Anand’s victory goes in vain as India lose to Russia

Anand’s victory goes in vain as India lose to Russia

Malayala Manorama, India
25 Oct. 2004

Mallorca, Spain: Viswanathan Anand gave India an early lead but his
effort went in vain as India suffered a 1.5-2.5 defeat against top
seeds and defending champions Russia in the ninth round of the 36th
Chess Olympiad here at the Gran Casino.

Leading from the front, Anand crashed through the defences of
Grandmaster Alexander Morozevich while Krishnan Sasikiran also did
well on the second board in getting an easy draw as black against
Russian champion Peter Svidler. But the remaining two boards saw the
Indian downfall as Surya Shekhar Ganguly was outdone from a complicated
position by Vadim Zvjaginsev while Harikrishna missed out on a simple
winnning manoeuvre against Alexey Dreev before he was eventually tamed.

In hindsight, it could have been 3-1 in India’s favour but in the end
the six-time winners proved superior. Leaders Ukraine, who settled for
a 2-2 draw with fourth seeds Armenians on the top table, maintained
a 2.5 advantage over Russia (24.5).

With just five more rounds remaining, USA was the biggest gainer of
the day as they moved to sole third spot on 24 points after drubbing
Spain ‘A’ 3.5-0.5.

Armenia and third seed Israel were in joint fourth spot on 23 points
while the Indians shared the sixth spot on 22.5 along with Switzerland,
Bulgaria, France, Slovenia, Azerbaijan and Cuba. Poland and Moldova
were next in line on 22 points each.

First among equals in the horrors of political violence

First among equals in the horrors of political violence
by Michael Sheridan

Sunday Times (London)
October 24, 2004, Sunday

POL POT The History of a Nightmare. By Philip Short. J Murray £25 pp671

In the hierarchy of mass murderers of the last century, the Cambodian
dictator Pol Pot remains unchallenged for the sheer extremism of
his theory and the implacable way it was put into practice. Stalin,
Hitler and Mao killed many more victims, but they had wider canvases to
paint with blood. The Cambodian experiment traumatised just one small
country and may have claimed “only” 1.5m lives. Yet it astonished
even Mao by its radicalism and proved that the Marxist utopia was a
vision doomed to failure no matter how ruthless its social engineers.

So, if Pol Pot belongs, strictly speaking, in the second rank of
butchers, alongside Saddam Hussein, perhaps, or the Young Turks who
orchestrated the Armenian pogroms, he still ranks first among equals
in the theory and practice of political violence.

Philip Short’s book sets out to show that rage and murder were
intrinsic to the Cambodian revolution. Their roots lay deep in the
Khmer psyche of absolute submission to absolute rulers and a blind
insistence on carrying theories through to the end. He reckons that Pol
Pot was not a classic communist functionary but more like one of the
ancient despots of Angkor Wat, in whose grandeur the revolutionaries
gloried.

Like the author’s biography of Mao, this is in essence a political,
not a personal history. Pol Pot revealed almost nothing about himself;
indeed, utmost secrecy was his code of practice and few witnesses
survived to testify about his daily life.

We know more about Hitler’s table talk, Stalin’s drinking bouts and
Saddam’s wedding feasts than we do about Pol Pot’s shadowy meetings in
jungle huts and his summits in the salons of Hanoi and Pyongyang. And
there is more documentation available for the Nazi Wannsee conference
of 1942 than there is for the meetings in 1975 at the Khmer Rouge
headquarters in Phnom Penh’s French colonial railway station, at which
the draconian decision to evacuate the cities of Cambodia was taken.
This leaves the biographer with a tough task. Short has dug around
assiduously for fresh material to illuminate the mind of the tyrant. At
the end, though, we are still left groping for answers.

Pol Pot’s youth provides few clues. Like Mao, he came from a prosperous
village family, precisely the sort of suspicious class background
that would suffice for a death sentence later on. Like Stalin, he
was exposed at a young age to the certainty of faith, spending a
year as a novice monk at the Buddhist temple of Wat Bottum Vaddei,
near the gilded royal palaces of Phnom Penh.

