Turkey Threatens Sanctions If France Adopts Genocide Bill

TURKEY THREATENS SANCTIONS IF FRANCE ADOPTS GENOCIDE BILL

ZeeNews, India
Oct 8 2006

Ankara, Oct 08: France risks being barred from economic projects in
Turkey if it adopts a controversial bill on the massacres of Armenians
under the Ottoman Empire, Turkish Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul said
in remarks published on Sunday.

The draft law, to be debated in the French Parliament Thursday, calls
for five years in prison and a hefty fine for anyone who denies that
Armenians were the victim of a genocide during World War I.

"The information we have is that the adoption of the Bill is quite
a high possibility," Gul told the largest-selling Hurriyet newspaper.

If the Bill is passed, he said, French participation in major
economic projects in Turkey, including the planned construction of a
nuclear plant for which the tender process is expected to soon begin,
will suffer.

"We will be absolutely unable to have (such cooperation) in big
tenders," Gul said, adding that he had "openly" warned his French
counterpart Philippe Douste-Blazy about the repercussions of the bill.

In remarks to the Yeni Safak newspaper, Gul said, "The government’s
reaction and the general reaction of the public will be inevitable
if the developments continue as they are."

"The French will lose Turkey," he said.

A senior lawmaker has warned that the Turkish Parliament may also
retaliate with a law branding as genocide the killings of Algerians
under French colonial rule and introducing prison terms for those
who deny it.

Yesterday, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan met with representatives
of french companies doing business in Turkey, urging them to lobby
French lawmakers to vote down the bill.

Worldly Traveller’s Tales Played Out On Many A Field Far From Home

WORLDLY TRAVELLER’S TALES PLAYED OUT ON MANY A FIELD FAR FROM HOME

Sunday Herald, UK
Oct 8 2006

Stewart Fisher catches up with Ian Porterfield long enough to hear
the much on-the-move former Aberdeen boss sing the praises of his
Armenian national squad

IAN Porterfield must be approaching life membership of the managerial
mercenaries’ club.

After following in the football footsteps of Dr David Livingstone
to Zambia and Zimbabwe, diverse international detours to Trinidad &
Tobago and Oman, and significant if short-lived club stints at Saudi
Arabian giants Al-Ittihad and South Korean club side Busan Icons, the
60-year-old former Aberdeen and Chelsea manager alighted at another of
football’s less-heralded outposts, Armenia, this August. One suspects
that Anghel Iordanescu, Bora Milutinovic and even our very own Stuart
Baxter would be nodding with approval right now.

Porterfield’s winning goal for Sunderland against Leeds in 1973 FA
Cup final is usually referred to as his 15 minutes in the limelight,
but there have been no shortage of memorable moments in the 12 years
he has been away from these islands. His 20 months in Zimbabwe included
dealing with Robert Mugabe’s nephew Leo as FA president, not to mention
taking his team to play South Africa in a tribute match on they day
of Nelson Mandela’s inauguration. Yet, if anything, his time there
pales against the earlier spell at Zambia, which started with him
being forced to rebuild a national squad after the first team were
lost in a plane crash in 1993, and ended after his rebuilding was
endorsed by an appearance in the African Cup of Nations final and
him being given the freedom of the country.

"When I got my first opportunity to go to a foreign country it was
Zambia," Porterfield told the Sunday Herald . "I was a bit apprehensive
because I had just left Chelsea but I decided to go and, amazingly,
since then things have gone really well. Things went well for that team
so I started to get a bit of recognition outside of my own country and
people started to give me work elsewhere. I work hard at my job. It
is my life and my hobby ."

Then came Trinidad and Tobago, for a World Cup qualifying near miss
which preceeded this summer’s success. His time there included
giving debuts to players such as Luton’s Carlos Edwards , not to
mention handing a young blood called Marvin Andrews the captaincy,
and gaining himself a Trinidadian wife. "It was really wonderful to
see them qualify for the World Cup," Porterfield said, "even if it
was because they changed the ruling and got in on the play-off. I
had blooded many of the young boys who played in that tournament and
brought them in."

The boundaries of modern day Armenia are thought to include the
site of the Garden of Eden, and the little state nestling between
Europe and Asia can lay at least partial claim to such luminaries
as David Dickinson and Garry Kasparov . The football team, however,
suffers from a shortage of big names, a problem when you are stuck in
a European Championship qualifying group along with Belgium, Serbia,
Portugal and Finland, and with a poverty-stricken domestic league.

