuals with keen insight and vigor for life, retired to the same area many years ago. One of their sons and his wife live close by to provide family support. Aunt Vivian lives in the area and is the senior member of the clan at 98. Her daughter and husband also live in the same town. We commonly refer to them as “Armenian aunts and uncles,” although they are technically my father’s first cousins. They have always been aunts and uncles to us and were indispensable parts of our upbringing. 

During times of loss, it is natural to seek the comfort of those we trust and love. The loss of a close relative is a time to grieve, mourn, remember and be thankful for the impact they had on our lives. A loss within a nation is very similar. Each generation of Armenians has suffered terrible losses and has mourned those tragedies before recovery can begin. For our grandparents, it was the Armenian Genocide with its human and territorial theft. My parents’ generation experienced losses associated with a world war, when many went to serve and not all returned. Most of our elders never discussed the pain of their survival in the horror of war. Today’s generation is reliving the losses of our survivor generation with the vivid observation of the atrocities in Artsakh. As the injustice was unfolding, the pain was heightened by our feelings of helplessness. 

It is odd that a people plagued with division instinctively have an affinity for each other. It is our relationships at various levels that sustain us, replenish our approach and take us to new levels. We continue to rely on each other for identity.

While the wheels of justice move slowly or may not exist, we have but one outlet to mourn and recover. We are sustained by the power of our familial and community relationships. After the Genocide, many compatriotic unions were established from their villages of origin in western Armenia. They were a bonding force to bring some level of transitional comfort during those horrific times. Armenians still get excited when they have chance encounters on campuses or through professional experiences. During my business travels, while my colleagues would go to the hotel bar or tourist sights, I would often explore the local Armenian community. It was not a unique practice. Many Armenians have had similar experiences. It is odd that a people plagued with division instinctively have an affinity for each other. It is our relationships at various levels that sustain us, replenish our approach and take us to new levels. We continue to rely on each other for identity. 

I recently read the address by Noubar Afeyan at the Mirror-Spectator celebration, sharing his thoughts on our unjustly imprisoned former Artsakh State Minister Ruben Vardanyan. The original visionaries of the Aurora Initiative, including the late Vartan Gregorian, created a synergy of unprecedented thinking and mutual respect. I could feel the concern for Ruben in Noubar’s address. Projects like these require resources and vision, but relationships give us the courage to expand our thinking. Noubar is here, and Ruben is jailed in Baku, but the relationship endures. It is the same for the thousands of relatives, organizational colleagues and personal friends who we call the global Armenian nation. 

When I was in Florida, I thought a great deal about the family relationships that have made us who we are today. Our extended family placed a very high value on respect for our elders. In my youth, our family came together frequently, but we were never allowed to run off with our cousins until we had given proper attention to our older relatives. Over the years, it has become clear to me that this was not a move for control by our parents and grandparents. They gave us a gift of learning and gaining wisdom from these people. We would spend countless hours listening to them and watching their every move. In my hyphenated Armenian life, I played with my buddies in the neighborhood during the week. My friends knew, however, that I was rarely available on weekends, since we would either visit relatives or host them in our numerous backyard kebab picnics. These relationships developed because our parents believed, based on their inherited values, that family bonds are essential in receiving the joy of life and managing adversity. It was difficult to maintain this lifestyle alongside work and local community activities, but it resulted in a sustained Armenian identity and family relationships that have guided our lives for decades. I watched how the family came together in times of loss but also to share moments of happiness. 

Stepan Piligian’s Uncle Garo Yergatian and Uncle Paul Piligian

It is a daunting thought that my peers and I are separated from becoming the elder generation by just these six individuals. My entire life, I have had the privilege of receiving guidance from my elders in a nurturing environment we call the Armenian family. My relatives in Boston, San Jose and Florida are between 95-98 years old. Auntie Dot is 96 and anchors the family in Boston, along with our Uncle Garo at 95 in Franklin. It is truly a blessing to be in their midst. This trip was special, given the substantial time with each of them to catch up, laugh and reminisce.

My cousins recently observed that growing up, we had the benefit of mentoring from aunts and uncles in moments when our parents would have been less effective. It was not a threatening experience but rather gave us advice and made us feel more secure. Were there moments when we may have been less than gracious? Sure, but the long-term impact has influenced how we choose to parent. The role of grandparents has always been very important in our family model. Many Armenians grow up adoring their grandparents. Many of our childhood experiences were under duress due to societal changes and geographic proximity, but the emergence of two income households has increased the supporting role of grandparents and added depth to the relationship. Grandparents are capable of communicating and supporting children in unique ways that can bolster the values that will guide our youth. Will this cultural norm continue to fuel our Armenian identity? It will take continued commitment by all of us.