It is in Pol Pot’s adolescence that Short finds the most peculiar
anecdote about his subject. Within the palace walls, Pol Pot’s sister,
Roeung, was living as a secondary wife, in practice a concubine, to
the polygamous if elderly King Monivong. The boy would be allowed
to visit his sister in this “hothouse world”, as Short terms it,
because at 15 he was deemed a child. According to Keng Vannsak,
a contemporary of Pol Pot who later became his political mentor in
Paris, the harem women would indulge in sex play with him, stopping
short of intercourse.

There are so few other details known of Pol Pot’s intimate life that
this gem might seem a gift to Freudians.

Short passes briskly onwards, alas, to explore in burdensome detail
the development of Cambodian revolutionary theory in the 1930s. It
was a unique model.

It took its austerity from the Buddha, its extremism from Robespierre
and its leadership doctrine from Stalin. There was to be no compromise,
only violence.

Subterfuge was everything: it was only in 1976, a year after the fall
of Phnom Penh, that Pol Pot emerged in public as the leader, and only
then did the Khmer Rouge reveal itself as a Marxist-Leninist party.

Pol Pot was fortunate in his enemies. The playboy King Sihanouk -who
outlived him and who has just abdicated the throne -ruled a fantasy
realm of brutality and gross corruption that made 1950s Cambodia
ripe for revolution. When the uprising came, Pol Pot’s black-clad
legions faced the military strongman Lon Nol. “As silent as a carp,”
the French called him, while the despairing Americans put their
faith in B-52s to prolong his regime and Lon Nol himself resorted to
sorcerers, spells and a line of magic sand drawn in a circle around
Phnom Penh. The B-52s did not save Cambodia, but became a symbol of
the West’s blundering complicity in its destruction.

Yet Short’s most valuable contribution to the debates that still swirl
around the Cambodian fiasco is to bring clear thinking to the big
questions of blame. He takes issue with William Shawcross, who argued
shortly after the war that the pathological brutality of the Khmer
Rouge followed years of severe trauma under American bombing. Not at
all, says Short. Cruelty was ingrained in the Cambodian independence
fighters of the 1950s, the Issaraks, who devoured the cooked livers of
their victims. And Pol Pot institutionalised the killing of captives
before Kissinger and Nixon made Cambodia a cockpit of the cold war.

Short is brisk about the cynical policy of Vietnam, whose only
redeeming role in the affair was to invade Cambodia and topple Pol Pot
in 1979 after his excesses spilt across the border. He also indicts
the Chinese, who have largely escaped censure for their complicity
with the Khmer Rouge. Mao openly envied Pol Pot’s extremism. The
ultra-radical Gang of Four backed him. Then Deng Xiaoping played
power politics by sustaining him with weapons for a decade in the
jungles along the Thai border.

Pol Pot’s revolution, like Stalin’s, consumed his enemies, then his
comrades and finally his own family. His brother perished on a forced
march in 1975, his first wife, Khieu Ponnary, went mad, while sundry
relatives and in-laws fell to his purges. A few of his surviving
cronies will face an international tribunal next year. It will be
Nuremberg without Hitler, for Pol Pot died, apparently of natural
causes, in 1998. Of the 20th century’s great killers, only Saddam,
it seems, is likely to have his day in court.

Available at the Books First price of £20 plus £2.25 p&p on 0870 165
8585 and www. timesonline.co.uk/booksfirstbuy

–Boundary_(ID_cbFO1YWSJMHxnTJavnxxGw)–

Armenia president to discuss issues of cooperation with Georgia

ITAR-TASS News Agency
TASS
October 23, 2004 Saturday

Armenia president to discuss issues of cooperation with Georgia

By Tengiz Pachkoria

TBILISI

President Robert Kocharyan of Armenia on Saturday will discuss with
Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania and Speaker of the Georgian
parliament Nino Burdzhanadze issues of further development and
deepening of cooperation between the two countries.

Robert Kocharyan, who arrived in Georgia for a three-ay official
visit on Friday, will also hold a meeting with representatives of the
Armenian diaspora in Georgia. According to the census of 2002,
Armenians account for 5.6 percent of the 4-million-strong population
of Georgia (84 percent of the population are Georgians, 6.5 percent –
– Azerbaijanians and 1.5 percent – Russians).

On Friday, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili satated that over
the last two thousand years Georgia and Armenia had had no
territorial claims to each other and expressed the hope that there
would be no claims in the future as well.

Robert Kocharyan said that during his meeting with Mikhail
Saakashvili he “began discussing an issue of the two countries’
coordination of actions within the framework of the EU program “New
Neighbours.”

