Nkr: There Is No Forgiveness For Turks

THERE IS NO FORGIVENESS FOR TURKS
Svetlana Khachatryan

Azat Artsakh Newspaper: [NKR]
April 23, 2010
NAGORNO KARABAKH REPUBLIC

The other day the convention session of intercollegiate scientific
meeting taken place in Mesrop Mashtots University was devoted to the
95th anniversary of the Great Armenian Genocide. The opening speech
of pro-rector of the University Ararat Vardanyan was a reflection
to ideology of Turkism – ideology, which idealizes turk nation and
together with it propagates, that it’s necessary to annihilate all
Christian peoples living in Ottoman Empire. In orator’s opinion,
it’s wrong the opinion, that today’s turk is not the same turk,
that he has changed. Such approach is beneath criticism, as today
in state propaganda of Turkey number 1 enemy of this nation is
an Armenian. Turkey organized Great Armenian Genocide, possessed
the greatest part of our land. The most abusive is that it not only
refutes all that, but puts the blame on the Armenians. In attitude of
today’s authorities of Turkey there is material change with respect
to the Armenians. Recently the Premier of Turkey declared in the USA,
that the Armenians were guilty of the Genocide. But ratification
of Armenian-turkish proceedings, that foresee diplomatic relations
without prerequisites, Turkish authorities delay the Karabakh question
in favour of compulsion of solving of Azerbijan. May be it at last
opens the eyes of international community – who is the modern Turkey?

Researches of the student of Mesrop Mashtots University Hovik
Avanessov concern the Armenian community of Turkey. Today about
80 thousand Armenians live in Turkey. The greatest problem of the
Armenian community is the question of language and mix marriages.

Conditioned by the policy being realized by Turkish government,
Armenian-speaking downfalls in this country. There is no forgiveness
for turks, but Armenian protection in Turkey is one of the main
problems of the Republic of Armenia, the young student finds.

Almost A Legend: Interview With Robert Fisk

Almost a legend: Interview With Robert Fisk

The Sun Daily
136
April 28 2010
Malaysia

The Independent’s Middle East correspondent Robert Fisk has most
probably seen it all – from gory bodies to Osama bin Laden. After 34
years in the trade and covering the wars in the region, he describes
journalism as he practises it and what he has seen. ZAKIAH KOYA and
MEENA L. RAMADAS find out what makes this man tick.

WHEN did you start writing as a journalist?

At 12, I saw an Alfred Hitchcock movie, The Foreign Correspondent. In
the movie, the character gets sent to Europe to cover the outbreak
of WWII, he sees the assassination of a diplomat in Amsterdam, he’s
chased by Gestapo agents, uncovers a German spy in London, survives
an air crash in the Atlantic and wins the most beautiful woman in the
movie. At 12, I thought this is what I wanted (to do). So, I never
deviated from that.

After I left school, I did not go straight to university. I joined
The Evening Chronicle published in Newcastle. So, I started like all
journalists, covering magistrate’s courts, mothers’ union meetings,
shipping stories; so I started off like that and then I got a part-time
job at The Sunday Express on the gossip column.

On the gossip column?

Yes. I would chase after vicars who had run off with their
daughters-in-laws, things like that. It was good practice for covering
Northern Ireland and the Middle East. Then I wanted to go to Northern
Ireland so I joined The Times. I sat through 29 interviews. Then
in 1974, The Times sent me to cover the aftermath of the Portuguese
Revolution. In 1975, I got a letter from the foreign editor that our
correspondent in Beirut had just married and asked if I would like
to go to Lebanon. I was 29, and the idea of being The Times Middle
East correspondent, before Murdoch of course, was quite something.

Because of my father I always had this tremendous interest in history.

My father would take me around the sites that were used as battlefields
of WWI in France and of course, teach about WW II. So, I grew up
knowing a lot about history.

Are you a Muslim?

I’m a journalist. Journalism is my religion.

How is it that you feel so strongly about the Middle East?

If it was the other way, and most of the Middle East was Jewish land
and a Muslim state was taking the lands away and bombing them, I would
say exactly the same about the Jewish inhabitants. It does not matter.

I do not take sides. If there is a side, it is the ethical issue of
who is suffering here. If I see a massacre, I am very angry about it.

If you see people being murdered, you get angry. I am allowed to be
angry too. Being a journalist does not mean I am injected with some
force of neutrality.

Do you sleep after seeing all these corpses?

Oh yes. I do not report these things to weep over them. I get angry
but I report them so that people know the truth of what is happening,
that is my job. If you are a journalist in a war and you feel it is
affecting you, well, you fly home, business class, and do not come
back. Do another job. Become a theatre critic. The people you should
worry about are not the journalists, but the people who cannot get out
of the country, who spend day and night trying to keep their families
alive and protected and who have pariah passports and no visas.