Our trip to say goodbye to our uncle was a reminder that our time is finite but full of blessings. My Uncle Paul in California is 96 and very active. He moved in 1963, settling in San Jose in 1968. He vowed not to let geography impact our relationships. He and my aunt have spent the last 55 years illustrating that point, with countless trips east for weddings, anniversaries and other events. This summer, he and his family came to the east coast three times for weddings. The beauty of this commitment is that his nieces and nephews have visited him many times in California. It is role modeling at its best. Our identity is seeded in what we hold in common. Uncle Paul has spent many of his visits documenting our family history. He wrote a genealogical history a few years back, which he now teaches to our younger generations. It was a picture of beauty at the end of our daughter’s wedding to see Uncle Paul “holding court” with our emerging generation, filling in the blanks for them and motivating them to seek answers. This generation has a wealth of knowledge, as children of Genocide survivors, who were born into an economic depression, served to save the free world and provided a safety net for succeeding generations.

Most people spend the majority of their lives establishing and developing relationships. Family, professional and community relationships form the essence of human outreach. We also strive for a personal relationship with our Lord Jesus Christ, which takes us beyond our earthly existence and introduces us to the importance of salvation and eternity. It is these relationships that open the path for our identity. We must utilize our relationships to work through the sense of loss. We must stay active in our communities, support the efforts to assist those deported from our Artsakh and stay informed so we can add value. Building and maintaining these relationships should be a very personal matter. Maintain important relations, encourage your children to be involved with peer relatives and heal the wounds that keep us apart. There has been a recent surge in our pan-Armenian thinking, as more Armenians recognize the importance of collaboration. I can’t think of a better enabler for pan-Armenian behavior than investing in meaningful relationships.

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Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.


New NSS division designed for providing security of regional, international connections launched in Armenia

Sonya Jalatian

 16:22, 2 November 2023

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 2, ARMENPRESS. A new division has been launched in the National Security Service designed for ensuring the security of regional and international connections passing through Armenia, as well as the security of the persons, goods and vehicles passing along these connections, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said on November 2.

The division is launched as part of the  project.

The division is already active.

https://armenpress.am/eng/news/1123374.html?fbclid=IwAR1o-rPnvs5Unc1ZtC8Mfg4nOmGcK6eHKjU3zSHRfaRfyS3TzxaPmaDThnc

‘What’s this all for?’: Russian deserters call on former comrades to join them

Sonya Jalatian
The Guardian, UK
Oct 26 2023

Men tell of escape to Armenia, guilt and remorse as growing number of soldiers flee ‘criminal war’ in Ukraine

 Russia-Ukraine war – latest news updates

Sitting in a basement studio hidden in the centre of Yerevan, Artyom reflected on his decision to desert the Russian army after a year spent fighting in Ukraine.

Just two weeks earlier, the former platoon commander was living in a trench. He has since abandoned his post and fled to the Armenian capital.

“I did want to participate in this war. I wanted no part in the imperialistic habits of our ruler,” he said. “But I do feel guilt in front of Ukraine. Guilt that I didn’t do this earlier … I could have said no, I just didn’t know what the consequences would be.”

Artyom, who asked for his last name to be withheld out of fear for his safety, is one of the growing number of Russian combatants who have fled the army over the past 20 months of war.

Coming from a small city in southern Siberia, Artyom said he joined a military boarding school as a teenager “because the army sounded prestigious”. He signed a three-year contract with the Russian military but quickly became disillusioned and as Russian troops invaded Ukraine, he was stationed on the border training conscripts.

But as Russia’s invasion faltered, forcing the Kremlin to announce a large-scale mobilisation, he was ordered to join the fighting. “I told my commanders that I do not want to shoot people; they knew what my stance was even if they bullied me for it.”

Artyom was assigned to lead a signal platoon unit tasked with maintaining communications networks, electronic warfare, and signals intelligence on the battlefield. He denied killing Ukrainians in combat and claimed he did not participate in or witness war crimes such as the killings of prisoners of war and civilians. But he still grapples with his role in the fighting.

He said he would be told to keep quiet when he sometimes discussed his views with other soldiers. “We are at war, what are you, a traitor?” he said they would tell him.

“I don’t try to excuse myself. My work enabled other forces to take part in the hostilities,” he said. “Throughout my time there, I kept on thinking about how to escape.”

Desertion and “voluntary” surrender are punishable by lengthy jail terms in Russia, and Artyom said his commanders threatened him with prison if he dared to leave his post. He said he also heard stories of service personnel being locked up in basements in eastern Ukraine after refusing to fight, reports that have been backed up by independent Russian news organisations.

“Worst-case scenario was to end up in a ‘Storm-Z’ squad,” he said, referring to so-called “punishment battalions” sent to the most exposed parts of the front with heavy losses.

His chance came last month when his commander gave him a few days off, at which point he decided to flee with the help of a Russian anti-war organisation. “I knew I only had two-three days before they would start looking for me, so I had to be quick,” he said. Russian authorities have since opened up a criminal case against him.

He arrived in Armenia via a third country. Like Georgia and Kazakhstan, Russians can also enter Armenia without a visa, and all three countries serve as a logical first stop for those looking to escape the fighting.

Aleksei is a second deserter who spoke to the Guardian in Yerevan. He said: “You see other Russians on the street here and you might not even know that you served together. It is not something you talk about.”

Unlike Artyom who was a regular contract soldier, Aleksei was called up as part of Vladimir Putin’s mobilisation in September 2022.