They went into yesterday’s home tie with the Finns with a 1-0 defeat
from Belgium in their only game of the section to date.

"We lost 1-0 against Belgium but I worked with the players for 10
days and it was smashing to be able to do that," he said. "Belgium
have got a lot of good players from good European teams, but we only
lost 1-0 to a long throw scored by the big boy from Bayern Munich
[Daniel van Buyten]. The performance was excellent.

"Armenian football is relatively new, and we have only eight teams
in the league, but three are trying to set up soccer academies. So I
think the future, although maybe not the immediate future, is bright
. It would be an unbelievable feat for us to finish in the top two,
but I would like us to be respectable."

Porterfield’s time at Aberdeen, coming hot on the heels of Sir Alex
Ferguson’s departure in 1986, elicits mixed memories from almost all
those involved. His was a surprise appointment in the first place,
and a cup final defeat and successive qualifications for Europe were
not exactly what the fans had bargained for, not to mention that the
job found him in the midst of a turbulent period away from the pitch.

"I think if you look at the facts I think I lost nine games at Aberdeen
in all the time I was there," Porterfield said. "I was following up
not only the best manager that Aberdeen ever had, but maybe the best
manager Manchester United ever had . They had such great success when
Sir Alex was there, but things were changing. I also went to Aberdeen
at what was a fairly difficult time in my life and sometimes things
happen for a reason."

In my heart I am Scottish and I am proud of it, and I think I have
created goodwill and a good image for Scotland in coaching and
different things, but some things up there disappointed me. I feel
that some people let me down , the press cut me to ribbons and 90%
of it had no foundation ."

One man sticks in Porterfield’s memory, that of former Aberdeen
chairman Dick Donald. "I have been all over the world, and worked with
many different people – including Nelson Mandela on the day of his
inauguration, but one of the best men I ever met was Mr Dick Donald –
he epitomised what Aberdeen was all about."

Porterfield, who has a home in Surrey and a flat in Yerevan, feels
he has around four or five years of travelling left. Unless, that is,
he gets a better offer.

ANKARA: Turkish people will consider your actions as being hostile,

Turkish people will consider your actions as being hostile, we can not control this!

Sabah, Turkey
Oct 7 2006

The spokesman of foreign affairs warned France about the Armenian
bill: "This will result in a deep impact which will be difficult to
compensate for. You could lose Turkey."

Warnings in a harsh tone and a diplomatic voice went to France who
will negotiate the bill assuming denial of Armenian genocide a crime.

Spokesman of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Namýk Tan, said that the
approval of the bill will have a deep impact on the relationship
between the two countries and it will not be possible to control
Turkish people as they will consider this action as hostile."

–Boundary_(ID_TW0bpJAjUIG5sVUKsMk hUA)–

Troupe retraces ancestors’ footsteps

Dallas Morning News, TX
Oct 7 2006

Troupe retraces ancestors’ footsteps

Carrollton: Dancers explore, help preserve Armenian history

12:00 AM CDT on Saturday, October 7, 2006

By LYNDA STRINGER / Special Contributor to The Dallas Morning News

>>From a young age, Rachel Andonian wanted to study under well-known
Armenian choreographer and dance instructor Datevig Gharibian.

MONA REEDER/DMN
Groung, a traditional Armenian dance troupe, rehearsed Thursday at
Saint Sarkis Armenian Church in Carrollton. The group will perform at
this year’s Armenia Fest, which begins Friday in Carrollton. Mrs.
Gharibian, who teaches at the Institute of Dance in Yerevan, Armenia,
comes from a family of dance instructors and choreographers.

At age 9, Ms. Andonian got her chance to learn the traditional folk
dances of her father’s homeland when Mrs. Gharibian accepted an
invitation to come to Dallas. Once here, she formed the amateur dance
troupe Groung.

"I wanted to be closer to my roots, to get closer to the people in
our [Armenian] community," Ms. Andonian said of her interest in
dance. "There’s a lot of hand movement and footwork in the
traditional dances. It’s very graceful."

The dance troupe first performed in 1993 at Dallas’ Festival of
Nations. Members of Carrollton’s St. Sarkis Armenian Church invited
Mrs. Gharibian back each year, and in 1995, the church began hosting
its own festival to highlight Groung’s repertoire of dances.

