NK’s self determination right does not hamper Azerbaijan’s territori

POLITICAL ANALYST: KARABAKH’S SELF-DETERMINATION RIGHT DOESN’T HAMPER AZERBAIJAN’S TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY

Arka News Agency, Armenia
July 21, 2006

YEREVAN, July 21. /ARKA/.Nagorno-Karabakh Republic’s self-determination
right doesn’t hamper Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, Alexander
Manasyan, professor to Yerevan State University, said Thursday in
Yerevan, at a seminar focused on Karabakh problem.

"Nagorno Karabakh has never been a part of Azerbaijan and needs no
Baku’s permit for its self-determination", he said.

In his opinion, Azerbaijan has no powers to rule Karabakh, since
in 1991, when Azerbaijan declared its independence, there was not
a single Baku’s document mentioning extent of its territories and
nowhere Karabakh was mentioned as part of Azerbaijan.

The seminar was held by Armenian Association of Studying Conflicts
and Peace. M.V.-0—

First Church of Capital Is Built

FIRST CHURCH OF CAPITAL IS BUILT

Azat Artsakh, Nagorno Karabakh Republic [NKR]
19 July 2006

Stepanakert does not have a church, and many people say this is one of
the reasons why sects multiply. Several months ago the construction
of a church started on Hekimyan Street. The place of the church was
chosen by the Primate of the Artsakh Diocese. The church bears the
name of Patriarch Saint Hakob of Mtsbin. The church is built on the
donation of an Armenian from the United States, who had promised
several years ago to build a church for his son Hakob who died
untimely. Father Minas says the church will be a great stimulus for
reaching great aims, and will help struggle against sects.

ANAHIT MANUCHARIAN. 19-07-2006

Western Prelacy – Youth Gathering in San Francisco for the Prelacy R

July 19, 2006

PRESS RELEASE

Western Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America
H.E. Archbishop Moushegh Mardirossian, Prelate
6252 Honolulu Avenue
La Crescenta, CA 91214
Tel: (818) 248-7737
Fax: (818) 248-7745
E-mail: [email protected]
Website:

YOUTH GATHERING IN SAN FRANCISCO FOR THE
PRELACY RELIGIOUS EDUCATIONAL LECTURE SERIES

On July 8, 2006 a delegation of youth from the Western Prelacy Armenian
Church Youth Association left for St. Gregory Armenian Apostolic
Church in San Francisco. The mission of the delegation was to mark
the establishment of a new ACYA chapter in San Francisco.

The three-day visit with local clergy and leaders from the community
proved to be a major success and triumph for the ACYA.

The delegation consisted of Very Rev. Fr. Muron Aznikian, Co-Director
of Christian Education, ACYA Central Board Chair Greg Martayan,
ACYA Central Board Secretary Ani Daglian, and several members from
various ACYA chapters.

On the evening of Saturday, July 8th, the delegation met with Rev.

Avedis Torosian and members of the St. Gregory Board of Trustees at
KZV Armenian School. The focus of the meeting was to create a one-year
plan for the local ACYA.

After the meeting came to a close, the delegation was invited for
a reception at the home of Prelacy Executive Council member Garbis
Bezdjian. The reception gave members of the delegation a better
understanding and a more complete picture of the issues affecting
the Armenian community in San Francisco and its needs.

On Sunday, July 9th, Very Rev. Fr. Muron Aznikian conducted Holy
Mass at St. Gregory Church and delivered the sermon. Immediately
following Mass, the Central Board of the ACYA had organized a
religious educational lecture at the church, held under the auspices
of H.E. Archbishop Moushegh Mardirossian, Prelate. Participating
in the event were local leaders from various Armenian community
organizations, such as Homentmen, and youth from distances as far as
ninety miles away.

The gathering began with the opening prayer by Rev. Avedis Torosian
and introduction of the members of the delegation, after which he
invited Greg Martayan to deliver a message from the ACYA Central
Board. "On behalf of the ACYA Central Board, I would like to welcome
you all to this joyous event. It is with a great vision that I have
come here today…a vision that the San Francisco ACYA will grow in
its ranks by the hundreds within this year."

Prior to discussing the topic of the day, Shant Kendirian, a youth
leader from Holy Cross Cathedral in Montebello, participated in the
gathering by presenting his book, "A Thousand and One Nights in the
Iraqi Army", about his experiences as an American soldier in Iraq.

