Situation In Javakheti Is Calm

SITUATION IN JAVAKHETI IS CALM

Lragir.am
04 April 06

Akhalkalaki, April 3, A-INFO. The situation in Samtskhe-Javakheti after
the assassination of Gevorg Gevorgyan and the events that followed
in Tsalka on March 9 is calm. The press service of the Council of
Armenian NGOs of Samtskhe-Javakheti informs that the Armenians of
Samtskhe-Javakheti are expecting a fair verdict by the judiciary of
Georgia, which explains the calm situation in the region after the
recent events.

The society in Samtskhe-Javakheti has become more alert against
provocations. When the anonymous organizations announced about
holding a rally on March 16 in Akhalkalaki, no people gathered in
the square. The Council of the Armenian NGOs of Samtskhe-Javakheti
says the rally in the square of Samtskhe-Javakheti on March 16 was
organized by forces, whose aim is to destabilize the situation.

International Broadcast of Easter Divine Liturgy

PRESS RELEASE
Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin, Information Services
Address:  Vagharshapat, Republic of Armenia
Contact:  Rev. Fr. Ktrij Devejian
Tel:  (374 10) 517 163
Fax:  (374 10) 517 301
E-Mail:  [email protected]
April 3, 2006

International Broadcast of Easter Divine Liturgy

The Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin and the Shoghakat TV Company, working in
conjunction with the `First Channel’ of Armenian television (`H1′), is
pleased to announce the live global telecast of the Pontifical Divine
Liturgy on Easter Sunday in Holy Etchmiadzin.  The celebrant will be His
Holiness Karekin II, Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians.

Armenian communities throughout the world will be able to watch Easter
Divine Liturgy in the Mother Cathedral of Holy Etchmiadzin on Sunday
morning, April 16, 2006, on the Armenian H1 `First Channel’ available
through satellite providers. 

Please refer to the list below for times and dates of the live broadcast in
your community:

Republic of Armenia – Sunday, April 16 at 10:30 AM
Republic of Nagorno Karabagh – Sunday, April 16 at 10:30 AM

Middle East
Lebanon – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Syria – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Israel – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
United Arab Emirates – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Kuwait – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Iran – Sunday, April 16 at 9:00 AM
Iraq – Sunday, April 16 at 9:30 AM

Europe
United Kingdom – Sunday, April 16 at 6:30 AM
France – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Germany – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Austria – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Italy – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Switzerland – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Spain – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Netherlands – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Belgium – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Sweden – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Czech Republic – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Hungary – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Baltic States – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Romania – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Ukraine – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Greece – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Cyprus – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM

North America
United States (New York) – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 AM
United States (Chicago) – Sunday, April 16 at 12:30 AM
United States (Denver) – Sunday, April 16 at 11:30 PM
United States (Los Angeles) – Saturday, April 15 at 10:30 PM
Canada (Montreal) – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 AM
Canada (Toronto) – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 AM
Mexico (Mexico City) – Sunday, April 16 at 12:30 AM

South America
Venezuela – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 AM
Argentina – Sunday, April 16 at 2:30 AM
Brazil – Sunday, April 16 at 2:30 AM
Uruguay – Sunday, April 16 at 2:30 AM

Africa
Egypt – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
South Africa – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Ethiopia – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Sudan – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM

Asia
Turkey – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Russian Federation (Moscow) – Sunday, April 16 at 9:30 AM
Russian Federation (St. Petersburg) – Sunday, April 16 at 9:30 AM
Russian Federation (Krasnodar) – Sunday, April 16 at 9:30 AM
Georgia – Sunday, April 16 at 10:30 AM
India – Sunday, April 16 at 11:00 AM
Thailand – Sunday, April 16 at 12:30 PM
Singapore – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 PM

Australia & Pacific
Sydney – Sunday, April 16 at 3:30 PM
New Zealand – Sunday, April 16 at 5:30 PM

‘I Want To Continue The Life I Had Before’: Earlier This Year,Turkey

‘I WANT TO CONTINUE THE LIFE I HAD BEFORE’: EARLIER THIS YEAR, TURKEY’S BESTSELL

The Guardian – United Kingdom
Apr 03, 2006

‘I want to continue the life I had before’: Earlier this year,
Turkey’s bestselling novelist Orhan Pamuk faced prison for daring
to ‘insult’ his country. Now, he tells Aida Edemariam in his first
British interview since the case was thrown out of court.