This year’s three-day Armenia Fest, which features traditional
Armenian dance, food and entertainment, begins Friday in Carrollton.

With Mrs. Gharibian’s absence from the festival this year, Ms.
Andonian and fellow church member Diana Avidisian are taking the lead
as dance instructors for Groung. Ms. Andonian, 22, is teaching the
young people – including her 12-year-old brother, Raffi – the same
steps she learned 13 years ago. Some are energetic and fun, some
flirty and graceful. Mrs. Avidisian is teaching the adults.

The two Carrollton women are also the lead dancers in the
performances at the 11th annual festival.

"It’s in my blood," Mrs. Avidisian said. "I get a good feeling
because that’s me. I like to perform; I like my music and my
traditional dances."

Festival coordinator Paul Kirazian of Dallas says bringing Mrs.
Gharibian to Dallas most years and having the unique dance troupe she
created provide links to his community’s heritage.

"We were getting a linkage to our history through her," Mr. Kirazian
said. "It also brings a new refreshed view and a sense of pride to
the [Armenian] community."

The family-oriented festival showcases that heritage and pride and
brings the traditions of Armenia to the larger community.

"It’s like going into your attic and finding the things your
grandmother left you and showing them to your kids and your friends,"
he said.

As for taking charge in her teacher’s absence, Mrs. Avidisian said,
"I’ve done two dances I choreographed myself. I owe it to her. We are
following her footsteps."

Lynda Stringer is a North Richland Hills-based freelance writer.

The War of the World

MercatorNet, Australia
Oct 6 2006

The War of the World
By Francis Phillips

Why was the 20th Century the bloodiest of all? Historian Niall
Ferguson ventures an answer.

The War of the World: Twentieth-Century Conflict and the Descent of
the West
by Niall Ferguson
880pp | Penguin | ISBN 1594201005 | US$35

Niall Ferguson, along with Andrew Roberts and Michael Burleigh, is
one of the "Young Turks" among contemporary historians. A professor
at Harvard, a research fellow at Oxford and a senior fellow at
Stanford, he has successfully bridged the gap between academia and
the media. This book has itself been the subject of a recent
television series; indeed, it has a dramatic and forceful fluency
that lends itself to a visual presentation. At over 700 pages, with a
wealth of maps, graphs and photos to support the text, it is in every
sense a large book. The author describes it as the "Everest" of his
career; with its enormous span, encompassing both the whole world and
almost the whole of the 20th century, one can understand what he
means.

Taking as his imaginative starting point H.G. Wells’s famous work of
science fiction written in 1898, The War of the Worlds, Ferguson
moves from this eerily prescient scenario, in which an alien species
invades planet Earth in order to destroy it with terrifying,
scientific efficiency, to what he calls "History’s Age of Hatred".
Why, he asks, given the hundred years of comparative peace and
prosperity in Europe from 1814-1914, did this same continent trigger
an unprecedented orgy of violence in the century that followed?

In four parts, comprising the First World War, the growth of the
"empire states" that followed it, the Second World War and the
post-war period, the author identifies three major reasons for the
20th century’s endless aggression: ethnic conflict, economic
volatility and old empires in decline. These, he argues with a
formidable arsenal of facts and figures, were the "fatal formula".

While accepting the obvious point made by all commentators of the
period, that technological advance made mass slaughter much easier so
that, for instance, millions of men were able to be transported by
the new railroads to the battle fields of WWI and armoured tanks,
poison gas, bombs and submarines hugely increased the capacity to
kill, Ferguson’s analysis is more penetrating. He selects the
territory between the Baltic, the Balkans and the Black Sea as the
unhappy triangle, the fault line (he uses the graphic image of
shifting tectonic plates that cause earthquakes) of Europe. This,
despite the seeming tranquillity and progress that preceded the Great
War, was where the old empires, with their multi-ethnic populations,
their shifting demographic balance and their political instability,
were clustered together in an uneasy co-existence.

With the wisdom of hindsight, it is not difficult to realise that the
Hohenzollerns of Prussia, the Hapsburgs of Austro-Hungary, the
Romanovs of Russia and the Ottomans were bound, sooner or later, to
clash. New nation-states were emerging in Turkey, Russia, Japan and
Germany with their own sinister nationalist and imperial agendas.
Commenting on the Armenian Massacres of 1915-17, which he calls "the
first true genocide", the author writes that they were "a horrific
illustration of the convulsions that could seize a multi-ethnic
polity trying to mutate from empire into nation-state". Alongside
this, the British Empire, over-extended and under-manned, was in slow
decline; the "Pax Britannica" concealed its own ferment, unrest and
potential for violent conflict, later in the century to break out in
Iraq, India, Palestine and Northern Ireland.