Following Mr. Kendirian’s presentation, Rev. Torosian invited Very
Rev. Fr. Muron Aznikian to address the audience. He turned the
gathering into a roundtable discussion, within which he opened the
floor to questions from the youth present. "The time with Very Rev.

Aznikian was the highlight of the event", stated a local youth
leader. Questions such as "everlasting life" and "church involvement"
played a prominent role in the discussion. Very Rev.

Fr. Aznikian also addressed the importance of listening to parents
and elders. He stated, "it is through the acquired wisdom from your
parents that a good future can be made and sustained." He continued
"when you are confused and when things don’t make sense, seek the
guidance of someone who has already been through such tribulations."

At the end of the discussion, he closed the meeting with a prayer and
blessing of the day’s luncheon. During the reception that followed,
the youth took the opportunity to socialize and discuss issues of
concern. Subsequently, the delegation returned to Los Angeles pleased
with the outcome of the trip and hopeful that a solid foundation was
set on which the San Francisco ACYA will be built and thrive.

For information regarding the ACYA please call the ACYA Central Office
at (818) 981-6159 or your local parish.

www.westernprelacy.org

Are the OSCE MG co-chairs trying to provoke a war? NK press digest

Are the OSCE MG co-chairs trying to provoke a war? Nagorno Karabakh press digest

Regnum, Russia
July 19 2006

What will the freezing of the negotiating process lead to?

Golos Armenii daily believes that "if the negotiating process is
buried," everybody will stay with what they had, i.e. Armenia with
Karabakh, while Azerbaijan without the territories its president
Ilham Aliyev swore to get back by 2008, at latest. The general
opinion is that 2007 and 2008 are hopeless – because of internal
political processes in Armenia and Azerbaijan – "while 2006 has
already halved…"

Caucasian Knot news portal reports the speaker of Nagorno-Karabakh
parliament Ashot Gulyan as saying that NK’s participation is key
prerequisite for the resumption of the Karabakh peace talks. There are
several reasons why NK should be involved in the talks: "The natural
format of the talks should be restored; Karabakh should be allowed
to defend its own interest; and, third, Karabakh’s involvement will
mean that Azerbaijan is ready for compromise."

Nagorno Karabakh cannot take part in the talks as a conflicting
party at the current stage. The world community knows well who are
negotiators and who are conflicting parties, APA reports the head
of the Press and Information Policy Department of the Azeri Foreign
Ministry Tair Tagizade as saying in response to the statement by the
speaker of the NK parliament Ashot Gulyan. Tagizade says that after
the first stage, i.e. when the former ethnic composition of the NK
population is restored, Baku will work with both NK communities. This
is important for the problem of the NK status to be resolved in
conformity with the Constitution of Azerbaijan and also for ensuring
further development of this region.

"While now, cheap tricks like interpreting the words of Sabine Freizer
(the director of the Caucasian Project of the International Crisis
Group – REGNUM) that since the co-chairs no longer want to do anything
else on the problem, the parties should address it themselves as a
call for Nagorno Karabakh’s involvement in the process as a negotiating
party are non-constructive and meant just for internal political use,"
says Tagizade.

"I think they are directly provoking war," Armenian ex defense
minister Vahan Shirkhanyan says about the statement of the OSCE MG
co-chairs that they are stopping intensive mediatory diplomacy. Asked
if the mediators will continue their tactics – to let the conflicting
parties solve the problem on their own if the summer respite given to
the Armenian and Azeri presidents is left unused – Shirkhanyan says:
"We’ll see that very soon. If they continue being passive after the
G8 summit, this will mean an offer for Azerbaijan and Armenia to
solve the problem the way they can." (Aravot)

Azeri political scientist, the director of the Caucasian Crisis
Center Zardusht Alizade says that the Nagorno Karabakh conflict will
stay frozen for 10 years more. In a talk with Aravot daily (Yerevan)
Alizade says that the OSCE MG co-chairs were simply forced to state
they are freezing their mission and to disclose the details of the
talks as, particularly, the US has realized that it has exhausted
all of its ways to change the situation. The MG co-chairs decided to
pass the initiative to the two countries – to let their people decide
themselves what to do. "This is an attempt to get the problem moving.
They were simply forced to start open diplomacy. In its turn, Russia
is absolutely sure that it is pulling strings in Nagorno Karabakh
and Armenia and that the NK and Armenian leaders are under its thumb
and will make no single move without its consent. So, Russia is
cold-bloodedly watching how the US is sweating to solve the problem."