Being in the Middle East

When you were sent there as a correspondent, did you know what you
were supposed to do?

What I knew about Middle East history was what I learned in current
affairs books. I did not speak Arabic, I could not read Arabic but I
can now. So I started with a considerable disadvantage. I learnt two
things very quickly; first, rely, talk and listen to Arab reporters who
spoke French, Arab and other languages. I never go near the embassies.

When I was travelling to Beirut, I decided to not spend all my time
mixing with other Western journalists because all you are going to do
is produce the same material. There are a few Western journalists who
I like. I have a good friend Ed Cody. He was the number two of the
AP Bureau in Beirut, he was a brilliant Arabist, he started teaching
me Arabic from day one in battles.

There was a Polish journalist who was in the Warsaw uprising in 1943
against the Germans. He was very experienced in war. When it came to
survival, I relied on these few people. But when it came to learning
about what was going on in the Middle East, one of the first people
I went to see in Egypt was Mohamad Hasanein Heikal (leading Egyptian
journalist) who has been a friend ever since. I lived in a Hezbollah
village in southern Lebanon where no one spoke English. So I had to
learn Arabic the old, hard, tough way. Sometimes, the schoolchildren
would take me to their school and teach me.

Would you say that Middle East correspondents now have it easier?

Well, we do have mobile phones now. And email. In the war especially,
we had to use a Telex machine. To get a call out of a major hotel in
Egypt; and there were only two hotels, the Meridien and the Hilton;
would take a day. So, there were enormous communication problems. Just
getting money transferred was impossible. I remember once when my
money was sent to an Egyptian bank, it took me three weeks to get it
out and they kept losing documents.

What do you think about the perception that western media seem to
have an agenda when reporting Middle East issues?

The western media start making sure the words they use do not offend
anyone. I mean in the case of Middle East, they are always worried
the Israelis would complain or the embassies would complain or lobby
groups will complain. In other words they would call a war not a war
but an offence. Then they call occupied territory a disputed territory,
something you can solve in court over a cup of tea. So when the
Palestinians use violence to reject the war and the occupation, they
are generically violent because it is a dispute, it is only an offence.

You were criticised a lot when you wrote about your beating by Afghan
refugees in 2001.

Yes, and I told in my story, the reason they beat me was because all
their families had just been killed by an American B52 in Kandahar.

All the people who criticised my article left that bit out. They
neutered the reasons and made it into a mad Afghan mob and well,
Robert, who is supposed to be so keen on Islam, forgave them. Well,
I did not forgive them, I said I would have done the same if my family
had been killed by an American bomber. I knew that these were the
most crushed people in the world, the Afghan world. It was a fair
comment and I stand by it.

What about other difficulties?

The only country where I found antagonism was Turkey where my writing
about the Armenian genocide is much resented, not by ordinary people
who know it was true, but by political people.

On journalism

Who do you write for?

When I write an article, I’m writing a letter to a friend, the reader.

When you write to a good friend, you tell them the truth. It also saves
you from explaining the whole history of what you are writing about. I
work on the principle that people know what is going on in the Middle
East. They do not need to be told the same set of material each time;
one point of view, a different point of view of the matter; they know
what is going on, otherwise, they would not be reading the article.

What is journalism to you?

If you work for a paper that does not print what you write unless it
accords with the editorial line, that is not journalism for me but a
lot of people put up with it. I always believe that the journalists
have to be good friends and colleagues with the editor, not moan and
whine if the editor does not like the story, but know that the guy
trusts you to get it right.

When I was at the The Times, that was the case and now with The
Independent, all of my editors have stood by me all the time,
without exception. They have defended me. I have been attacked by
Arab governments but the Israelis now do not even raise my name to
my editors. They know there is no point.

Do you believe in covering as an armchair journalist?

No, I do not. If I cannot go to wars, I do not cover them.

Was there any time when your story got axed for political reasons?

When I was with The Times in Northern Ireland, I was bitterly attacked
by the British army because I revealed in the paper correctly that they
had death squads who were crossing the border into the Irish republic.

My editor, who was a part-time soldier in a historic British cavalry
regiment, stood by me and told the Defence Ministry to go to hell
basically; he would not tolerate me being attacked. He was a model
editor for me. I try to make sure all my editors are like him (laughs).

I can remember two incidents. When Murdoch took over, I stayed with
the paper a little while and then I moved to The Independent along
with many of my colleagues.

Why did you leave?