‘From a very young age,” begins Orhan Pamuk’s memoir of his lifelong
home, Istanbul, “I suspected there was more to my world than I could
see: somewhere in the streets of Istanbul, in a house resembling ours,
there lived another Orhan so much like me he could pass for my twin,
even my double.” When his parents’ frequent quarrels overwhelmed
him, he describes how he would play what he called the “disappearing
game”: sitting at his mother’s dressing table, he would adjust her
three-way mirror until Orhans reflected Orhans reflected Orhans,
ad infinitum. He notes that it was a game he would later play in his
novels, which is true enough; they are full of refracted selves and
voices and bit parts for a narrator called Orhan.

This is also, however, a useful way to think about Pamuk the writer
and his place in the world. He is published in more than 40 languages,
and has had to slowly get used to the fact that “my books are being
read with completely different reactions in different countries”. In
Turkey he is both a literary, difficult author, and a teller of
absorbing whodunnits; a European-influenced stylist and an assiduous
miner of Turkish history. More awkwardly, of late he has become a
kind of litmus test: by daring to speak out against his government he
has highlighted Turkey’s tendency to silence dissent and the tensions
between Turkey and Europe that he has spent a life trying to overcome.

Pamuk is the author of five novels, one of which, My Name Is Red,
won the International IMPAC award; Istanbul was shortlisted for the
Samuel Johnson prize and in the history category of last week’s British
Book awards. So he is is a major writer here, but this is nothing
compared with how big he is in Turkey. Thanks to The New Life, which,
at the time of its publication in 1994, was the fastest-selling novel
in Turkish history, and the bestselling My Name Is Red, he has been a
celebrated figure at home for some time; he was really catapulted to
infamy, however, when he remarked to a Swiss interviewer in February
last year that “a million Armenians and 30,000 Kurds were killed in
this country and I’m the only one who dares talk about it”.

This would be accepted by most historians as an accurate summary
of Ottoman treatment of the Armenians in 1915-17 and of Turkey’s
decades-long conflict with Kurdish separatists. But the former in
particular is a version officially denied by Turkey, where it was
wrongly reported that he used the word “genocide”. Later in 2005,
the Turkish government made all such “insults” to the state punishable
with jail. (By the end of last year, about 60 writers and journalists
faced trial, many under this legislation.) Newspapers launched hate
campaigns against Pamuk, some columnists even suggesting he should be
“silenced”. His books and posters of him were burned at rallies and
he received death threats, after which, for a while, he went into
hiding abroad.

Eventually he returned to face trial and a possible three years’
imprisonment. “Living as I do in a country that honours its pashas,
saints and policemen at every opportunity, but refuses to honour its
writers until they have spent years in courts and in prisons,” he wrote
in the New Yorker four days before his court date, “I cannot say I
was surprised to be put on trial. I understand why friends smile and
say that I am at last ‘a real Turkish writer’.” The trial in December
was adjourned within minutes when the judge passed the matter to the
justice minister; in January, the justice minister passed it back to
the court, which decided there was no case to answer. It has been said
this was only because of the firestorm of international condemnation
the trial provoked, yet though Pamuk now insists the case would have
been dismissed regardless, it would be foolish to ignore the fault
lines it exposed.

He is reluctant to talk about his recent troubles. “I want to continue
the life I had before,” he says, early in our meeting, his first
British interview since his acquittal. “The writer’s life.

Publishing books. Writing books.” Though being a writer, he ruefully
acknowledges, is a slightly different thing in the UK than in Turkey,
where as often as not it means being erected as a political lightning
rod.

I arrive at his Bloomsbury hotel a little early, while his publicist
is going through his schedule for the next couple of days; when he
hears this includes a meal with Harold Pinter he slaps his knees
and whoops with delight. It is instantly endearing, suggesting a
man constructed of enthusiasms and transparencies – though it also
becomes clear that his capacity for childlike joy is accompanied
by confidence, steeliness and a necessary care. “Look,” he replies
impatiently to a query, later, about Turkey’s shifting interpretations
of the concept of free speech (a right, incidentally, included in its
constitution under pressure from the EU), “I never had any trouble
writing novels. I talked about this with my publisher when we were
publishing Snow, which was my only explicitly political novel –
but then nothing happened to it. The only time I had trouble, I had
trouble because of interviews, madam” – and he waggles a finger at
me. Then laughs. But he is serious. While the trial was pending,
it was illegal for him to discuss it. This is no longer the case,
but he still seeks refuge, skittishly, in generalities.