“To say I was shocked when I was mobilised, wouldn’t be saying anything at all,” said Aleksei, who also asked for anonymity. “We quickly realised we would just be meat for the war machine.”

He described how conscripts like him received poor equipment and a lack of basic training: “We bought it ourselves with our own money, including uniforms and clothes.”

Once in eastern Ukraine, where he was assigned to a communication unit, Aleksei said he quickly saw first-hand that he was participating in an “illegal invasion”. He recalled being stunned when a local taxi driver told him: “No matter what, Ukraine will win anyway.”

“All these stories of some kind of Nazis in Ukraine, the reason why we started the fight, they are just empty words,” he said.

The mood soured in his unit over the summer as Ukraine launched its counteroffensive and casualties mounted. “During the day Ukraine would start shelling our position, and you weren’t able to stick your head out. At night you still had to get to work,” he said.

Aleksei described the daily moral dilemmas he faced as a soldier participating in a war he knew was wrong. “I felt a responsibility for my team, I didn’t want the guys I have come to know well to die because I failed. But I realised that by setting up communication lines, I was indirectly killing other people.”

He said he witnessed drunken brawls among fellow soldiers, claiming that some of them resulted in deadly shootings. “As time went on, soldiers started to think what is this all for? Many of those who were enthusiastic about fighting started to question the purpose of it all.”

Using the same escape route as Artyom, Aleksei eventually made it to Yerevan last month after he was allowed to return to Russia for a short break.

Both men were helped in their flight by the Georgia-based anti-war organisation Idite Lesom, an idiom that literally means “go through the forest” in Russian.

The phrase is most often deployed as a curse, roughly translatable as “go fuck yourself”, which was what one of the soldiers said to the Russian authorities by deserting.

Idite Lesom’s founder, Grigory Sverdlin, said his group had helped more than 500 Russian soldiers to desert so far.

“If we find out that a person is involved in war crimes, we will not help him,” Sverdlin said. “But we are not investigative agencies, we reason pragmatically – even if he managed to shoot three times, let him not shoot the fourth, and then there will be someone to investigate war crimes.

“We believe that this is absolutely correct both from a humanistic point of view and from a pragmatic one – so that Putin has fewer soldiers.”

The group has recently seen a noticeable increase in requests from those wanting to desert. It is an assessment backed up by data released by the Russian court system, where, according to a tally by the independent news outlet Mediazona, 2,076 criminal cases were opened in the first half of 2023 against soldiers accused of abandoning their units without official leave. This is twice the total for 2022 and three times higher than the prewar figure for 2021. The real numbers are likely to be greater given the Kremlin’s systematic attempts to hide information about the military.

Darya Berg, the head of relief and evacuations at Idite Lesom, said: “Some of those soldiers who are deserting now were injured in the fighting and don’t want to go back having seen the horror. Others are exhausted since they haven’t been rotated since the war started in Ukraine.”

Nearly 50,000 Russian soldiers have died in the war in Ukraine, according to a recent statistical analysis. Another study showed that in 2022 the war in Ukraine had become the leading cause of death for young Russian men.

“I quickly realised that you return from Ukraine either without legs or in a coffin,’ said Aleksei

For now, the two deserters’ future remains unclear. “I only have a vague idea about what’s next … I hope to get a refugee permit in a western country,” said Artyom, adding that he did not feel safe staying in Armenia given its proximity to Russia.

But claiming asylum in Europe could prove difficult. The west has not come up with a united approach to dealing with asylum claims submitted by men fleeing military service or the fighting.

Some western and Ukrainian officials have argued that by offering refugee status to Russian combatants, the host nation fails to hold them responsible for the invasion. The Lithuanian foreign minister, Gabrielius Landsbergis, has said that Russians opposing the war “should stay and fight against Putin”.

Others believe that encouraging Russian soldiers to desert would damage their country’s military abilities and enable Ukraine’s eventual victory in the war.

Pavel Filatyev, a former paratrooper, and Nikita Chibrin, a former army mechanic, both fled the Russian army from Ukraine and said they were still waiting for an decision after submitting an asylum application to France and Spain respectively.

More straightforward was Artyom’s message to his former comrades. “I would say to all those who are now at the front, those who know me and perhaps recognise me … guys, there is no need to participate in this criminal war. There is nothing sacred about it. There is always a way out.”

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/26/russian-deserters-call-on-former-comrades-to-join-them-armenia-soldiers-ukraine-war

Hungarian Foreign Minister says Armenian Church had very important role in restoration of relations with Armenia

Sonya Jalatian

 13:58,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 27, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian Apostolic Church had a “very important role” in the restoration of relations between Armenia and Hungary, Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó said in Yerevan on October 27.

He said his visit “puts an end to the decade when Armenia and Hungary didn’t have any diplomatic ties and contacts.”

Diplomatic relations between Armenia and Hungary were severed in 2012 by then-President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan after Hungary extradited Ramil Safarov, the convicted murderer of an Armenian officer, to Azerbaijan. Armenian military officer Lt. Gurgen Margaryan was murdered by Azerbaijani military officer Ramil Safarov during a February 2004 training course organized by NATO in Hungary.