In 1988 just before the end of the Iraq-Iran war, an American warship
called The Vincennes shot down an Iranian airline carrying more than
200 passengers. I went straight to Dubai because the airline was en
route to Dubai from Bandar-e-Abbas in southern Iran. The next day
I went to Iran and saw all the corpses including the children with
wedding costumes. I then went straight to my friends who worked in air
traffic control in Dubai who were Brits and they told me this warship
has been challenging British Airways aircraft, it has been challenging,
aggressively, all commercial airliners – we all knew something like
this would happen. It was clear from the radio traffic that the
crew and the captain were panicking. All subsequent enquiries proved
that it was accurate. When the captain gave the decision to fire the
missiles, they still had the seamen trying to look up the commercial
flights from Iran. They said the transponder was not working on the
aircraft but it was. When I filed my first story on the panicking of
the Americans and how they had been challenging commercial flights,
all that material was taken out of the copy and the editorial said,
which I did not write, it was probably a suicide pilot. I had already
spoken to the editor about the danger of suggesting that because
I did not believe it was but the editor said it was possible. In
fact, the article ran in the second edition not the first. That was
the reason I decided to leave The Times. I had found out what had
happened, I got it right and all the subsequent enquiries proved I
was correct. I sent the same story to an Irish daily whose editor is
a friend of mine and we printed it in Ireland.

In those days, what you could read in Ireland you could not read
in London.

Subsequently when I left The Times, the chief foreign night subeditor
wrote to me telling me the editor had been frightened of Murdoch and
who described my report as a load of rubbish because it did was not
what Murdoch would have liked. So I left the paper. I do not work
for papers that are political.

Did Independent ever interfere with any of your articles?

In 1989, I wrote a story about how the Israelis had bombed a house in
southern Lebanon which they believed belonged to a Hezbollah leader
who ran a TV station. The man was not in Hezbollah, the information
was wrong and they killed the man’s two daughters who were waiting
in front of the house for their school bus. I went to the mortuary
and saw the bodies.

I knew one of our subeditors was pro-Israeli but I never paid attention
because he can have his own personal views. In fact, what happened, he
took out the description of the dead girls which is important to the
reader and the headline for the story was "School girls fall victim
to border war" when in fact they were killed by Israeli aircraft. I
found out the foreign sub in London had deleted all of my copy from
the screen, we did not use computers back then. I do not know why he
did that. Fortunately, I had kept a copy and I had sent it to all the
editors and italicised all the bits that were edited with the headline
and I made a complaint. The next result I heard from the foreign desk,
this guy went to the foreign desk and said I was anti-Semitic, which
was also my complaint. I told a lawyer friend of mine, who also knew
the sub, to tell the sub that I will sue him if he ever says anything
like that again. I am not a racist, I am not an anti-Semitic. And a
few weeks later, he left the paper. I do not know why. But that was
not the newspaper. It was an individual who took it upon himself to
pulvarise my copy. I work on the principle that people’s personal
opinion do not interfere with editing

Journalists are supposed to be objective – you seem very subjective
in your writings.

I think you should be neutral and unbiased on the side of those who
suffer. When you start off in journalism, you have a 50-50 sort of
journalism, half from one side and half from the other. That is all
right when you are writing about a football match or public inquiry
into a new motorway where protesters will lose their lands.

But the Middle East is not a football match, it is a bloody tragedy and
you have got to have some idea of the morality of what is happening
there. If people are being dispossessed of their land, if it is
being taken from them against all international law then these are
the people you should be concentrating on. If you’re reporting the
slave trade, do you spend half your story interviewing the slave
ship captain? Excuse me. If you’re reporting the liberation of an
extermination camp in WW II, you talk to the survivors and write
about the Jewish dead. You do not go and interview the SS commander,
excuse me. I mean you can but give the person one paragraph.

When I was in Jerusalem in August 2001, an Islamic Jihad Palestinian
blew himself up in an Israeli restaurant full of kids. I was just down
the road. I saw everything; a child without eyes, a woman with a table
leg through her. I did not write half the story about Islamic Jihad’s
reasons. About the Sabra and Shatila massacre in 1982, I was in the
camps before the murderers left. I did not give the Israeli army half
my story to make excuses to why they did not do anything. I wrote
about the survivors and the dead who I had to literally climb over.

So, my answer is yes, neutral and unbiased on the side of those
who suffer.

When we read your articles, you seem to get most of your stories from
the locals.

Most people tell the truth most of the time. That applies to Northern
Ireland when I was reporting in Belfast.

What is it about you, you think, people open up to you and tell you
their secrets?

Because I take them seriously. They don’t tell me their secrets. I
think they take me seriously. And they are right to do so. I am a
serious person. By the way a lot of people do lie. Governments are
keen on doing so.

How do you deal with facts that you are not so sure about?

If I’m suspicious of someone I make it very clear in my report that I
am suspicious so this is a way of saying to the reader watch out. I do
not just use words like claimed or alleged. I sometimes say it sounds
like a tall story to me which is what you say in a letter. So I make it
pretty clear if I do not trust someone no one who read my article can
pin me down for the fact that I do not trust them. But that does not
mean they should not be given a voice. They might be telling the truth.