Snow, which he began writing two years before 9/11, is set in Kars in
north-eastern Turkey and tackles the urgent issues of secularism and
religion in a country which has been torn between the two for most of
the last century. It is full of intimations of trouble, of arguments
that might be unwise for the author to broach in an interview, say,
but which his characters can discuss at length. “Can the west endure
any democracy achieved by enemies who in no way resemble them?” asks
one; another comments that “the world has lost patience with repressive
regimes”. Pamuk begins Snow with the famous Stendhal quote: “Politics
in a literary work are a pistol-shot in the middle of a concert, a
crude affair though one impossible to ignore. We are about to speak
of very ugly matters.” The irony is that the rest of his fiction is
also political, if far more obliquely so; it has set up, within its
characters, opposing ideological poles, then patiently probed what
Pamuk calls “the confusion in between”.

>From his penthouse window in his Istanbul home – in a building called
Pamuk Apartments because, when he was growing up, all five floors were
owned and occupied by extended family – he can see Hagia Sophia, the
Sea of Marmara, the Bosphorus, the Golden Horn, the Topkapi palace, the
suspension bridge that links Europe and Asia – “all the essentials”,
as he puts it. He hasn’t much time for my theory about how his still
living here is unusual in these days of mass migration – that is a
myth, he feels, perpetrated by a highly visible, mobile minority. “The
rest of the world lives in the same street, the same building. The
father builds a house, then the child lives there. So I don’t want
to talk about my experience as a unique thing.” On the other hand,
he concedes that still living in this place does perhaps give him “a
strong centre in my spirit. The world, for me, has obvious beginnings.”

Pamuk grew up in a rich Ottoman family that was, through profligacy
and mismanagement, progressively becoming less so. The young Orhan
was meant to become something useful, preferably an engineer or an
architect. He chose painting initially, then writing, despite his
father’s exhortations that he should enjoy himself more. When is he
happiest now? “If you leave aside sensual pleasures, sexual pleasures,
good food, good sleep, and so on, then the happiest thing is that I
have written two and a half, three good pages. I am almost assured that
they are, but I need confirmation. My girlfriend comes, we are happy,
I read to her, she says, ‘This is wonderful’ – that’s it! That’s the
greatest happiness.” It is an old need, felt also “when I lived with my
father and mother, and did paintings and drawings when I was a child,
and they said ‘it’s nice'”.

Many of his friends in the unstable 1970s, when he was in his 20s,
were radical marxists; he began a political novel at the time about
that milieu, but it had to be abandoned half-finished in 1980 when
reality, in the form of a military coup, intervened. Turkey’s politics,
never tranquil, have remained volatile since; many of the more extreme
leftwing parties are still banned; 10 years ago one militant group
staged hunger strikes in which more than 60 died.

Although he read the marxist pamphlets favoured by his friends,
Pamuk simply found Woolf or Faulkner more interesting. He is currently
preparing a collection of essays from the past 30 years, many of them
about his lodestars: Mann, Tolstoy, Proust, Nabokov, Borges, especially
Dostoevsky. He has been criticised for being too western a writer,
though, he points out acerbically now, the Turkish literature he was
kicking against when he started out – marxist, peasant-romanticising,
19th-century-inflected realist fiction – itself had western models
in Erskine Caldwell, Gorky, Steinbeck. “A bit of experimentalism is
always ‘betraying the nation’ in my part of the world.”

Pamuk’s fiction plays with voice and subject – for him, this is a
way of exploring what it means to be Turkish. So The White Castle
(1995), in which a 17th-century Italian scholar is captured by Ottoman
pirates and sold to a Turk eager to learn about the west, “is a sort
of intense personal conflict . . . Of course, it was also a story of
doubles. That was the first book that had some international success.

Then, when I was doing interviews, thinking about the book in an
international context, I realised that doubles are Turkey’s subject:
95% of Turks carry two spirits in themselves. International observers
think there are the good guys – seculars, democrats, liberals – and
the bad guys – nationalists, political Islamists, conservatives,
pro-statists. No . In the average Turk, these two tendencies live
together all the time. Every person is fighting within himself or
herself, in a way. Or maybe, very naively, carrying self-contradictory
ideas.”