Alizade says that the issues discussed in Paris and before were
unacceptable for either Armenia or Azerbaijan. Even more, they
generated strong resistance and nationalist and chauvinist propaganda
in both states. "This was profitable for both Aliyev and Kocharyan.
That’s why now the opposition camps in both states are slating their
presidents from equally radical positions and are ardently advocating
the deadlock situation that is leading Azerbaijan and Armenia to
tragedy." Will the Armenian and Azeri authorities try to look for new
ways to solve the problem with no mediation by the OSCE MG and with
no interference by the MG member states? "Absolutely not. In fact,
what they have now is exactly what they wanted, what they dreamt of.

Until now the OSCE MG has been though formal but still a force that
forced them to take, at least, some steps. The co-chairs’ statement
about freezing their mediation is good for both Kocharyan and Aliyev:
now they can pass the buck on the MG and cheat their people by saying:
you see, the co-chairs have also held up their hands in capitulation –
they can’t bring us to common denominator. Then, they in Armenia will
start blaming Azerbaijan, they in Azerbaijan – Armenia, there will
be no initiative at all as both presidents are busy with something
much more important – they are robbing." Alizade is sure that there
will be no new war: "What war are you talking about if the boss needs
frozen conflict rather than war? Escalation is absolutely unprofitable
for Russia. And Kocharyan and Aliyev have one and the same boss –
Mr. Putin. They will do just what he tells them to. Should he tell
Kocharyan to attack Azerbaijan, he will attack, should he tell Aliyev
to attack Armenia, he will do – but Putin does not want that. Russia
wants the conflict to be frozen and it is frozen." Alizade refutes the
reports that Aliyev has changed his orientation from Russia to the
US: "Aliyev does not need that. What he needs is to fill his pocket
and if this requires giving promises to people, he is ready to give
them. Aliyev acts exactly the way your Kocharyan does?"

The Armenian and Azeri authorities have no alternative, the director
of the Center of Rights and Freedoms of Armenia Vardan Haroutyunyan
says to Aravot daily:

"They in power in Armenia and Azerbaijan regard the conflict as some
daily necessity. Here, the Armenian and Azeri authorities are very
much like each other. In both countries this conflict is the basis of
their foreign and domestic policies and everyday life and a way for
them to earn money. Neither side wants this problem to be solved:
the conflict helps them to keep power in their hands, to make big
money and to get, at least, some attention from those high and mighty,
while the proposals by the OSCE MG co-chairs and the world community
were not so much in their interests as in the interest of continuing
peace in the region. In this light, one could well expect that the
declassifying statements by Matthew Bryza (US co-chair of the OSCE
MG – REGNUM) would receive negative reaction from both sides. And
that’s exactly what is happening."

However, the Armenian FM said that the framework agreement on Karabakh
is acceptable for Armenia and they are ready to continue the talks
on the basis of these principles. True, some NGOs said that "Bryza’s
statements smell of oil."

The Armenian FM has been saying this for 7-8 years already. Whatever
initiative he spoke about, he said: "by the highest standards, it is
acceptable." However, the conflict is still present, which makes future
development impossible. As regards the statements by some radically
nationalist NGOs, they are quite natural. Our Nationalists think
that the louder they shout and slate the others, the stronger they
will get. This is self-assertion rather than patriotism. One thing
is sure: rule by Nationalists is a serious ordeal for any country as
they are known for their vanity, demagogy and irresponsibility. They
authorize themselves to speak on behalf of their nation and state and
forbid the others to do anything in this sphere. Cave patriotism and
nationalism have always led to fatal consequences." (Aravot)

New statement by the Minsk Group

Aravot daily reports the OSCE MG co-chairs to appear with a new
statement: "Taking into account recent speculation about the basic
principles for a peaceful settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict
proposed to both parties by the Minsk Group Co-Chairs, it is necessary
to make the following clarification," say the co-chairs.

"The principles are based on the redeployment of Armenian troops
from Azerbaijani territories around Nagorno Karabakh, with special
modalities for Kelbajar and Lachin districts (including a corridor
between Armenia and Nagorno Karabakh), demilitarization of those
territories, and a referendum or population vote – at a date and in
a manner to be decided through further negotiations – to determine
the final legal status of Nagorno Karabakh."