These political changes were accompanied, Ferguson argues, with rapid
economic shifts: inflation, deflation, boom, bust and depression –
the volatility that, combined with other factors, will make conflict
likely, indeed inevitable. This conflict, he demonstrates, was not
simply of the conventional kind, directed against external enemies,
"the formalised encounter between uniformed armies" as in the past.
What was new about the 20th century was the scale and savagery of the
ideological "war" conducted internally by governments against their
own peoples: against the Jews, socialists, gypsies and others in
Germany, the kulaks and the intelligentsia in Stalin’s Russia, the
millions of Chairman Mao’s fellow Chinese. The empire established by
Lenin, for instance, was "the first to be established on terror
itself since the short-lived tyranny of the Jacobins in revolutionary
France."

In this sprawling book Ferguson is himself arguing on all fronts,
raising as many questions as he answers: were Stalin’s crimes
necessary to modernise an antiquated country? Was there any real
difference between Stalin’s "socialism in one country" and Hitler’s
National Socialism? What is the difference between Auschwitz and
Hiroshima? What was the better option: to cut and run as the British
did in India, or to stay on and fight, as they did in Kenya? He
delights in the odd coincidences of history, analysing the
differences between Roosevelt and Hitler, who both came to power in
1933 to countries in the grip of economic depression, or those
between Margaret Thatcher and Ayatollah Khomeini, who both assumed
power in 1979.

His book draws on a multitude of sources, literary and historical,
such as Erich Maria Remarque’s classic of the Great War, All Quiet on
the Western Front, Spengler’s Decline of the West (which, like the
philosopher of conservatism, Roger Scruton, he recognises as
important as it is cranky) and the Diaries of Victor Klemperer, which
Ferguson describes as "the most penetrating and insightful account
that was ever written of life and death under the swastika."

Given the unadulterated gloom of his subject, the author’s prose
fizzes with energy and a kind of mordant wisecracking; after 1945
"Stalag gave way to Gulag"; in Communist Russia "breakneck
industrialization was always intended to break necks"; Goebbels sold
Hitler to the German people "as if he were the miraculous offspring
of the Messiah and Marlene Dietrich".

It is his capacity to compress disparate events into an arresting
image as well as his command of so many different killing zones that
makes this work a brilliant tour de force. The sheer span of the
subject matter covered make it a mine suited to inexhaustible
quarrying. It also makes the book spiritually fatiguing to read for
it is, one might say, a prolonged and persuasive exercise in despair.
It is certainly not possible to read about this Age of Hatred for
long without fearing that large sections of the human race are
forever vulnerable to dictatorship by psychopaths. Ferguson cites
Richard Dawkins’ theory of a "race meme", whereby we identify some
people as "alien" and thus to be destroyed. This is not H.G. Wells’
fictitious Martians; it is men attacking their own species – "the
selfish gene with a death ray." He is also influenced by Freud’s
theory of the "death instinct"; rape and murder are merely suppressed
in civilised society, always ready to be unleashed when the
appropriate conditions lead to a breakdown. "We should not lose sight
of the basic instincts buried within the most civilised men".

Somewhere in the book Ferguson refers to "man’s inhumanity to man".
This poetical and much quoted phrase somehow doesn’t fit the bill
presented here; it is more accurately man’s sickening ferocity
towards his fellow man that we are witnessing time and time again. In
an appendix the author attempts to put the 20th century carnage into
historical perspective, with a brief glance at Ghengis Khan and
Tamburlaine and the trail of slaughter they left in their wake.
However, he is not convinced by the comparison, largely because he
assumes that modern man ought to be more civilised than his medieval
counterparts – only to demonstrate with depressing regularity that
this is a fallacy, when leaders of apparently civilised societies can
arouse "the most primitive murderous instincts of their fellow
citizens."