The charges against Pamuk hit international headlines weeks before
talks about Turkey’s entry into the EU, and played straight into
long-festering concerns on both sides. Turkey’s pro-European Islamist
government has been implementing reforms at a dizzying rate, and Pamuk,
who has always argued for Turkey’s entry into the EU, was troubled that
“in Europe, conservative people who do not want to see Turkey in Europe
tried to abuse my situation. They wanted to show that this country
does not deserve Europe, which put me in an awfully awkward situation.”

He was trapped in a similarly awkward position at home where there
is increasing unease about the ever-multiplying hoops the country is
being forced to leap through if it wants to join the union. Some, such
as his translator Maureen Freely, argue that inflaming anti-Turkish
sentiment was a deliberate strategy, not by fundamentalist Islamists
but by Turkey’s secular, but authoritarian, old guard, who do not
want to see their influence undercut. “I think there is a nationalist
movement in Turkey,” says Pamuk, “which is abusing the feeling of
insecurity that the nation has facing Europe and inventing a past
in which Turkey was mistreated, humiliated by the western powers. It
never happened. They are inventing a humiliation that the nation does
not carry in its spirit, to serve the ultra-rightwing, nationalistic,
political causes.”

Which is not to say that there is no humiliation. My Name Is Red
(2003), the sprawling intellectual whodunnit that made his name
outside Turkey, dramatises the tussle – literally to the death, as
it is also a murder mystery – between Islamic manuscript illuminators
and artists seduced by the western concepts of style, originality and
representation. The gore-soaked ending makes clear that the methods of
an alien but dominant culture can neither be avoided nor easily aped.

“It’s a metaphor for a very common Middle-Eastern fantasy,” says Pamuk,
“that of taking sophisticated, attractive inventions, techniques,
[or] objects from the west, without paying the spiritual price. To
appropriate an invention, be it artistic or technical, you have to
have at least a part of your spirit embracing it so radically that
you somehow change. That is one of the things that I see in my culture
that makes me very angry.”

He is not angry, he says, because of the urge to copy in itself:
“Though that is deplorable, hateful, I have great understanding for the
inevitable desire to imitate. I’m angry because that kind of fantasy
is based on a very simplistic world picture. In the novel I’m writing
now [to be called The Museum of Innocence], there is a dialogue about
poor people. A cruel but observant upper-class person says words to
the effect that, ‘They are so naive that they believe being poor is a
sin and their guilt will be forgotten as soon as they get some money.’

“So all these fragile feelings of imitation, of not having, of being
angry with your own country, with the west, with everything” – he has
elsewhere called these feelings simply “shame” – “I think that the
whole non-western world is living these damning personal dilemmas. To
understand nationalism and anti-western sentiment in the rest of the
world, you have to go to these shadowy places, rather than to the
latest political developments, which are actually just end products.”

So does he think he was the victim, in a way, of Turkish self-hatred?

This too, apparently, would be too simplistic. “Self-hatred is OK. I
have self-hatred too. It’s OK. What’s bad is if you don’t know how to
get out of it, don’t know how to manage it. Self-hatred is, in fact,
a good thing if you can clearly see the mechanism of it, because it
helps you to understand others.” It is a kind of plea *

[plus-or-minus]

Western horizons . . . Pamuk at home in Istanbul Photograph: Eamonn
McCabe

[plus-or-minus]

The end of innocence . . . (top) the author as a boy; (below) outside
the courtroom at the start of his trial last December

H1 Is in the Sixth Place

H1 IS IN THE SIXTH PLACE

A1+
[06:39 pm] 31 March, 2006

Coordinator of the Civic National Initiative Hovsep Khourshoudyan
informed that a thousand bugs have been installed in different houses
in order to carry out a rating investigation about which TV Company
people watch most. Although the results of ht investigation are secret,
but “Armenia is a small country, and we could find it out”, Hovsep
Khourshoudyan said and informed that the H1 is only in the 6th place.

“Today and always the most watchable TV Company is “A1+”, member of the
political council of the Republican Party Artak Zeynalyan announced.

And Hovsep Khourshoudyan underlined that the TV Company which gets
as much money from the budget as the science field is in the 6th
place. “And still they compete with the others in the commercial
field”, he added.