"Certain interim arrangements for Nagorno Karabakh would allow for
interaction with providers of international assistance."

The co-chairs stand ready to assist the parties to conclude an
agreement if the presidents indicate they are prepared to do so.

In conclusion, they say: "Although no additional meetings between the
sides under the auspices of the Co-Chairs are planned for the immediate
future, they will be ready to reengage if the parties decide to pursue
the talks with the political will that has thus far been lacking.

Zerkalo daily (Baku) says that "the double-dealing of the OSCE MG
co-chair-states" is increasingly actively pushing Azerbaijan into
solving the Karabakh problem by war. The daily reports the director of
the International Center for Strategic Studies Against International
Terrorism and Corruption "Bank-Information" Rovshan Novruzoglu as
saying that no single official document in France contains a single
sentence about the "occupation" of 20% of Azeri territory even though
this year alone the French Ambassador to Baku has made 17 official
statements that Nagorno Karabakh belongs to Azerbaijan and that the
country’s territorial integrity must be restored. The other co-chair,
the US, says in official, intelligence and diplomatic directories that
Azerbaijan has lost only 16% of its territory… Those directories
do not even say that the territories were "occupied’ by Armenia
and say that there are only 800,000 instead of 1 million Azeri
refugees. Novruzoglu says that the third OSCE MG co-chair Russia is
no better: even though the whole world knows about the mono-ethnic
policy of the Armenians, Moscow helps them to veil it. Russia has
given guarantees for creating community of Slavonic nations over ‘the
occupied Azeri lands’ and Russian community in Nagorno Karabakh. This
community was registered in 1998 by the Justice Ministry of the
so-called ‘Nagorno Karabakh Republic.’ They in Yerevan and Stepanakert
have opened ‘Houses of Slavonic Nations.’

As far as Bank-Information knows, 79 Russian soldiers and officers
serve in the armed forces of the separatists: 22 of them in the
motorized infantry division in Agderin district, 16 in the 2nd
motorized infantry brigade in the village of Garahanbeyli, 19 in the
538th regiment in the village of Agdabad. 54 Armenian soldiers and
officers serve at Gabala Radar Station under the Russian flag. Hence,
the daily concludes that the statements by Azeri government officials
and representatives of international organizations that they hope
that the OSCE MG co-chairs will help to resolve the Karabakh conflict
is just a way to drag time. In fact, the co-chairs cannot go against
the will and policy of their states. ‘So, there is only one way left
… painful, thorny but sure way…’

Azg daily believes that the co-chairs just want to see how people in
Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno Karabakh will react to their proposals
and later on to make those people ready to accept their settlement
scenario. We have already noted that the international pressure on
the conflicting parties will continue to grow and that the proposed
settlement principles will be imposed on them. Obviously, things are
developing exactly this way. The first serious proof is that the
G8 FMs have approved the co-chairs’ proposals and have urged the
two presidents to take a step towards peace. The daily says that
Azerbaijan may well pin all of its hopes on the oil prospects and
refuse to sign an agreement. Thereby, it will drive the conflict into
a deadlock. What shall Armenia do then? The only logical way for the
country is to attain by all means the international recognition of
Nagorno Karabakh. Azerbaijan’s unyielding defiance of the international
community is the best pretext for that. We have just to wait and
see. If Armenia and Azerbaijan fail to sign any agreement because of
irreconcilability of the other side, Armenia will have to seize this
opportunity and get the international community to recognize Nagorno
Karabakh, says the daily.

‘The last proposals by the OSCE MG co-chairs can serve as a basis
for the Karabakh peace talks,’ De Facto reports the speaker of the
NK parliament Ashot Gulyan as saying during a press-conference. He
says that ‘not all the provisions of the statement are acceptable
for the Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenian leaders.’ He says that ‘it is
early yet to speak about deployment of peacekeeping forces in the
Karabakh conflict zone.’ He agrees that peacekeepers will guarantee
peace and fulfillment of the signed agreement, but, at the same time,
he notes that the sides have been effectively keeping peace on their
own for many years already and can do it in the future too. ‘NKR is
careful about the possibility of deployment of peacekeepers in the
conflict zone,’ says NK Foreign Minister Georgy Petrossyan.