Ferguson concludes, "We shall avoid another century of conflict only
if we understand the forces that caused the last one – the dark
forces that conjure up ethnic conflict and imperial rivalry out of
economic crisis." But surely there is more to be said on the topic
than this. To understand is the easy part. Popular historian Paul
Johnson has commented that the repudiation of Judaeo-Christian values
has cast its own menacing shadow over the last century. It cannot be
a coincidence (though Ferguson does not reflect on it) that the most
callous regimes of the 20th century were either Marxist-Communist, as
with China and Russia (and Cambodia briefly, under Pol Pot), or
neo-pagan, as with Nazi "Aryan" Germany. Trotsky once announced, "We
must put an end to the papist-Quaker babble about the sanctity of
human life" and Ferguson admits that the capacity to treat other
human beings as "members of an inferior or malignant species" was one
of the crucial reasons why the 20th century was so violent.

His diagnosis of the geographic, ethnic and political elements
comprising the "fault-lines" are entirely persuasive; but he needs to
bring his roving, pugnacious intelligence to bear on a deeper, more
metaphysical fault-line: the fissure within the soul of man himself,
as he struggles either to give expression to the good impulses within
him – or succumbs to the evil of which he is demonstrably capable.

Francis Phillips writes from Bucks, in the UK.

Duma ratifies agreements on Russian military presence in Georgia

Duma ratifies agreements on Russian military presence in Georgia

RIA Novosti
October 06, 2006

MOSCOW, October 6 (RIA Novosti) – Russia’s lower house of parliament
ratified Friday agreements on the transit of Russian military cargo
and personnel through Georgia, and on the terms, order of operation
and withdrawal from Russian military bases in Georgia.

The agreements were ratified in line with documents signed by Russia
and Georgia in March 2006 in Sochi.

After four Russian officers were detained in Tbilisi and charged
with espionage last week, Russia suspended travel, postal links
with Georgia, and threatened to freeze banking transactions with the
southern neighbor.

The sanctions remain in force despite Georgia’s release of the Russian
officers Monday.

The first ratified agreement defines transit procedures through
Georgian territory of military cargo and personnel in support of the
102nd Russian military base in Armenia.

The Russian 102nd military base in Gyumri, about 120 kilometers
(75 miles) from the Armenian capital Yerevan, is part of a joint air
defense system of the Commonwealth of Independent States, which was
deployed in Armenia in 1995.

The base operates under the authority of the Russian group of forces
in the South Caucasus, and is equipped with S-300 (SA-10 Grumble)
air defense systems, MiG-29 Fulcrum fighters and 5,000 personnel.

Under the agreement, the Russian military transit through Georgia may
be conducted by road, air or rail transport. Russia cannot deliver
through Georgian territory, including its air space, nuclear, chemical
or biological weapons, as well as other weapons of mass destruction,
including its components.

The term of the agreement is five years, but it may be extended if
there are no objections from either side.

The ratified agreement on the terms, order of operation and
withdrawal of the Russian military bases in Georgia states that two
Soviet-era bases in the western city of Batumi and the southern city
of Akhalkalaki will remain operational during the gradual process of
removing troops and hardware.

Under the 2006 agreement, Russia must withdraw from the southern city
of Akhalkalaki by October 1, 2007, but the deadline can be extended
until December in the event of complications.

The withdrawal from Batumi in the west of Georgia must be completed
by late 2008. Russian military officials said they have been kept on
schedule in 2006.

Since Mikheil Saakashvili came to power in Georgia on the back of
the 2003 "Rose Revolution," both the government and parliament have
sought to remove Russian peacekeepers from the conflict zones with
two self-proclaimed republics, and to force the withdrawal of Russian
troops from the two Soviet-era bases.

Torosyan Makes <<Crowd>>?

TOROSYAN MAKES "CROWD"?

A1+

[08:06 pm] 06 October, 2006

Answering the question of "A1+" if he isn’t sorry that his son
sacrificed the post of deputy mayor but wasn’t elected head of
Ajapnyak community, head of Republican faction Galoust Sahakyan noted,
"Instead he was ‘baptizes’ as a politician". Besides, according to
Galoust Sahakyan, minor things can be sanctified for the sake of big
business. As for the announcement of present community head Artsrun
Khachatryan ("I will not allow any member of the Sahakyan family to
be nominated"), he said, "I pity that kind of people".

The journalists asked Galoust Sargsyan who according to him must be
the first in the proportional list of the Republican party – Andranik
Margaryan or Serge Sargsyan. Mr. Sahakyan tried to avoid answering
the question saying that haven’t discussed that issue yet.