According to Kocharyan, they also discussed an issue “of possible
cooperation in the field of railway transport of all countries of the
Southern Caucasus.”

Jerusalem: Lupolianski Deplores Spitting Incident

Arutz Sheva, Israel
Oct 21 2004

Lupolianski Deplores Spitting Incident

(IsraelNN.com) The mayor of Jerusalem, Uri Lupolianski, met yesterday
with the Armenian Orthodox Patriarch, Turkom Manuagian and the
chairman of Archbishops in Jerusalem, Nora Manuagian.

The mayor condemned a recent incident in which an Orthodox resident
of the capital spat at clerics, explaining he was taught to spit at
Catholic priests and leaders of other faiths. Lupolianski condemned
the young man’s actions which he called `despicable acts’.

`On behalf of myself and all the people of Jerusalem I apologize for
the heinous act which I strongly condemn. As a representative of
Jerusalem I’m ashamed and embarrassed by this act,’ said the mayor.

Mr. Lupolianski added, `The spitting wasn’t just meant for you and
the community you represent, it was a spit in the face of all the
people of Jerusalem. Jerusalem, just like its name, is a city of
peace that symbolizes peace and brotherhood between religions and
it’s unfortunate that the wild thorns hurt us all. In the coming days
I’ll appoint a special advisor for Christian Affairs, from the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who will outline a broad and
comprehensive plan to improve the relationships between religions and
to restore Jerusalem’s status as a city of peace.’

The mayor also announced that he had talks regarding this issue with
rabbi’s, which will condemn the incidents and prepare an educational
plan for synagogues and community centers.

Laughing into the void, making machine speak Kurdish (Vodka Lemon)

Tne Daily Star, Lebanon
Oct 22 2004

Laughing into the void, making the machine speak Kurdish
Filmmaker Hiner Saleem reflects on art, politics and good vodka

By Jim Quilty
Daily Star staff

BEIRUT: Scrutinizing Hiner Saleem through the clouds of smoke, it
seems from time to time that he bears an uncanny resemblance to the
American actor Kevin Spacey. The effect fades as Saleem navigates his
way through the English-language interview. Spacey has never carried
off such a bravura performance. He’s certainly never worked with such
a good scriptwriter.

“My grandfather used to say, ‘Our past is sad. Our present is a
catastrophe.” Saleem taps his cigarette. “‘Fortunately, we don’t have
a future.'”

The remark nicely evokes the unpredictable wit that radiates from
Saleem’s “Vodka Lemon,” a highlight of the recent Ayam Beirut
Cinemaiyya. The setting alone – a snow-bound Kurdish-Armenian village
where state and economy are so marginal that everyone seems to be
selling themselves to stay alive – is the recipe for a truly grim
film. “Vodka Lemon” is not depressing: its visual and spoken language
crackles with a humour that is as humane as it is absurd.

“I never say that I will make something sad or with humor or comedy.
My stories just come like this.” He picks up a cigarette lighter.
“Humor is the politics of despair.”

In a region where it is common to see directors turn their cameras on
their own countries, it seems exotic to have a Kurdish filmmaker
working in a country that – at least in popular perception – is so
different from Kurdistan. For Saleem the choice was perfectly
logical.

“Because of Saddam Hussein, because of the lack of democracy and
freedom, it was impossible for me to make a film in Kurdistan. … It
is impossible to make films if it’s illegal to speak your own
language. Things are changing of course. In south Kurdistan – what
diplomats call Iraqi Kurdistan – there is now freedom. School,
university – everything’s in Kurdish. But we are imprisoned there.
… We are free within this prison but we don’t have contact with the
outside world. Things change also in Turkey, a little, reform and so
on.

“It has been very difficult to have Kurdish cinema because cinema
needs a public, needs money, needs support. [But there have been
Kurdish filmmakers]. We must not forget Yilmaz GŸney, whose film
“Yol” took the Palme D’Or at Cannes in 1982. Now people are
beginning. There is a Kurd in Iran who made two very interesting
movies. And there’s a new generation living in Europe, some in
Germany, some in New York. So it’s beginning.”

He lights a cigarette. “But why not Armenia? I love this country, and
it has an important Kurdish community. We are very near one another
in cultural sensibilities. We drink good vodka.