Do you think your writings have made a difference?

I cannot think of a single story that has saved anyone’s life. It
might have.

What about people in power who are looking at it?

No, I do not think it changes. They know what is going on anyway,
people in power. You do not need to reveal to them something you do
not know. What you need to do is to reveal things to other people
who do not know so that they will have to admit it. I do not think
we have changed anything.

Many journalists are afraid of having suits against them.

In England particularly, the law is biased against newspapers. And it
is very, very easy to get a writ. I have gotten a lot of writs but they
have either been withdrawn or I have won them all. I have never lost
a case, which means I work hard to get my facts correct when I write.

Covering Palestine

Which incident stuck in your mind?

Oh, definitely Sabra and Shatila. I have never seen so many people
murdered in one place. I literally, at one point, to get to a
neighbouring street, had to climb over what I thought was a bank of
earth but, in fact, when I was on top of it, it was bouncing beneath me
with corpses lightly covered with earth. I could see a woman’s head,
a shoulder upon someone’s stomach underneath it. Of course the place
stank terribly, it was hot.

I had never seen so many dead women and children and babies shot next
to their mothers. I had never seen anything on this scale. This was
a war crime; Sabra and Shatila is a war crime.

When Israelis banned journalists from Gaza, what did you think?

One of the best things of the banning of western reporters in Gaza,
you had Palestinians, for the first time, telling their own stories. I
have actually got here our guy’s coverage. His father was killed in
an air raid in the first days of the war. That was our front page:
"The death and life of my father", 5 January 2009. If you look at it,
it is a moving story. Written brilliantly.

Is there any vivid memory of anyone – child or woman – which has
touched you?

Last December, in Northern Lebanon near Hermel, I discovered a Shi’ite
village. What happened was this guy went on the Haj in 2008 or 2009.

Now he is a truck driver – a poor guy – five children. Parents are
both alive, mother very ill, and several years ago in Lebanon he
worked at a now defunct television station called Shehrazad TV out of
Beirut. It was a satellite TV, a junk programme, and he used to answer
viewers queries on whether they should get married, how should they
make up their arguments with their boyfriends. He went on the Haj. A
day before he was supposed to leave the religious police arrests
him for witchcraft. His name is Sabat (as reported). It is wrong
in the papers. The transliteration would be Bsat. I went to see his
family. I was sitting and talking there and at this time he was about
to be executed within a week and I wanted to get a page in the paper
so that the Saudis knew they were being watched. While I was sitting
there, his second youngest child, little girl, aged about five – in
her school uniform – and she came and sat beside me on the sofa and she
put her school bag down and looked at me and said have you come to get
my dad out of prison? And I thought Christ, how do you reply to that?

And she asked it with innocence. I was foreign, I could help. I could
help. I wrote the story. There was nothing eloquent about it, it was
the total innocence.

What did you reply?

I said I did not know.

What is your opinion of the Arab women in the wars?

My first contact with Palestinians in Beirut was with Fatah and they
were involved in the civil war. A few women were involved in the
civil war. Once I had time, and this included during the war as well,
I spent a lot of time talking to families about their experiences of
leaving Palestine in ’47, ’48. You know there were several exoduses
over a period of months. And I was talking to Palestinian women who
because, in some cases, their husbands had died or were killed, so
they were in charge of the family narrative. I think the women were
more certain they would go home; which of course they will not do;
than the men. The men had become disillusioned as the years went by.

What about the women suicide bombers?

Not that many. There were a few in Lebanon and some of them were not
even Muslim. The Syrian Social National Party had a female suicide
bomber. She managed to kill Fijian soldiers. It would be pleasant
for you to hear that women are playing a more prominent role in the
struggle for justice in the Arab world. They certainly do play a role
but they have an awful lot of hindrances to get around and their role
in society, in the patriarchal society, makes it very difficult

On Osama bin Laden

You interviewed Osama?

Yes. Three times and he was interested with me doing it for the fourth
time but I could not reach him during the war. I first met him in 1993.

Did you ever doubt his existence?

No, I did not. I saw pictures of him. The revolving door of the
western mindset, they are always searching for somebody who could be
Hitler or Mussolini during WWII like Gaddafi, then you had Khomeini,
Abu Nidal and Nasser at one point, who was described as the Mussolini
of the Nile.

Osama came out of the wheel of fate like everybody else did. Here’s
another one, bearded as well, mad.

There were pictures of him. I knew a bit about him. I met him in
Sudan for the first time. So, I did not doubt his existence. In fact,
it was a Saudi who had been fighting with him against the Russians,
who was attending an Islamic conference in Khartoum, who told me
he wanted to take me on a long journey into the desert one Sunday
because he thought I would like to meet someone. He said it was for
my own amusement because he had never met a foreign journalist. So
he gave me his first interview.