Gurgen Margaryan was asleep in his room when Safarov attacked him with an axe.

During the trial in Hungary, Safarov admitted in court to having killed Margaryan because of his hatred towards Armenia and Armenians. He was sentenced to life imprisonment by the Hungarian court. However, in 2012 Hungary extradited him to Azerbaijan upon Baku’s request. He was released upon arrival, glorified on the state-level and pardoned by President Aliyev. On the same day, then-President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan severed diplomatic relations with Hungary.

10 years later, in 2022, Armenia and Hungary agreed to restore diplomatic relations.

“We made a decision with the Armenian Foreign Minister to restore diplomatic relations and build the kind of cooperation that would serve the interests of the two nations and countries. This restoration will help us, because there is common basis, Christianity, both countries are Christian countries for many centuries. We, Hungarians, are proudly saying that we enjoy a Christian statehood for over 1000 years, and then we come to Armenia, we see the dates and immediately become humbler. Certainly, Christianity, the Armenian Christian Church played a very important role in the restoration of our relations,” Péter Szijjártó said on October 27.

Before the decision on restoring the relations, Hungary expressed its good intentions by mediating the release of 5 Armenian POWs from Azerbaijan, he said.

RFE/RL Armenian Service – 10/18/2023

Sonya Jalatian 
                                        Wednesday, 


Armenian Policy Towards EU ‘Unchanged’

        • Tatevik Lazarian

France - Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian addresses the European 
Parliament in Strasbourg, .


Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s latest calls for closer ties between Armenia 
and the European Union do not herald any major change in his government’s 
foreign policy, senior Armenian officials insisted on Wednesday.

Pashinian told the European Parliament on Tuesday that “Armenia is ready to get 
closer to the EU as much as the EU finds it possible.” He also took aim at 
Russia, underscoring a deepening rift between Moscow and Yerevan.

Deputy Foreign Minister Paruyr Hovannisian downplayed the geopolitical 
implications of Pashinian’s speech, saying that the premier only reaffirmed 
Armenia’s commitment to the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement 
(CEPA) with the EU signed in 2017.

“Our relations with the EU have always been aimed at promoting reforms, human 
rights, the country’s transformation,” Hovannisian told journalists.

“The EU remains Armenia’s most important partner in terms of reforms, and this 
message only reaffirmed our policy of deepening and expanding our relations with 
the EU as much as possible,” he said. “There is no sensational news in the 
context of our relations with the EU.”

Arman Yeghoyan, the chairman of the Armenian parliament committee on European 
integration, similarly said that the CEPA will continue to form the basis of 
Yerevan’s relationship with the 27-nation bloc in the coming years.

“We still have room for developing the scale and quality of our relations with 
the EU within the existing legal framework,” Yeghoyan told RFE/RL’s Armenian 
Service.

In his speech, Pashinian did not indicate a desire to seek Armenia’s eventual 
membership in the EU or negotiate another alternative to the CEPA. He made clear 
last week that he has no plans to pull his country out of the Russian-led 
defense and trade blocs. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov publicly noted 
that.

Still, Pashinian launched thinly veiled attacks on Russia when he addressed the 
EU legislature in Strasbourg. In particular, he accused Armenia’s “security 
allies” of using the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict to try to topple him. This 
prompted a stern rebuke from Moscow on Wednesday.

Armen Rustamian, an Armenian opposition parliamentarian, deplored what he 
described as Pashinian’s conflicting foreign policy statements and lack of a 
cohesive foreign policy strategy.

“One day he sounds pro-Russian, the other day pro-Western … This way we will 
only lose all our friends,” claimed Rustamian.




Karabakh Suspects Freed During Exodus To Armenia

        • Ruzanna Stepanian

Nagorno-Karabakh - An abandoned vehicle is parked in front of a closed shop in 
Stepanakert during an Azeri government organized media trip, October 2, 2023.


About a dozen individuals accused or convicted of various crimes in 
Nagorno-Karabakh were set free late last month as the region’s ethnic Armenian 
population fled to Armenia following the Azerbaijani military offensive, a 
Karabakh official said on Wednesday.

Armenian law-enforcement authorities did not arrest and transfer them to the 
country’s prisons or detention centers. They now claim to be unaware of the 
whereabouts of these Karabakh Armenians. Six of them had been charged with 
spying for Azerbaijan.

Karabakh’s sole prison is located in the town of Shushi (Shusha) captured by the 
Azerbaijani army at the end of the 2020 war. Its inmates were transported to 
Armenian prisons after the six-week war. The same was also true for subsequently 
arrested Karabakh suspects.

Such transfers became impossible when Baku blocked the Lachin corridor last 
December, forcing the authorities in Stepanakert to open a makeshift detention 
center. According to a senior Karabakh law-enforcement official who has also 
taken refuge in Yerevan, the facility housed one man convicted of theft and ten 
others accused of high treason and other crimes when the Azerbaijani offensive 
began on September 19.