“Of course when I write it I think about Kurdistan, but when I finish
my scenario I come back to my reality, and it’s not possible to go
back and make something. Even if there’s freedom in Iraqi Kurdistan
since 1991, the countries surrounding it are not very tolerant. So
how can I take materials? How can I take a team? So when I think of
an alternative, I think about Armenia.

“I make the movie in a Kurdish village so it’s Kurdish and Armenian
at once. The movie moves back and forth between Kurdish, Armenian and
Russian. It’s easy to drink in Russian, to sing in Kurdish and insult
in Armenian, for example. But the story is universal. I was in Brazil
recently and somebody told me, ‘If you took out the snow it could be
a Brazilian story.’ Somebody said something similar in Bangkok.
Basically if there are humans, you will find these kind of problems.”

“Vodka Lemon” does succeed in elevating itself beyond the locality
where it happens to be set. Though he wants, and is clearly able, to
make films with universal themes, issues of identity remain important
to the Paris-based director.

“Iraqi Kurdistan never accepted me. So I don’t accept Iraq. I am not
‘Iraqi Kurdish.’ I am only Kurdish, Kurdistani Kurdish. Throughout
its history Iraq has destroyed me, and I’m not crazy or a masochistic
enough to call myself ‘Iraqi Kurdish.’ When Iraq respects me I will
respect it. When Iraq loves me I will love it. … We are no better
than any other people, but no other people is better than me. I like
to live in equality, not under an Iraqi-Arab hegemony that doesn’t
respect our culture, that destroyed us culturally and physically.”

A Kurdish emigre filmmaker, he doesn’t go out of his way to associate
with other members of that community.

“I’m a very individual filmmaker. Of course I feel very happy when I
see something good from a Kurdish director. But film it’s individual
work, writing is individual work, painting … you don’t need a
community. You don’t need an association. You are alone [as] I am in
my kitchen at 4 a.m., after two bottles of vodka.

“Fortunately [there are many French producers] who like my work. I
don’t think I have more problems [in this] than French filmmakers. To
be a Kurdish filmmaker doesn’t give you more opportunities, and it
doesn’t give you less. The problem is the same if I’m Kurdish or
French or whatever.”

Saleem resists having his work compared to that of other filmmakers –
Iranian director Abbas Kiarostami, for instance, who, like Saleem,
began his career as a painter.

“I’m absolutely not a cinephile,” he says. “Really. The first time I
saw a camera was when I shot my first film [in 1998]. I have no
cinema culture. … I picked up a camera because I was helpless.”

Presumably then, making films gives him a sense of power. “Absolutely
not,” he responds. “First of all I’m here, and I must do something in
my life. Second, I’m sensitive to this and I like to talk about it.

“Third” – he glances at his cigarette – “to pass the time.”

The real story behind how Saleem became a filmmaker comes from his
life in Kurdistan, one he describes as “like that of a million other
people.”

“As children we used to run to the mountains because the Iraqis were
making a massacre. We would go live in the caves – no electricity, no
television, nothing. My father every night would read to us classical
Kurdish poetry – printed clandestinely. He’d say to everybody, ‘You
must listen.’ But myself, I didn’t understand.

“But one day he came with a new book – also classical Kurdish
literature – but with illustrations. I was fascinated. It looked like
I’d discovered God. I asked ‘What is this?’ He said, ‘My son, this
painter read this poetry and the poetry gave him the inspiration to
make this.’ I said, ‘Oh my God, you mean it’s also the poetry. … It
[must be] something beautiful if it gives this inspiration. So I
begin to listen to him read.

“When we go back to the city, the first thing I begin doing is buying
materials to paint, and I begin to link poetry and pictures. A little
bit later, one uncle came back with a television and I was
shocked-surprised for a second time. ‘What is this? My God. People
moving and talking and I look around -” He stands up to look behind
the imagined television set. “And nothing.

“All the time the television begins with the imna, for Arab
nationalism, Hizb al-Baath … I’m fascinated. Of course, this is
picture and poetry, so I like it. I watch everything. Some days
after, when the shock passed, I begin to ask people, ‘I don’t
understand anything. We are in Kurdistan, why does this machine not
speak in Kurdish?’

“I think maybe every people make for himself this machine, talking
only his language. In the beginning, when he make the machine, he
also put the language. I don’t know, but I say ‘One day I will make
this machine speak in Kurdish.’