I knew he was in Sudan but I never tried to see him.

What was he like?

He thought I was going to ask him about "terrorism, terrorism,
terrorism" but what I wanted to ask him was about what it was like
to fight the Russians because, Afghanistan was one of the reasons
why the Soviet Union collapsed, and he was a very prominent fighter
in bringing the Soviet army down. So I asked him about what it was
like to fight the Russians. Well he told me a lot; about where the
mass graves of his fighters were. They were not called al-Qaeda then.

What were they called?

Mujahidin fighters being supplied with weapons by the Americans. He
denied that.

They did not coin the word al-Qaeda did they?

He used the word al-Qaeda when he announced the existence of the
organisation before I saw him for the third time so I knew that
then I mean I was with al-Qaeda people hours on end and I knew who
they were but back then they weren’t. His fighters were with him in
Sudan. I met them, along with an awful lot of Sudanese intelligence
whom they did not like very much.

Then he told me during the course of this narrative that there was an
attack on a Russian firebase, artillery position in this province and
he described how during the battle a mortise shell fell at his feet
and he said, which was quite important for me, was that he was quite
prepared to accept death. The Arabic word he used was Sakinah which
means calmness, tranquillity I suppose. And I asked did that moment
play an important part in your life and he said "yes it did." It was
very interesting. I found out how his mind worked and how fighting
the Russians changed him.

So that was the first time you met him?

Yes. The second time I met him in Afghanistan.

Was he different?

No, he was pretty much the same. He asked to see me. I got a phone
call from Switzerland, later on I got a call from London saying he
wanted to see me. I was very worried because I did not know the guy
who called me from Switzerland. I was very worried I would get set
up by the Egytian secret service or worse the ISI or the bits of ISI
that were not supporting the Talibans might be setting me up to be
murdered so that they can blame it on Osama. I went to London from
Beirut and asked to see a man who knew him in my hotel which was the
Sheraton Belgrade in London.

(Laughs) I remember, I was in my room. It is a very chic hotel. The
receptionist called my room to tell me that there was a man to see me.

I walk downstairs and as usual, the place is full of wealthy
businessmen, women in chic clothes and standing by the reception was
this Saudi with a huge beard in a dishdash and plastic sandals and no
socks. And I say I bet this is the guy that wants to see me (chuckles)
and it was of course. He said "I assure you, it is genuine." So I
went back from Beirut to Jalalabad through Sharjah. I checked into
the Spinghar hotel and waited and waited and waited day after day and
I made a call to London and said hey, I am in Jalalabad. I have been
sitting here on my bottom for … and he said be patient. And the next
night, I was reading in bed and there was a sound like someone with a
car key (taps the table five times) did this on the window. I was on
the ground floor. And the guy, with a whole load of armed men at the
gate, took me hundreds of miles across the desert to see him which
was where he was waiting for me. He obviously came from somewhere else.

Every time he wanted to see you, what was it for?

He thought I was fair in reporting what he said. I know that, well,
first of all, he would not ask for me. I knew that because, first of
all, he made a broadcast long after 9/11, long after we knew he was
horrible in which he said Robert Fisk is a neutral journalist and then,
unfortunately, he said if the White House wants to know what al-Qaeda
thinks they need only speak to Robert Fisk which I could have lived
without. So, Omar, Osama’s son, described my meeting in Afghanistan
in a book written about Osama’s first wife and he said I had asked
him whether if he was happy.

He (Omar) was very moved, he was almost overwhelmed because no one had
asked him that before. His father was domineering. He said he was very
sorry not to find himself in the story. He was in the captions. I took
a picture of him with his dad. And afterwards he asked Osama – aren’t
you worried that Mr Fisk would write bad things about you? Osama’s
reply was, "No, he will be fair."

Do you think there is a group called "terrorists" or "suicide bombers"?

I do not use the word "terrorists" in my articles. Do I think that
they did the 9/11? George Bush is not capable of 9/11, believe me,
it was not the American government.

http://www.thesundaily.com/article.cfm?id=46

Daniel Varoujan Hejinian honored at the Massachusetts State House

Peace of Art
Fort Point P.O.Box 52416
Boston, MA 02205
617-435-7608

On Friday April 23rd 2010 Daniel Varoujan Hejinian was honored at the
Massachusetts State House and received the Senate and House of
Representatives Resolutions for his lifelong efforts to promote peace
through his works of art.

Daniel Varoujan Hejinian has dedicated his life to promoting peace
through his works of art. He’s internationally known for his romantic
expressionist paintings, which transcend the boundaries of place and
time. Varoujan has combined the experiences of his heritage with his
remarkable talent as an artist to promote peace. He communicates human
suffering and triumph though his artwork to bring about positive change.