The official said that the authorities set them free on September 28 at the 
height of exodus. “Keeping them locked up there was no longer right,” the 
official told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.

Armenia’s Office of the Prosecutor-General declined to comment on the fate of 
these individuals and the six spy suspects in particular. It is thus not clear 
whether the Armenian authorities regard them as a national security threat and, 
if so, are keeping track of them and planning to take them into custody.




Armenia Becoming ‘Another Ukraine,’ Says Moscow


Russia - A view shows the Kremlin in Moscow, April 20, 2020.


Russia drew parallels between Nikol Pashinian and Ukraine’s President Volodymyr 
Zelenskiy on Wednesday, responding to the Armenian prime minister’s fresh 
criticism of Moscow voiced at the European Parliament.

Addressing the European Union’s legislative body in Strasbourg on Tuesday, 
Pashinian accused Armenia’s “security allies” of using the Nagorno-Karabakh 
conflict to try to oust him from power. Also, he again blamed Russian 
peacekeepers for the mass exodus of Karabakh’s ethnic Armenian population that 
followed Azerbaijan’s September 19-20 attack on the region.

Russia’s main state news agency, TASS, cited a “high-ranking source in Moscow” 
as strongly condemning Pashinian’s speech.

“We regard Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s speech in the European 
Parliament on October 17 as absolutely irresponsible and provocative, especially 
with regard to Russia and Russian-Armenian relations,” said the unnamed source. 
“We see how they are trying to turn Armenia into Ukraine No. 3 -- if we consider 
Moldova as Ukraine No. 2 -- and Pashinian is following in the footsteps of 
Volodymyr Zelenskiy by leaps and bounds.”

Tensions between Moscow and Yerevan already ran high prior to his speech, 
aggravated by the Azerbaijani takeover of Karabakh acquiesced by the Russians. 
The Russian Foreign Ministry accused Pashinian late last month of seeking to 
ruin Russian-Armenian relations and reorient his country towards the West. 
Earlier in September, it deplored “a series of unfriendly steps” taken by 
Yerevan.

Pashinian insisted on October 10 that Armenia still has no plans to leave the 
Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) or other Russian-led blocs. 
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov seemed encouraged by these assurances on 
October 12.

President Vladimir Putin appeared to downplay Russia’s rift with its longtime 
South Caucasus ally the following day. Putin said that he and Pashinian “remain 
in touch” and that he will visit Armenia again despite Yerevan’s acceptance of 
jurisdiction of an international court that issued an arrest warrant for him in 
March.

The Armenian parliament ratified the founding treaty of the International 
Criminal Court (ICC) on October 3 despite stern Russian warnings. The move was 
welcomed by the West but denounced as reckless by the Armenian opposition. 
Opposition leaders say that by setting Armenia on a collision course with Russia 
Pashinian is heightening the risk of another Azerbaijani attack on Armenian 
territory.

Pashinian acknowledged that risk in his speech at the European Parliament. He 
urged Western powers to prevent Baku from “provoking a new war in the region.”



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2023 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

A Game of Go in the Caucasus: Armenia

Sonya Jalatian
                                   Oct 11 2023
Armenia is not even a player in the Game of Go on its own territory.

By David Davidian

This article proposes a hypothesis explaining events in the Caucasus and the greater region since the mid-2010s. No right or wrong, good or evil, is assumed, only interests.

Understanding any strategic geopolitical arena is daunting. Without critical understanding and information, the best one can hope for is a leading hypothesis to explain seemingly isolated events or possible outcomes from a series of events. The strategic geopolitical landscape is an intricate system with shifting levels of state interests.

Each microcosm possesses internal and external goals and objectives, yet they all remain profoundly interconnected, even to varying degrees. The interplay among these often seemingly conflicting forces results in complexity and unpredictability. Perceptions can be deceiving, and the dynamics are subject to constant change. Many aspects may seem enigmatic. 

In essence, the strategic environment closely resembles the chaos and complexity of interlinked physical systems. A strategic analyst must understand intimately the past and present and continually study the strategic environment. Navigating and succeeding in this complex realm requires a blend of art and science. One must look back at events with as unbiased an eye as possible, determine who benefited from each scenario, and connect what may appear to be mutually exclusive or disjoint events over time; the international arena is a bazaar governed by the law of the jungle.

A Hypothesis

Of interest is the disposition of the region of Nagorno-Karabakh (see the map above) relative to, at a minimum, Armenia, Russia, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Iran, and Israel. The region known as Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh in Armenian) was inhabited by an absolute Armenian majority for millennia. It wasn’t until the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the onset of the 1917 Bolshevik revolution in Russia, and the discovery of hydrocarbons along the Caspian Sea that the Armenian disposition of this rich agricultural region was challenged. For multiple reasons, in 1923, Nagorno-Karabakh was assigned to Soviet Azerbaijani jurisdiction by Joseph Stalin. A quick history can be read here. As the Soviet Union disintegrated, demands for Nagorno-Karabakh’s integration into the emerging Republic of Armenia resulted in a war between Azerbaijani and Armenian forces, known as the First Karabakh War. 1994, Armenians secured jurisdiction over Nagorno-Karabakh, declaring itself a republic while never achieving international recognition.