“I don’t know what I must be to make this machine. I think I must be
a mechanic or an electrician or a singer … or Saddam Hussein. But I
say, I must make this machine speak in Kurdish.”

Karabakh Leader Thanks US Armenians for Support

KARABAKH LEADER THANKS US ARMENIANS FOR SUPPORT

Artsakh State TV, Stepanakert
20 Oct 04

On 19 October, the president of the NKR (Nagornyy Karabakh Republic),
Arkadiy Gukasyan, received a delegation of the Armenian Assembly of
America led by the deputy chairperson of the board of trustees, Mrs
Anni Totah. Arpi Vartanyan, director of the assembly’s offices in
Armenia and Nagornyy Karabakh, was also present at the meeting. During
the meeting, members of the delegation shared their impression of the
visit with the NKR president. The delegation travelled to Stepanakert
, Shushi (, Gandzasar and some other villages in the NKR.

The guests noticed progress in all spheres of life in Nagornyy
Karabakh and the authorities’ efforts to overcome the consequences of
the war and rebuild destroyed infrastructure and economy of the
republic. At the same time, they said that there are still many
unresolved problems in the provinces in comparison with Stepanakert
where no traces of war have remained. In connection with this they
expressed readiness to use the potential of their organization to
assist Artsakh (Nagornyy Karabakh). The members of the delegation
underlined that people and officials in the NKR were open-minded and
ready to accept any new idea.

They also touched upon the reconstruction of Shushi. Arkadiy Gukasyan
noted that the Karabakh authorities are working in that direction and
have prepared several programmes to revive the town as an all-Armenian
educational, cultural and health resort centre. However, Gukasyan
said, Nagornyy Karabakh is not able to resolve this problem on its own
and the only option here is to join efforts of the entire Armenian
diaspora.

At the request of the delegation, Gukasyan briefed them on the current
stage and the prospects of the Nagornyy Karabakh conflict
settlement. The president underlined the importance of restoring a
real negotiation format within the OSCE Minsk Group with Nagornyy
Karabakh involved in it as a full party to the talks. Only in this
case, he said, will it be possible to find a constructive solution to
the problem.

Finally, Gukasyan expressed his appreciation for the active lobbyist
activities of the assembly thanks to which the US government provides
annual humanitarian assistance to the NKR; the USA is now the only
country in the world that provides official assistance to Nagornyy
Karabakh. Gukasyan noted that programmes carried out with these
financial resources had a positive impact on the life in the
republic. Although humanitarian programmes which the assembly is
carrying out in Artsakh are very important, the NKR needs mutually
beneficial business cooperation, Gukasyan said.

(Video shows Gukasyan’s meeting with the assembly’s delegation)

40 Citizens of Armenia in Desperate Situation in South Ossetia

40 CITIZENS OF ARMENIA IN DESPERATE SITUATION IN SOUTH OSSETIA

Georgy Khosroev: “We Spare No Efforts to Save People from Hard Situation”

Azg/am
19 Oct 04

It is almost a week that 40 citizens of Armenia are in desperate
situation in South Ossetia. As Upper Lars Russian-Georgian border
crossing is blocked, our compatriots have to go to Lower Zamarag
Russian-Ossetian checkpoint to pass from Russia to Armenia. But,
passing through unknown South Ossetia, they became hostages in Ergneti
settlement, by the Georgian-Southern Ossetian border.

Georgy Khosroev, RA ambassador to Georgia, said in a telephone talk
that the embassy spares no efforts to save the people from the hard
situation. “We attentively follow the fate of our citizens. Those
people are in hard situation. In order to help them the employees of
the embassy fetched food, medicines and water to Ergneti,” Khosroev
said.

RA embassy continues the negotiations with the Georgian authorities to
help 40 RA citizens pass the Georgian-South Ossetian border. Artur
Sargsian, RA Counsel to Georgia, left for Ergneti to help the
Armenians and to study the situation there. He said in the interview
to Azg Daily that there are children, old people and a pregnant woman
in the cars stuck by the border.