Daniel Varoujan Hejinian founded Peace of Art, Inc. to use art as a tool
to bring awareness to the universal human condition. In 2009, he
unveiled his "Colors of Liberty" exhibit at the Massachusetts State
House which included his painting, "The Missing Stripes", dedicated to
those Americans who lost their lives on September 11, 2001. Varoujan is
a gifted artist, mentor and inspiration to the Armenian-American
community in the Commonwealth. The Massachusetts General Court
recognized Daniel Varoujan Hejinian’s "many contributions to the
Armenian-American community and his lifelong work to bring about peace
and justice through his works of art."

www.PeaceofArt.org

Armenian Genocide Commemorated In Beirut

ARMENIAN GENOCIDE COMMEMORATED IN BEIRUT

ARMENPRESS
APRIL 26, 2010
YEREVAN

YEREVAN, APRIL 26, ARMENPRESS: A number of events dedicated to the
95th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide were held in Beirut.

Armenian Foreign Ministry press service told Armenpress that April
24 in Antelias mother cathedral a liturgy was served in commemoration
of the victims of the Armenian Genocide, followed with a ceremony of
putting wreath in the court of the cathedral. Representatives of the
political parties, heads of the Armenian organizations participated
in the event.

Accompanied with the whole staff of the Armenian embassy Armenian
ambassador Ashot Kocharyan put a wreath at the memorial of the
genocide. Catholicos of Cilicia Aram A addressed to the gathered. The
event was followed with a march to Burge Hamut stadium where a
commemoration rally was held.

Armenia’s Ambassador To UN: Turkey Must Recognize Genocide

ARMENIA’S AMBASSADOR TO UN: TURKEY MUST RECOGNIZE GENOCIDE

Aysor
April 26 2010
Armenia

Armenia’s Ambassador to the United Nations Karen Nazarian, speaking
to the Armenian Genocide commemoration events in the United States,
stressed the importance of the stopping the Turkish refusal to
recognize the 1915 Genocide. He said praises in this context the
efforts by the international community and the Armenian Diaspora.

The international community must keep its commitment to preventing and
condemning of the Genocide, according to Ambassador Nazarian. He said
that by means of these efforts the international community should make
Turkey recognize the Genocide of Armenians and change its position
over the issue.

Hundreds of thousands of Armenians in various countries laid flowers
at the monuments to the victims of the Genocide by Turks as well
as held commemoration events, protest marches, etc. on Saturday,
marking the 95th anniversary of the big tragedy.

On April 23-24 the commemoration ceremonies were held in New York
and New Jersey.

Eurasian Development Bank To Establish Representation In Yerevan

EURASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK TO ESTABLISH REPRESENTATION IN YEREVAN

PanARMENIAN.Net –
April 26, 2010 – 15:50 AMT 10:50 GMT

The Eurasian Development Bank (EDB) representation will open in Yerevan
on April 27. The opening ceremony will be attended by Armenian Prime
Minister Tigran Sargsyan, representatives of the RA Central Bank and
Chairman of the EDB Board Igor Finogenov.

Five agreements between Armenia and the EDB will be signed on the
sidelines of the upcoming ceremony, including the agreement on the
bank’s operation in the Republic of Armenia, allowing the EDB to
complete the official accreditation procedure, the RA government’s
press service told PanARMENIAN.Net

The Eurasian Development Bank has started operating since June 16,
2006. It is an international organization and its activity is regulated
by international law. In December 2008, the EDB Board considered
Armenia’s application and approved its membership in the EDB. On
February 3, 2009, the Armenian parliament ratified the agreement on
establishment of the EDB representation. In April 2009, Armenia paid
its share in the EDB authorized capital through transferring its fee
to the bank’s account.

Karekin II Invites Leader Of Azerbaijani Muslims To Armenia

KAREKIN II INVITES LEADER OF AZERBAIJANI MUSLIMS TO ARMENIA

armradio.am
26.04.2010 15:38

Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II has
invited the leader of Azerbaijani Muslims Allahshukyur Pasha-zade to
visit Armenia, Interfax reports.

The head of the Armenian Apostolic Church is taking part in the World
Religions Summit, which started in Baku on Monday. Karekin II is
paying his first visit to Baku in decades at the invitation of the
spiritual leader of Azerbaijani Muslims.

"I hope that our common efforts will bring tranquility to the region,
and cooperation between the people of Armenia and Azerbaijan will
lead to sprouts of peace," he said.

The Catholicos welcomed efforts of the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen
in the settlement of the Karabakh conflict.

Karekin II said he had been dreaming about the day the regional borders
would reopen and he would visit Baku to pray at the local Armenian
church. He offered delegates to hold the next summit in Echmiadzin,
the Armenian Catholic Church center.