Ever since 1994, Azerbaijan demanded the relinquishing of Nagorno-Karabakh from Armenian rule. Decades of negotiation were fruitless. As Azerbaijani oil production created wealth and corruption, it also procured expensive weapons of advanced technology — considerably more than Armenia. Azerbaijan engaged in a massive international lobbying effort given the moniker Caviar Diplomacy. Azerbaijan drew upon NATO military expertise in a “One Nation, Two States” alliance with Turkey.

Relations between Azerbaijan and Israel began warming early in the post-Soviet Azerbaijan era, with Azerbaijan supplying about 40% of Israel’s crude oil and, in return, Baku purchasing many billions of dollars of Israeli high-technology weaponry. Israel uses Azerbaijani territory as a forward intelligence platform against Iran.

Some have suggested that it was only a matter of time before Azerbaijan would feel comfortable enough to conquer Nagorno-Karabakh militarily. In September 2020, Azerbaijan launched a massive attack on Nagorno-Karabakh and, after 44 days, conquered most of the territory it considers its own. Three years later, in September of 2023, Azerbaijan began a military offensive under the ludicrous pretext of an anti-terrorist operation, which resulted in the forced exodus of nearly all of Nagorno-Karabakh’s 120,000 Armenian population, most escaping to Armenia.

To gain insight into these seemingly isolated events, one must consider the broader geopolitical forces at work that go beyond the South Caucasus. The South Caucasus is, in fact, not isolated and disjoint from the world arena; in fact, the scenarios we see unfolding are a direct reflection of the machinations in Europe, the Middle East, Asia, and the Far East.

After Ukraine’s Western-inspired 2004 Orange Revolution and 2014 Euromaidan Revolutions, it soon became clear that Russia needed a non-enemy in Turkey; Moscow knew things would begin militarily in Ukraine given the failure of the Minsk Agreements. These agreements foresaw autonomy for eastern Ukraine’s Russian-speaking citizens. In reaction, Russia annexed Crimea as Ukrainian forces shelled these Russian-speaking eastern regions. To complicate relations, in 2015, the Turks shot down a Russian SU-25 over Northwestern Syria. After a short period of tension, however, relations began to warm between Russia and Turkey, especially after Russian President Vladimir Putin warned Turkish President Erdogan of an impending 2016 coup in Turkey moments before it began. Work resumed on the Rosatom’s Akkuyu Nuclear Plant, and by May 2017, construction began on the Turkstream gas pipeline from Russia to Turkey. Turkey eventually purchased a Russian S400 antiaircraft system, much to the dismay of the US and NATO. What might Turkey have asked from Russia in return, or what may Russia have offered Turkey? We may never know, but we can speculate by looking back in time. Given the right circumstances, Turkish President Erdogan could have hinted to Putin (or vice versa) that the Nagorno-Karabakh question needs to be addressed in Azerbaijan’s favor, Armenia being a thorn in everybody’s side, including the US.

For many reasons, Armenia’s second president, Kocharyan, and third president (and twice prime minister, Sargsyan) would not agree to place any part of Nagorno-Karabakh under Azerbaijani jurisdiction. This situation changed in 2018 when Nikol Pashinyan became prime minister. The show stopper was when pro-Moscow Sargsyan got up and left the stage in resignation, a surprising event that appeared to be an ominous portent. 

Nikol Pashinyan, on the other hand, generally followed the footsteps of Armenia’s first president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, who championed a brotherhood between states at the expense of self-defense with Nagorno-Karabakh, a “monkey on the back” of Armenia. Neither had a national strategy or economic policy in detail. Indirectly, during his campaign and later tenure as prime minister, Pashinyan increasingly expressed more anti-Russian sentiment, leading many to speculate that he was a Western puppet. A question that might have been asked in Moscow is, could Pashinyan and his hand-picked government structure deliver Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan without losing a single Russian soldier? Such a conflict directed by the Turkish military could guarantee predictability against any immediate loss of Russian interests. Pashinyan could even appear to ‘give a good fight’ against Azerbaijani forces. From Moscow’s perspective, why not use Pashinyan and facilitate (don’t send weapons and ignore the CSTO alliance) a defeat of the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh?

Even worse, Pashinyan appeared to be setting up the conditions that would lead to a defeat of Nagorno-Karabakh. An example includes Pashinyan’s changing Directors of Armenia’s National Security Service five times since 2018. It may now be a moot point if Pashinyan was intent on delivering Nagorno-Karabakh or if his government and military were not being run by the best and brightest, with Armenia (and Artsakh) outmaneuvered strategically and militarily.

Was Pashinyan told that to be considered welcome into the Western fold, Nagorno-Karabakh must be released? Perhaps Pashinyan was played by Moscow and Washington – delivering Nagorno-Karabakh and allowing free-reign of Western NGOs throughout Armenia. We don’t know, but we do know that Turkey’s and Azerbaijan’s interests were fully served by the forced expulsion of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh in late September 2023. This expulsion was a tactical blow to Russia, losing its raison d’etre for its peacekeeping bases on what Azerbaijan considers its territory. Russia lost an immediate lever of influence against Azerbaijan.