"And still, who do you think must be the first? " the journalist
insisted. Galoust Sahakyan was forced to say that according to the
order, the list must be topped by the head of the party. "Do you
mean to say Serge Sargsyan will be the second? " – "Yes", he said
directly. "And what about the third? ". "Two is a company, three is a
crowd", Sahakyan joked and said that according to him Tigran Torosyan
must be the third.

BAKU: Meeting of Azeri & Armenian FMs Held in Moscow

TREND, Azerbaijan
Oct 6 2006

Meeting of Azeri & Armenian Foreign Ministers Held in Moscow

Source: Trend
Author: E.Huseynov

06.10.2006

The meeting of the Foreign Ministers of Azerbaijan Elmar Mammadyarov
and Armenia Vardan Oskanyan began on October 6 in Moscow, Trend
reports from Russian Foreign Ministry Group for Nagorno-Karabakh.

The consultations are held at the Russian Foreign Ministry with the
participation of the co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, Yuri Merzlyakov
(Russia), Bernar Face (France) and Mathew Bryza (USA).

The Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov also held negotiations
with the Azerbaijani and Armenian Ministers separately.

Lessons Of The Gas Pump

LESSONS OF THE GAS PUMP
by Michael Klare

ZNet, MA
Oct 4 2006

Tom Paine

What the hell is going on here? Just six weeks ago, gasoline prices
at the pump were hovering at the $3 per gallon mark; today, they’re
inching down toward $2–and some analysts predict even lower numbers
before the November elections. The sharp drop in gas prices has been
good news for consumers, who now have more money in their pockets to
spend on food and other necessities–and for President Bush, who has
witnessed a sudden lift in his approval ratings.

Is this the result of some hidden conspiracy between the White House
and Big Oil to help the Republican cause in the elections, as some
are already suggesting? How does a possible war with Iran fit into the
gas-price equation? And what do falling gasoline prices tell us about
"peak-oil" theory, which predicts that we have reached our energy
limits on the planet?

Since gasoline prices began their sharp decline in mid-August, many
pundits have attempted to account for the drop, but none have offered
a completely convincing explanation, lending some plausibility to
claims that the Bush administration and its long-term allies in the
oil industry are manipulating prices behind the scenes. In my view,
however, the most significant factor in the downturn in prices has
simply been a sharp easing of the "fear factor" –the worry that crude
oil prices would rise to $100 or more a barrel due to spreading war
in the Middle East, a Bush administration strike at Iranian nuclear
facilities, and possible Katrina-scale hurricanes blowing through
the Gulf of Mexico, severely damaging offshore oil rigs.

As the summer commenced and oil prices began a steep upward climb,
many industry analysts were predicting a late summer or early fall
clash between the United States and Iran (roughly coinciding with
a predicted intense hurricane season). This led oil merchants and
refiners to fill their storage facilities to capacity with $70-80 per
barrel oil. They expected to have a considerable backlog to sell at
a substantial profit if supplies from the Middle East were cut off
and/or storms wracked the Gulf of Mexico.

Then came the war in Lebanon. At first, the fighting seemed to confirm
such predictions, only increasing fears of a region-wide conflict,
possibly involving Iran. The price of crude oil approached record
heights. In the early days of the war, the Bush administration
tacitly seconded Israeli actions in Lebanon, which, it was widely
assumed, would lay the groundwork for a similar campaign against
military targets in Iran. But Hezbollah’s success in holding off the
Israeli military combined with horrific television images of civilian
casualties forced leaders in the United States and Europe to intercede
and bring the fighting to a halt.

We may never know exactly what led the White House to shift course on
Lebanon, but high oil prices–and expectations of worse to come–were
surely a factor in administration calculations. When it became clear
that the Israelis were facing far stiffer resistance than expected,
and that the Iranians were capable of fomenting all manner of mischief
(including, potentially, total havoc in the global oil market),
wiser heads in the corporate wing of the Republican Party undoubtedly
concluded that any further escalation or regionalization of the war
would immediately push crude prices over $100 per barrel.

Prices at the gas pump would then have been driven into the $4-5 per
gallon range, virtually ensuring a Republican defeat in the mid-term
elections. This was still early in the summer, of course, well before
peak hurricane season; mix just one Katrina-strength storm in the
Gulf of Mexico into this already unfolding nightmare scenario and
the fate of the Republicans would have been sealed.

In any case, President Bush did allow Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice to work with the Europeans to stop the Lebanon fighting and has
since refrained from any overt talk about a possible assault on Iran.