When Russia blocked Upper Lars border crossing and advised the
Armenian citizens to travel through Lower Zamarag-Tskhinvali-Ergneti
road, Tbilisi announced officially that Russia-Georgia road through
South Ossetia is illegal and the only legal border point is Upper
Lars. Earlier, as a result of the Armenian-Georgian negotiations, the
official Tbilisi allowed the cars and the citizens struck in Ergneti
to continue their way, on the other hand, the Georgian officials gave
a friendly piece of advice to the Armenians to find other ways and not
to use that road again.

Ambassador Khosroev reminded that earlier, as a result of
negotiations, they managed to lead away three groups of Armenians, 58,
36 and 31 people correspondingly, from Ergneti to Bagratashen
checkpoint of the Armenian-Georgian border. It’s worth reminding that
Ergneti is the area where shooting between Georgian and South Ossetian
armed forces is being heard frequently.

Mikheil Kareli, representative of Georgia’s President in Shida Qarteli
region, said in the interview to Rustavi-2 TV channel that there are
three legal border checkpoints for reaching Russia from Georgia,
i.e. Upper Lars, Tbilisi airport and Poti harbor. Correspondingly, all
the foreigners, either Armenians or Azeris should use only the
abovementioned border points, Kareli said. Kareli added that by
keeping open the Roki tunnel for the Armenian citizens and
transportation of the Armenian goods to Russia may embroil Georgia
with Armenia.

It’s worth mentioning that only the Armenians that leave for working
in the republics of the North Caucasus are using the land road from
Russia to Armenia and in the opposite direction, as well as the people
who can’t afford airplanes tickets for returning to Armenia.

RA ambassador to Georgia said that on October 15, early in the morning
the employees of the embassy would leave for Ergneti to take food,
water, medicines and warm covers for RA citizens stuck there. “It may
be possible to lead these people out of the hard situation. The
diocese of the Armenian church in Georgia, as well as Apaven NGO are
also concerned with the fate of the Armenian citizens and they try to
render help to them,” Khosroev said.

By Tatoul Hakobian

French Parliament Divided on Turkey’s EU Accession

French Parliament Divided on Turkey’s EU Accession

Zaman
10.15.2004 Friday

The French parliament convened yesterday to discuss Turkey’s accession
to the European Union (EU), but reactions were split. Although Prime
Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin gave his support to Turkish accession,
differences of opinions within the parties were as numerous as those
among and between them.

Along with Raffarin, Foreign Minister Michael Barnier and the Green
Party supported Turkey, but some deputies of the Union for a Popular
Movement Party (UMP), the French Democracy Union (UDF), and some
Socialist Party deputies stood against Turkey’s membership.

Raffarin tried to calm down the parties opposed to Turkey with a
speech in which he said Turkey is connected to Europe with historical
and geographical ties and its desire to take place among EU members
is “legitimate”. When the time comes, this will come to life, added
Raffarin. A modern, democratic and stable Turkey will add new horizons
to Europe and France is ready to take Turkey’s side during the reform
process, underlined the French Prime Minister.

“Turkey shouldn’t be left in the arms of those who want a clash of
civilizations and an Islam-West clash,” said the French Prime Minister
as he stressed that Turkey is undergoing big change and should be
given time to fulfill the membership conditions. He also said that
if Turkey fails to meet the requisites, its membership will not take
place. In that case, he said, the process may end with a “privileged
membership”. “History will decide on Turkey’s EU membership,” he said.

Meanwhile, Barnier said EU should start membership negotiations for
Turkey and that a country that has met the Copenhagen Criteria needs
to be given the opportunity to prove itself. The Union will have the
control and, if needed, negotiations can be suspended.

When asked whether or not recognition of the alleged Armenian genocide
could be a pre-condition, Barnier said that the subject is not among
the Copenhagen Criteria.

Speaking on behalf of the Green Party, Noel Mamere said that the
Greens support Turkey’s accession to the Union. While enumerating the
reasons for their support, Mamere said, “For the EU’s multicultural
development, to show it is not a Christian club, and to prevent a
clash of civilizations, we support the start of membership negotiations
for Turkey.”