Any Military Option Will Be Calamity for Azerbaijan: Serzh Sargsyan

Any Military Option Will Be Calamity for Azerbaijan: Serzh Sargsyan

16:13 – 24.04.10

The threat of the resumption of military actions has always been felt
in the air and it will remain until peace and stability are
established in the region, until a functioning peace deal is signed
over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflicting sides, Armenian President Serzh
Sargsyan said in an interview with RIA Novosti news agency.

Asked whether he considered it probable that the military actions
could resume in the conflict zone, Sargsyan said that any attempt to
solve the conflict through military actions would be an adventurous
step and might turn into a calamity for Azerbaijan.

`Such a development may destabilize the region for a long term, create
new points of tension, but will in no way resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict.

`To cut it short, the answer to your question is: No, I do not see any
war threat in the near future. But I have always said that our
military forces must always be ready with the presumption that the
military actions may begin just tomorrow,’ said Sargsyan.

Tert.am

BAKU: Ankara Expected Right Decision From Armenia – Envoy

ANKARA EXPECTED RIGHT DECISION FROM ARMENIA – ENVOY

news.az
April 23 2010
Azerbaijan

Hulusi Kilic Official Ankara expected the Armenian parliament to take
a right decision on the Zurich protocols, said Turkish ambassador in
Azerbaijan Hulusi Kilic.

He noted that this decision of Armenia and the protocols meet Turkey’s
position and this will further continue.

‘Certainly, this is Armenia’s decision and it is Armenia’s business to
comment on this issue. I would like to say that Turkey’s position is
fixed in protocols. We are their neighbor state. Turkey is interested
in the resolution of problems and we cannot stay outside the process.

Everyone knows the reason of closing borders in 1993. No one should
be concerned with our interference with this process. We want to
establish peace in the Caucasus. We want the simultaneous development
of both processes. On the one hand, we hope for liberation for the
occupied Nagorno Karabakh and we will give a correct decision’,
the diplomat said.

Turkey, Armenians And The Word "Genocide"

TURKEY, ARMENIANS AND THE WORD "GENOCIDE"
Nichole Sobecki

Global Post
421/armenia-genocide-turkey-anniversary
April 23 2010

As Armenians stop to reflect on Ottoman-era mass killings, a survivor
quietly moves on.

VAKIFLI KOYU, Turkey — From the window of 97-year-old Avadis Demirci’s
living room, the view stretches out onto a solitary cobbled road and
the long view of history.

Unlike surrounding villages bustling with activity, here only the
sound of birds and the occasional labored footsteps of another elderly
resident interrupt the quiet.

Demirci’s walls are covered in the framed paintings of his artist son
and portraits of his grandchildren. But his son no longer lives here.

Like most others under the age of 50 he has left.

Perched on top of Musa Dagh, or Mount Moses, Vakifli is Turkey’s last
surviving Armenian village — a relic of eastern Turkey’s once large,
prosperous Armenian community, which was decimated by the deportations
and massacres of 1915 to 1918. And Demirci might well be the last
Armenian survivor of this brutal history left on Turkish soil.

On April 24, groups will gather in town squares and city parks around
the world to commemorate this first genocide of the 20th century,
when more than a million Armenians were killed as the Ottoman Turk
government purged the population. But in lonely Vakifli, the day will
pass without ceremony. No candles will be lit, no speeches read. And
Demirci will sit where he always does and quietly ponder all the
memories that stretch out across the landscape.

Ninety-five years ago, when Demirci was only 2 years old, Turkish
police units marched up to the village. The people from the seven
villages around Musa Dagh took refuge on the mountain, armed with
hunting rifles and pistols. There they stayed for almost two months,
until rescued by an allied French warship which happened to be cruising
the Mediterranean coastline when it spotted two large banners the
Armenians had hoisted. After swimmers went out to meet the ship, the
French called for back-up, transporting the entire population to an
allied refugee camp in Egypt.

Musa Dagh was one of only four places where Armenians managed to
organize an armed defense against forced deportations and slaughter
by the Ottomans.

"I grew up hearing this story," said Demirci. Light from the window
sharpens the delicate web of lines around his eyes, unexpectedly
piercing when compared to the shrunken frailness of his body. "I was
there, even if I was too young to remember."

For those of Demirci’s generation, stories of the brave ascent to
Musa Dagh were legends passed down from their parents. The novel "The
Forty Days of Musa Dagh" — written by the Austrian Franz Werfel 18
years after the villager’s armed resistance — kept the story alive
for later generations.

Armenians worldwide observe the 24th as Genocide Memorial Day, and
the killings are recognized as genocide today by more than a dozen
countries. But while the rest of the world begins to acknowledge the
memories that Demerci carries with him daily, Turkey still vigorously
rejects the claim.

Read about how the efforts of a small but effective Armenian lobby
helped bring the U.S. and Turkey to diplomatic blows.