Careful never explicitly to rule out the military option when it
comes to Iran’s nuclear enrichment facilities, since June he has
nonetheless steadfastly insisted that diplomacy must be given a chance
to work. Meanwhile, we have made it most of the way through this year’s
hurricane season without a single catastrophic storm hitting the U.S.

For all these reasons, immediate fears about a clash with Iran,
a possible spreading of war to other oil regions in the Middle East,
and Gulf of Mexico hurricanes have dissipated, and the price of crude
has plummeted. On top of this, there appears to be a perceptible
slowing of the world economy–precipitated, in part, by the rising
prices of raw materials–leading to a drop in oil demand. The result?

Retailers have abundant supplies of gasoline on hand and the laws of
supply and demand dictate a decline in prices.

How long will this combination of factors prevail?

Best guess: The slowdown in global economic growth will continue for
a time, further lowering prices at the pump. This is likely to help
retailers in time for the Christmas shopping season, projected to
be marginally better this year than last precisely because of those
lower gas prices.

Once the election season is past, however, President Bush will have
less incentive to muzzle his rhetoric on Iran and we may experience a
sharp increase in Ahmadinejad-bashing. If no progress has been made
by year’s end on the diplomatic front, expect an acceleration of
the preparations for war already underway in the Persian Gulf area
(similar to the military buildup witnessed in late 2002 and early
2003 prior to the U.S. invasion of Iraq). This will naturally lead
to an intensification of fears and a reversal of the downward spiral
of gas prices, though from a level that, by then, may be well below
$2 per gallon.

Now that we’ve come this far, does the recent drop in gasoline prices
and the seemingly sudden abundance of petroleum reveal a flaw in the
argument for this as a peak-oil moment? Peak-oil theory, which had
been getting ever more attention until the price at the pump began
to fall, contends that the amount of oil in the world is finite;
that once we’ve used up about half of the original global supply,
production will attain a maximum or "peak" level, after which daily
output will fall, no matter how much more is spent on exploration
and enhanced extraction technology.

Most industry analysts now agree that global oil output will eventually
reach a peak level, but there is considerable debate as to exactly when
that moment will arise. Recently, a growing number of specialists–many
joined under the banner of the Association for the Study of Peak Oil
–are claiming that we have already consumed approximately half the
world’s original inheritance of 2 trillion barrels of conventional
(i.e., liquid) petroleum, and so are at, or very near, the peak-oil
moment and can expect an imminent contraction in supplies.

In the fall of 2005, as if in confirmation of this assessment, the CEO
of Chevron, David O’Reilly, blanketed U.S. newspapers and magazines
with an advertisement stating, "One thing is clear: the era of easy
oil is over … Demand is soaring like never before … At the same
time, many of the world’s oil and gas fields are maturing.

And new energy discoveries are mainly occurring in places where
resources are difficult to extract, physically, economically, and
even politically. When growing demand meets tighter supplies, the
result is more competition for the same resources."

But this is not, of course, what we are now seeing.

Petroleum supplies are more abundant than they were six months ago.

There have even been some promising discoveries of new oil and
gas fields in the Gulf of Mexico, while–modestly adding to global
stockpiles–several foreign fields and pipelines have come on line
in the last few months, including the $4 billion Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan
(BTC) pipeline from the Caspian Sea to Turkey’s Mediterranean coast,
which will bring new supplies to world markets. Does this indicate
that peak-oil theory is headed for the dustbin of history or, at least,
that the peak moment is still safely in our future?

As it happens, nothing in the current situation should lead us to
conclude that peak-oil theory is wrong. Far from it. As suggested
by Chevron’s O’Reilly, remaining energy supplies on the planet are
mainly to be found "in places where resources are difficult to extract,
physically, economically, and even politically." This is exactly what
we are seeing today.

For example, the much-heralded new discovery in the Gulf of Mexico,
Chevron’s Jack No. 2 Well , lies beneath five miles of water and rock
some 175 miles south of New Orleans in an area where, in recent years,
hurricanes Ivan, Katrina, and Rita have attained their maximum strength
and inflicted their greatest damage on offshore oil facilities. It
is naive to assume that, however promising Jack No. 2 may seem in
oil-industry publicity releases, it will not be exposed to Category
5 hurricanes in the years ahead, especially as global warming heats
the Gulf and generates ever more potent storms.