Georgian defence minister welcomes Russian base

Georgian defence minister welcomes Russian base agreement

Imedi TV, Tbilisi
31 Mar 06

[Presenter] The defence minister [Irakli Okruashvili] is making his
first comments on the signing of the agreement [today in Sochi] on
the time scale and procedures for the withdrawal of Russian bases
and other military assets from Georgian territory.

[Okruashvili, live broadcast begins mid sentence] – agreement between
Russia and Georgia on the withdrawal of Russian bases from Georgia.

This document was signed by representatives of Georgia’s Defence
Ministry and the Russian General Staff. This process which Russia
has been procrastinating over can now be considered more or less
complete. This is a process which will bring to an end the main stage
of Russia’s 200-year military presence in Georgia. By main stage I
mean that although under the agreement the majority of heavy equipment
from the Akhalkalaki military base will be withdrawn in 2006 and the
base will completely close in 2007 and most of the equipment from
the Batumi base will be removed in 2007 and the base will close
in 2008, there still remains the so-called Gudauta military base
[in Abkhazia]. We are working very actively to ensure that we do not
give the other side an opportunity to kind sand in our face and that
the base really is closed.

We welcome Russia’s constructive position which, after very intensive
work over the past two weeks, led to this document being signed.

Half-jokingly I would say that over the next three years during which
the Russian bases will be in withdrawal mode they will drink about
the same amount of wine as which Georgian companies should be able
to export to the Russian market [reference to a recent Russian ban
on imports of Georgian wine]. Thank you. Are there any questions?

[Question indistinct]

[Okruashvili] On our side you could say the only compromise was the
time scale of three years, as the withdrawal of these bases does not
need three years, but we made the decision and agreed to it.

[Question indistinct]

[Okruashvili] In Mtskheta they have living quarters for their
military officers and other insignificant assets. In addition,
you know that the Russian Group of Forces in Transcaucasia has its
headquarters in Tbilisi and they will retain that for three years to
manage this process and organize it. There will also be joint use
of the communications stations in Kojori which belonged to Russia
but now has effectively been transferred to us. We will also allow
them to use the Gonio training ground [in Ajaria] to facilitate the
withdrawal process but not for firing practice.

[Question indistinct]

[Okruashvili] Russia has military bases in Armenia and naturally they
need to be supplied. For certain reasons they cannot be supplied
through Turkey or Azerbaijan and naturally the only way to supply
them is through Georgia. This was also a compromise on our part to
a certain extent when we agreed to this kind of transit, but we will
not have a situation when some kind of freight going through Georgia
could pose a threat to the region. Thank you.

Russia to withdraw most of heavy hardware from Georgia to its ownter

Russia to withdraw most of heavy hardware from Georgia to its own territory

NTV Mir, Moscow
31 Mar 06

[Presenter] Russia will withdraw its heavy hardware from Georgia
by the end of 2007. Moscow and Tbilisi signed an agreement in Sochi
today, according to which the Georgian side will take upon itself the
obligation to provide to Russia the use of its air space during this
period. It is also being planned to transport arms by rail.

The Russian military will have to withdraw all property from the
bases of Batumi and Akhalkalaki, subject to weather conditions,
no later than by 31 December 2007.

The document was signed by Georgian deputy defence minister [Mamuka
Kudava] and the commander-in-chief of the Russian Ground Troops
[Aleksey Maslov].

[Maslov 09:0922-09:0954] Most of the hardware and weapons will be
withdrawn to the territory of the Russian Federation. Part of the
hardware will be moved to the territory of Armenia to complete the
sets of hardware there – this is mostly to do with equipment and
vehicles. But I think that everything that was decided in the [1999]
Istanbul agreement, we have fulfilled to the letter.