With an increasing anti-Russia sentiment expressed by Pashinyan and his government, shunning CSTO military events, blaming Russia for the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, a small military exercise with US soldiers in Armenia, making claims that Moscow pays rent for their use of a Russian base in Gyumri, Armenia, ratifying the Rome Statute, and with Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov claiming Armenia’s government is a “temporary administration,” time will only tell if Russia wishes to upgrade its presence in the Southern Caucasus by a mild coup in Armenia replacing Pashinyan’s government with a clear pro-Moscow one. Such a coup will most likely take place at a peak in Western interest in Armenia, enacting maximum defeat for such efforts.

Again, all this is just conjecture; many unknown puzzle pieces still need to be included. It is interesting to note who has gained what in this international horse-trading. These four events have already happened.

– Azerbaijan conquered all of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is now absent of Armenians. It owes a lot to Turkey, who commanded the 2020 military operation against Nagorno-Karabakh.

– Russia facilitated an engineered defeat of Nagorno-Karabakh, perhaps as an element of quid pro quo with Turkey and Azerbaijan. What will Russia receive in exchange, even though Moscow may not have envisioned the eventual exodus of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians?

– Turkey’s and Azerbaijan’s demand for a sovereign corridor through Southern Armenia, connecting rump Azerbaijan with its exclave Nakhichevan, has been superseded by a similar corridor through Iran. Thus, just south of Armenia’s border with Iran, this corridor will now be co-sponsored by a NATO ally, Turkey. The US doesn’t want Russia controlling any corridor through Armenia. Was the Iran route a contingency against any eventual Russian-controlled route across Armenia?

– Israel expanded its existing covert bases in Azerbaijan used against Iran on conquered Nagorno-Karabakh territory. 

What might remain? A pro-Moscow government in Armenia can fulfill Russian interests, the final move in this Game of Go. We will likely not see tanks in the streets of Armenia’s capital, Yerevan. Pressure towards ousting the Pashinyan government can be applied by an Azerbaijani military buildup on Armenia’s borders – something that is not supposed to happen in a “brotherhood between states.” Russia has many other levels of strategic influence in Armenia, and not just limited to gas, electricity, transportation, and control of remittances into Armenia from Russia.

The West won’t attempt to project its military power in the region; it cannot and will not place soldiers in Armenia. In any case, Turkey is NATO’s representative in the region. The EU is going through the motions to fill the perception of a power vacuum developing in Armenia – until it comes time for Russia’s regional interests to be satisfied.

Two items to watch that can indicate an active Russian recovery in the Southern Caucasus region include:

1) Further success in the Republic of Georgia’s continued attempts to find common ground with Moscow, as China is seriously interested in Georgian Black Sea ports. The potential upside for Georgia may be too high to ignore, considering Tbilisi seems to have realized that EU ascendancy and NATO membership are empty words.

2)  If Ruben Vardanyan, the former state minister of the Republic of Nagorno Karabakh, who was arrested last month by Azerbaijan, slowly becomes a hero in the Russian media, this may be a sign of his ascension to a pro-Moscow government in Armenia. He may be one of many who could be in such a position.

One needs a strategy to play the Game of Go.

Yerevan, Armenia

Author: David Davidian – Lecturer at the American University of Armenia. He has spent over a decade in technical intelligence analysis at major high technology firms. He resides in Yerevan, Armenia.


 

It’s time for peace in the South Caucasus, says Russia

Sonya Jalatian

 11:46,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 10, ARMENPRESS. The Russian peacekeeping contingent is ready to contribute to the strengthening of trust in the South Caucasus, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has said.

“Now, when leaders in Yerevan and Baku have resolved the issue of mutual recognition of the sovereignty of the two countries, the time has come to establish peaceful life and strengthen trust,” Lavrov said in an article. “The Russian peacekeeping contingent is ready to maximally contribute to this,” he added.

The Russian FM accused the West of destabilizing the situation in the South Caucasus and imposing its mediation upon Armenia and Azerbaijan.

The female faces of the blockade of Artsakh

Sonya Jalatian
October 4, 2023 Yelena Sargsyan Commentary, Opinion 0

A few days before the forced deportation of Artsakh residents

“Eh, tsavd tanem (I’ll bear your pain). There’s so much to think about. You keep asking how women are coping with the blockade. Our children are sleeping hungry. What can we say about us?” said Gayane with a sigh during our conversation a few days before the forced displacement of nearly all of the Armenian residents of Artsakh.

I couldn’t understand half of her words, as the call continued to be marred by poor connectivity. I was trying to piece together the fragments of her words, a mosaic of sounds and sighs that narrated a story of endurance. 

I was planning to prepare an article about the problems with sexual and reproductive health facing the women of Artsakh under blockade. I wanted to create a platform, a safe space, where women would finally be able to talk about themselves and their personal problems and difficulties.

Yet do women have personal space during wars or blockades? Even during peacetime, Armenian women have a huge burden of responsibilities on their shoulders: having children, “multiplying” the nation and raising a patriotic generation. In times of strife, these responsibilities burgeon.