Obviously, Chevron would not be investing billions of dollars in
costly technology to develop such a precarious energy resource if
there were better opportunities on land or closer to shore–but so
many of those easy-to-get-at places have now been exhausted, leaving
the company little choice in the matter.

Or take the equally ballyhooed BTC pipeline, which shipped its
first oil in July, with top U.S. officials in attendance . This
conduit stretches 1,040 miles from Baku in Azerbaijan to the
Turkish Mediterranean port of Ceyhan, passing no less than six
active or potential war zones along the way: the Armenian enclave of
Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan; Chechnya and Dagestan in Russia; the
Muslim separatist enclaves of South Ossetia and Abkhazia in Georgia;
and the Kurdish regions of Turkey. Is this where anyone in their right
mind would build a pipeline? Not unless you were desperate for oil,
and safer locations had already been used up.

In fact, virtually all of the other new fields being developed or
considered by U.S. and foreign energy firms–ANWR in Alaska, the
jungles of Colombia, northern Siberia, Uganda, Chad, Sakhalin Island
in Russia’s Far East–are located in areas that are hard to reach,
environmentally sensitive, or just plain dangerous. Most of these
fields will be developed, and they will yield additional supplies of
oil, but the fact that we are being forced to rely on them suggests
that the peak-oil moment has indeed arrived and that the general
direction of the price of oil, despite period drops, will tend to
be upwards as the cost of production in these out-of-the-way and
dangerous places continues to climb.

Some peak-oil theorists have, however, done us all a disservice by
suggesting, for rhetorical purposes, that the peak-oil moment is …

well, a sharp peak. They paint a picture of a simple, steep, upward
production slope leading to a pinnacle, followed by a similarly neat
and steep decline. Perhaps looking back from 500 years hence, this
moment will have that appearance on global oil production charts. But
for those of us living now, the "peak" is more likely to feel like a
plateau–lasting for perhaps a decade or more–in which global oil
production will experience occasional ups and downs without rising
substantially (as predicted by those who dismiss peak-oil theory),
nor falling precipitously (as predicted by its most ardent proponents).

During this interim period, particular events–a hurricane, an outbreak
of conflict in an oil region–will temporarily tighten supplies,
raising gasoline prices, while the opening of a new field or pipeline,
or simply (as now) the alleviation of immediate fears and a temporary
boost in supplies will lower prices. Eventually, of course, we will
reach the plateau’s end and the decline predicted by the theory will
commence in earnest.

In the meantime, for better or worse, we live on that plateau today.

If this year’s hurricane season ends with no major storms, and we get
through the next few months without a major blowup in the Middle East,
we are likely to start 2007 with lower gasoline prices than we’ve seen
in a while. This is not, however, evidence of a major trend. Because
global oil supplies are never likely to be truly abundant again,
it would only take one major storm or one major crisis in the Middle
East to push crude prices back up near or over $80 a barrel. This is
the world we now inhabit, and it will never get truly better until we
develop an entirely new energy system based on petroleum alternatives
and renewable fuels.

Michael T. Klare is a professor of peace and world security studies
at Hampshire College in Amherst, Massachusetts and the author of Blood
and Oil: The Dangers and Consequences of America’s Growing Dependency
on Imported Petroleum . This piece originally appeared in TomDispatch.

ANKARA: Turkish Foreign Ministry Expresses "Deep Sorrow" At Chirac S

TURKISH FOREIGN MINISTRY EXPRESSES "DEEP SORROW" AT CHIRAC STATEMENT IN ARMENIA

Anatolia news agency, Ankara,
3 Oct 06

Nkara, 3 October: Turkish Foreign Ministry expressed deep sorrow over
statements of French President Jacques Chirac who supported so-called
Armenian genocide during his visit to Armenia.

Foreign Ministry stated that it is not possible to accept Chirac’s
definition of the incidents (which occurred under World War I
conditions in 1915 and were interpreted differently by many respected
international historians) as "genocide".

"However, when several implementations during colonialism period
of France were brought onto agenda last year, President Chirac had
defended the view that historical incidents should be examined by
historians," noted the ministry.

"Turkish people have rightfully reacted to Chirac who is making
groundless statements and giving an impression as if so-called Armenian
genocide is among Turkey’s EU criteria instead of supporting Turkey’s
proposal to Armenia to examine the allegations in a joint commission
of historians for which we have not yet received a positive response,"
added themMinistry.