Level Of Armenian-Greek Economic Cooperation Is Far From BeingSatisf

LEVEL OF ARMENIAN-GREEK ECONOMIC COOPERATION IS FAR FROM BEING SATISFACTORY, ARMENIAN PRESIDENT SAYS

Noyan Tapan
Mar 30 2006

YEREVAN, MARCH 30, NOYAN TAPAN. The current level of Armenian-Greek
economic cooperation is still far from being satisfactory and does not
reflect the potential existing between the two countries. The Armenian
President Robert Kocharian said this on March 30 when receiving the
Deputy Foreign Minister of Greece Evripidis Stylianidis. In this
connection Robert Kocharian underlined the importance of the role
of the Armenian-Greek intergovernmental commission on economic,
industrial, scientific and technical cooperation. E. Stylianidis,
who is in Armenia in order to participate in the fourth sitting as the
Greek co-chairman of the commission, expressed satisfaction over the
activities carried out by the intergovernmental commission during the
Yerevan sitting. He said that the commission strives to put in practice
the agreements reached during the RA President’s visit to Greece in
late 2005 and to outline new directions of cooperation. In his words,
the Greek side assesses the RA President’s visit as an excellent
one that gave a new quality to the bilateral relations. According to
the RA President’s press service, the interlocuters pointed out the
agriculture, tourism and energy sectors as priority directions of the
mutually beneficial cooperation. E. Stylianidis said that the Greek
side will try to encourage Greek businessmen to make investments and
set up joint ventures in Armenia.

Regular Sitting Of The Armenian-Greek Intergovernmental CommitteeSta

REGULAR SITTING OF THE ARMENIAN-GREEK INTERGOVERNMENTAL COMMITTEE STARTED IN YEREVAN

ArmRadio.am
29.03.2006 13:36

The regular sitting of the Armenian-Greek Intergovernmental Committee
on economic, industrial, scientific and technical cooperation started
today in Yerevan.

>From the Greek side the Committee is headed by Deputy Foreign Minister
Evripides Stilianidis, the Armenian Co-Chair is the Minister of
Agriculture David Lockyan.

The participants of the sitting are discussing the current state of
economic cooperation and the prospects of development of Armenian-Greek
trade and economic relations, particularly the attraction of Greek
investments into Armenian economy. It is envisaged to discuss issues
of cooperation in the spheres of agriculture, tourism, finance and
banking, transport communication, as well as science and technology.

In the framework of the visit Evripides Stilianidis will meet RA
President Robert Kocharyan, the Catholicos of All Armenians Garegin
Second, Prime Minister Andranik Margaryan and Minister of Trade and
Economic Development Keren Chshmarityan.

Vartan Oskanian Has Meetings With Condoleezza Rice, Daniel Fried,Mat

VARTAN OSKANIAN HAS MEETINGS WITH CONDOLEEZZA RICE, DANIEL FRIED, MATTHEW BRYZA AND STEVEN MANN

Noyan Tapan
Armenians Today
Mar 29 2006

WASHINGTON, MARCH 29, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. RA Foreign
Minister Vartan Oskanian had a number of meetings with high-ranking
officials of the U.S.

Department of State during his two-days working visit to
Washington. After the ceremony of signing the Millennium Challenge
treaty, he met with U.S.

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Assistant Secretary for Europe
and Eurasia Daniel Fried and Deputy Assistant Secretary Matthew Bryza
on March 24. As Noyan Tapan was informed by the RA Foreign Ministry’s
Press and Information Department, issues of bilateral cooperation,
including programs of economic and democratic assistance, were
discussed during the meetings. The sides touched upon regional issues
as well, particularly the problems of energy safety and diversification
of fuels. The issue of settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict
and prospects of the negotiation process was also on the agenda, what
became the main theme of the conversation of the meeting taken place
on the same day between Vartan Oskanian and OSCE Minsk Group American
Co-Chairman Steven Mann. V.Oskanian again mentioned that Armenia is
ready to look for a solution through negotiations. V.Oskanian made
a speech on March 28 at the National Press Club of Washington as
well. Minister Oskanian left Washington for New York on March 29 where
meetings with UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and other high-ranking
officials are scheduled for the next days.

Russia Can Reconsider Positions On Unrecognized Republics’ Status

RUSSIA CAN RECONSIDER POSITIONS ON UNRECOGNIZED REPUBLICS’ STATUS

PanARMENIAN.Net
27.03.2006 21:54 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Russia can reconsider its positions on the status
of unrecognized republics in the post soviet space, Polity Foundation
President, Deputy Chairman of the Editorial Board of Russia in Global
Affairs Vyacheslav Nikonov stated. In his words, Russia adheres to
the principle of territorial integrity of Georgia and Moldova. “At
the same time Russia builds its policy on two principles, these being
the protection of rights of national minorities and the protection
of Russian citizens living in these republics,” he emphasized.

“Russia adheres to the principle of territorial integrity but if the
threat to the national minorities increases Moscow can review its
positions, especially if the status of the unrecognized republics will
be raised in view of reconsideration of Kosovo’s status,” Vyacheslav
Nikonov said, reported RIA Novosti.