Gayane’s niece gave birth to her second child a few weeks before our conversation. Her first child is four years old. “We don’t know what to do. At least we are able to give tsamak hats (dry bread) to the older one, but this newborn baby only eats breast milk. The poor girl’s milk dried up due to stress and malnutrition. She can’t feed her baby. We can’t even get formula. The poor girl doesn’t know what to do,” said Gayane. Her voice trembling with sorrow, she conveyed that a neighbor, herself a recent mother, was providing sustenance to the newborn.

Aware of the inadequacy of my words, I proposed arranging an online psychological consultation for the young mother. Gayane’s response, delivered with a condescending chuckle, was sobering: “Tsavd tanem, the elder child sleeps with an empty belly, and the newborn’s weight stagnates due to malnourishment. You offer psychological counseling, while people queue for hours just to secure bread, only to discard it in anger and despair, saying that they can’t relate with this mockery anymore. Which psychologist can help in this matter?”

Dr. Armine Barkhudaryan, a gynecologist who worked remotely with Artsakh women for months, remarked on the prevalence of malnutrition and vitamin deficiencies among pregnant women. “I lack concrete data,” she admitted, “but it’s clear that vitamin deficiencies and malnutrition are the chief culprits. Since July, miscarriages have surged to three times their previous numbers compared to the same period last year. Yet, our understanding remains preliminary, and no comprehensive research exists,” said Dr. Barkhudaryan.

Armenian women, in normal circumstances, rarely discuss their needs and predicaments, but during conflict, they often fade into an abstract, selfless existence—devoting themselves entirely to the welfare of other women and children in need.

Mariam (real name changed at the woman’s request), who relocated to Armenia for a challenging pregnancy, found herself struggling to recall the trajectory of her pregnancy during the blockade. Throughout our conversation, she continually expressed deep remorse. “I feel guilty,” she said. “There were many pregnant women in Artsakh enduring the blockade, while I found myself here in Armenia. My baby feeds well now, but others’ infants sleep with empty stomachs. Their mothers lack both breast milk and formula. I feel guilty,” she repeated.

In Armenian society, certain topics, especially during wartime, remain veiled in silence. Among these, perhaps the most untouched, is the issue of unwanted pregnancies and abortions.

Although Dr. Barkhudaryan does not have clear data, she believes that the women in the blockade had access to contraceptives. “The issue is not that women did not have access, but rather, there is a lack of education. Even if there were contraceptives left in pharmacies, many do not know how to use them. I am aware that many women resort to biological contraceptives, not condoms, hormonal contraceptives or intrauterine devices, and in that case the chance of not getting pregnant is 50-50,” she said.

From the start of the blockade, Artsakh women mobilized on an online platform, in a special group where they shared their resources and provided each other with necessary products and help. Naturally, the main topic of group discussions concerned children: women looking for diapers, baby food, clothes and medicine. Very rarely, women also looked for feminine hygiene products, including pads. Such discussions are often accompanied by reproaches and are described as amot (shameful). Artsakhtsi women, however, excel not only in their unity and care, but also through their high sense of solidarity. They protect each other and explain to those who attach such labels that women are already neglected. The basic norms of a woman’s dignified life must be ensured, and that the group was created to serve as a safe space for women, they say. 

According to data from the Women’s Resource Center of Armenia (WRCA), during the blockade women did not have the opportunity to purchase pads and other hygiene products. It was a fundamental problem: with constant water and electricity outages, people were unable to take care of their personal hygiene regularly. According to Anush Poghosyan, Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights specialist at WRCA, menstrual hygiene is a basic human right and is essential for women’s health and well-being. “During the blockade, women’s right to a dignified life was violated. Women from Artsakh did not have access to basic household items like hot water and electricity. All that does have a horrible effect on women’s sexual and reproductive health,” said Poghosyan.

Mother and child shelter in a bunker (Siranush Sargsyan/Twitter)

A few days after the forced deportation of Artsakh residents

In Armenia, each day unfolds with uncertainty, making even the simplest of plans a distant luxury. A problem that was important a few hours ago gives way to a bigger problem that has just emerged.

As I write these words, my compatriots in Artsakh are being uprooted from their homes, leaving behind cherished gardens and the graves of their loved ones. I write these words mechanically, and Gayane is constantly in my mind. Is she in Stepanakert or on the road that stretches for kilometers to Goris? Is her niece able to feed her child? Where did she take shelter with her four-year-old and newborn children?

I am afraid to call Gayane, Mariam and others. What should I tell them? I don’t know what I should ask them. I was never taught at school, home or university what to ask people in such cases. I was only taught that Artsakh is ours…

Perhaps, in a moment of levity, I’ll offer them online psychological counseling once more, if only to share a fleeting moment of laughter before the tears return. I yearn to ask how they are, even though I already know the answer. I just want to call and say that I want to hug them tight, that I feel and understand them, yet I am paralyzed by fear and despair. I am at a loss for words, unsure of how to aid my sisters from Artsakh.