The politically delicate position of this isolated community has left
them guarded when it comes to the mention of their ethnic origins.

While proud of their identity, most would prefer not to make it a
public issue.

Turkey has long been engaged in an aggressive campaign of forgetting,
keeping any mention of the events of 1915 out of schools and official
narratives and attacking those who choose to speak out.

Roger Smith, co-founder of the International Association of Genocide
Scholars, believes that Turkey’s denial of the genocide is, for many
Turks, more emotion than a question of facts. "They can’t acknowledge
that the country of their forebears did such awful things … That
their polity has as its basis the crime of all crimes: genocide."

The vote by a U.S. congressional committee on March 4 to recognize
the killings of 1915 as genocide has once again placed the Armenian
issue squarely in the center of U.S.-Turkish relations, and prompted
a furious mix of debate and dissent across Turkey.

It can be difficult to understand the degree to which denial of the
genocide is ingrained in Turkish identity, where the killings are
officially considered accidents of war.

"Every Turk is offended by being accused of the worst kind of crime
imaginable," said Kemal Cicek, head of the Armenian Research Group
at the Turkish Historical Society. "They are also offended because
the Turkish people are not racist, and genocide is a crime that only
racists can commit."

A similar line of reasoning was used recently by Turkish Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to defend Sudanese President Omar
al-Bashir against charges of genocide in Darfur. Erdogan heralded
Bashir’s innocence, pronouncing: "A Muslim cannot commit genocide."

Here in Turkey, it is the absence of any reminders of what was once
a thriving Armenian community that is most striking.

Successive governments have worked to destroy any evidence of Armenian
existence — from the obliteration of their churches, libraries
and institutes to the crude altering of official Turkish maps and
schoolbooks. UNESCO, in a 1974 study, found that out of 913 Armenian
historical monuments found after 1923 in Eastern Turkey, 464 had
vanished completely, 252 were in ruins and 197 were in need of repair.

Where memorials should exist there are instead open fields.

A trip to the "Hall of Armenian Issue with Documents" at the military
museum in Istanbul reveals walls of photographs showing the mutilated
bodies of Ottoman Turks, yet none of dead Armenians. Images of the
long lines of Armenians being herded out of the country, or killed
along the way, have no place in this museum.

"There are nasty stories in war times, just as you hear from Iraqis and
Afghan people now. However we cannot write history only by relying on
personal experiences," said Cicek. "We should remember all casualties
of the war, not only the Armenians."

When denial is the official policy, speaking against the preferred
version of history can come at a price. The shocking assassination of
Hrant Dink, beloved newspaper editor and voice for Turkey’s Armenians,
by a 17-year-old Turkish nationalist in 2007 had many in Turkey
pondering a choice between living in silence and living in fear.

Why, almost a century after the fact, is Turkey so persistent in its
refusal to acknowledge a genocide?

"I think that the reason is a mixture of fear of the past, a reluctance
to acknowledge guilt on behalf of your fathers and a general concern
about the historical effect of such acknowledgment onto the legitimacy
of the state," said Guenael Mettraux, the author of "The Law of Command
Responsibility" and representative of defendants before international
criminal tribunals. "The very foundation of the state, its legitimacy,
is at stake."

There is, perhaps, an easier explanation: after 95 years of denial
it will take real political capital to come forward about both the
truth and the cover-up. "It is a web of the government’s own spinning,
and they may well feel caught in it," said Smith.

But while Armenians can hardly be expected to set aside their bitter
memories, many in the international community are beginning to question
the tactic of congressional campaigns. The long-dormant debate over the
crimes of Turkey’s past is pushing its way to the surface more strongly
than it has at any time since the modern republic was founded in 1923.

Last December, a group of Turkish intellectuals circulated a petition
that apologized for the denial of the massacres. "My conscience
does not accept the insensitivity showed to, and the denial of,
the Great Catastrophe that the Armenians were subjected to in 1915,"
the brief statement said. "I reject this injustice and for my share,
I empathize with the feelings and pain of my Armenian brothers and
sisters. I apologize to them."

Just last week, Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu met with
Turkey’s Washington-based diplomats to relay orders for the envoys
to start "opening dialogue" with certain Armenian Diaspora groups in
the United States and Canada.

With Turkey’s budding civil society beginning to question the state’s
version of the events, some worry that pressure from Congress could
make the truth more elusive by stiffening the resolve of nationalists.

"The attempt to write history with the law is a false illusion that
might, if pursued, undermine the quality of justice," Mettraux said.

Mettraux argues that international criminal law provides for ways to
criminalize the conduct of individuals who have taken part in mass
atrocities, not for passing judgment on history.

Still, Demirci remembers. Turning towards the window filled with
bright sunshine, his movements seem suddenly tired. "I will be here,
like always," he said simply.

http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/turkey/100