The Communist Party’s parliamentary group president, Alain Bocquet,
took the floor and argued that the EU Constitution should be approved
before saying “yes” to negotiations with Turkey. Bocquet accused
the power of neglecting the issue of Constitution discussions
to address the Turkey issue. The president of the Parliamentary
Foreign Affairs Commission, Edouard Balladur, said the EU’s priority
is to approve the Constitution and pointed out the importance of
achieving integration with the new members before taking another step
toward another enlargement. Balladur went on to say that starting
membership negotiations with Turkey jeopardizes approval of the EU
Constitution. He supported a “privileged partnership” instead of
full membership. Meanwhile, there was division within the Socialist
party. Some socialist deputies demanded recognition of the alleged
Armenian genocide as a pre-condition while some of the party’s members
supported Turkey’s bid.

10.15.2004
Ali Ihsan Aydin
Paris

BAKU: Visit of chair of committee of ministers of CoE to Azerbaijan

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan
Oct 14 2004

VISIT OF CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE OF MINISTERS OF THE COUNCIL OF
EUROPE, FOREIGN MINISTER OF NORWAY IAN PETERSON TO AZERBAIJAN
[October 14, 2004, 11:58:44]

Reception in Milli Majlis

Chairman of Milli Majlis (Azerbaijan Parliament) Murtuz Alaskarov has
received Chairman of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of
Europe, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Norway Ian
Peterson, now visiting Azerbaijan on October 13.

Warmly greeting the visitor, Speaker of Azerbaijan Parliament has
noted existing between Azerbaijan and Norway warm friendly links, has
especially emphasized merits of the national leader of Azerbaijan
people Heydar Aliyev in development of mutual relations. Having
informed that Norwegian Company “Statoil” and other companies have
enclosed large investments into economy of Azerbaijan, Chairman of
Parliament has expressed hope for the further development of
cooperation and increase in number of the Norwegian companies working
in our country. He has emphasized that Azerbaijan is the most
advanced country on the Southern Caucasus. Due to use of oil
resources and present development Azerbaijan is mentioned in line
with Norway.

Speaking about the obligations taken by Azerbaijan before the Council
of Europe, Murtuz Alaskarov has noted, that the majority of them has
been executed. There were some fine questions which are connected to
passage of alternative service and national minorities and which in
the near future also will find the solution.

Then speaker of Azerbaijan Parliament in detail informed on the
history and reasons of the Armenia-Azerbaijan, Nagorny Karabakh
conflict, the documents adopted by Security Council of the United
Nations, OSCE, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in
connection with the said conflict. He has especially emphasized that
Azerbaijan supports peace settlement of the conflict within the
framework of the norms of international law. At the same time,
Azerbaijan will not concede spans of the native lands and will
restore its territorial integrity and sovereignty.

Having thanked for warm reception and detailed information, Ian
Peterson has noted that the Kingdom of Norway shows special interest
to development of connections with Azerbaijan. A number of the large
companies of Norway is going to enclose investments into the
Azerbaijan economy, and within the framework of visit he will carry
on negotiations on the given question.

Highly having estimated execution of obligations taken before the
Council of Europe by Azerbaijan, the Chairman of the Committee of
Ministers of COE has expressed his views and the Nagorny Karabakh
problem. He has told: “Indefiniteness in this conflict till present
time causes a regret. As a competent state on such questions, the
Kingdom of Norway can render assistance. The diplomat has emphasized,
that his country supports peace, fair settlement of this problem, and
has stated that renewal by the sides negotiations imparts hopes in
settlement of the conflict.

At the meeting, also were exchanged views on other questions
representing mutual interest.

BAKU: Azeri, Norwegian foreign ministers discuss Karabakh settlement

Azeri, Norwegian foreign ministers discuss Karabakh settlement

Assa-Irada, Baku
13 Oct 04

Baku, 13 October: The chairman of the Council of Europe Committee
of Ministers and Norwegian foreign minister, Jan Petersen, who is
on a visit to Baku, today met Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov,
Milli Maclis Speaker Murtuz Alasgarov and President Ilham Aliyev.

Elmar Mammadyarov told the Norwegian diplomat about the Nagornyy
Karabakh problem in detail and explained Azerbaijan’s position on
settling the conflict. The meeting also discussed the implementation
of Azerbaijan’s commitments to the Council of Europe and the fight
against international terrorism.

At a briefing after the meeting, Jan Petersen stated that the Council
of Europe is not in a position to solve the Nagornyy Karabakh conflict
and the organization can only broker a solution to this problem. In
the opinion of the European guest, Armenia and Azerbaijan should
reach agreement between themselves.

[Passage omitted: Petersen also met the speaker of the Azerbaijani
president]