Iranian Ambassador to Azerbaijan Afshar Suleymani says that the OSCE
MG co-chair-states seek not so much to promote the conflict resolution
as to ensure their own interests. Suleymani says: ‘Those who come from
afar care for their own interests. I believe that the Nagorno Karabakh
problem has become an object of interest for certain circles, and the
role of the OSCE MG co-chairs is just to ensure their own interests
at the expense of the gist of the problem – the interest of the
Azeri people.’ In such a situation, the conflict will either be left
unresolved or be resolved upon terms imposed by the co-chair-states and
running counter to the interests of the conflicting parties. (Day.Az).

With no reliable and, more importantly, full information about the
content of the ‘framework agreement’ in hand, we can’t draw any
conclusions, says Respublika Armenia daily. Still, we are puzzled to
see that the co-chairs, who are perfectly aware that it was exactly
the Azeri president who rejected the draft agreement in Bucharest,
still persist in urging both sides to show political will, thereby,
making people in Armenia believe that they are pressuring Yerevan.

The fact that the program of the OSCE MG co-chairs has not been made
public allows the Armenian and Azeri authorities to pick up only
those components that will help them to avoid being called ‘traitors
and capitulators’ by their own people, says Aravot daily. In fact,
the Armenian and Azeri officials give quite different pictures of
what was discussed during the Kocharyan-Aliyev talks.

1. The Armenian officials report the co-chairs to suggest that the
referendum on the Nagorno-Karabakh status be held over the territory
of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region according to the
Armenian-Azeri population ratio of 1988. The Azeri officials say that
the co-chairs suggest holding the referendum over the whole territory
of Azerbaijan.

2. The Armenian officials report the co-chairs to suggest that the
Armenian troops be first withdrawn from five districts and be left
in Kelbajar and Lachin, while the Azeri officials speak about all
seven districts, including Kelbajar and Lachin.

3. The Armenians say that the co-chairs do not even mention
Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, while the Azeris say that their
proposals are based exactly on Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity.

With so diametrically opposite comments, it is not very much clear
what precisely we, the public, should discuss, says Aravot. And if
in the three ‘Prague Process’ years the sides have failed to agree
on any single key point, what were they talking about, in the first
place, and why did the co-chairs say, from time to time, that the
sides had agreed on the key points and had just to coordinate 1-2
remaining ones? If the settlement program is actually the way the
Armenian authorities present it, we may as well accept it. Of course,
here too we have some former warriors who show extremist approach
by saying ‘we will give no single inch of land,’ but this approach
is obviously provoked by the authorities themselves – i.e. by their
attempts to prove what heroic efforts it takes them to overcome the
resistance of our ‘retarded society.’ (Aravot)

International Crisis Group

In an exclusive interview to APA news agency the director of the
Caucasian Project of the International Crisis Group Sabine Freizer
qualified the situation in the Karabakh peace process as very
critical. She believes that the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides were
much closer to an agreement in summer 2005 than they are today:

‘There was much optimism until the Rambouillet meeting that there
would be a peace agreement this year, that Armenian backed troops
would begin withdrawal, and Azerbaijani IDPs would begin to return
home during the second half of 2006 or in early 2007. This optimism
has disappeared. Instead the co-chairs have stated that they are
going to suspend their work.’

Commenting on the words of the co-chairs that both presidents are
responsible for the settlement of the conflict, Freizer says that the
most important text to be considered is the statement made by the
OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs at the OSCE Permanent Council in Vienna
on June 22, 2006: ‘This statement provides a coherent and unified
approach to the resolution of the conflict. It is perhaps the most
open and critical statement the OSCE Minsk Group has ever made. It is
also the first time since the start of the Minsk Group facilitated
negotiations in 1994 that the co-chairs have said that they see
no point in continuing their work. I am very surprised that few in
Azerbaijan or in Armenia are commenting on this point. The Minsk Group
statement means in practice that there is no longer any internationally
facilitated negotiations format for the resolution of the NK conflict.

What does this mean? Will the two sides manage to negotiate on their
own without any third party mediation? Will another mediator appear?
If the United States, Russia and France are giving up, what other
international forces have the influence and authority to play a
negotiator role? I don’t believe that any new mediators will appear.
Rather we are entering a very dangerous phase where there will be
no peaceful negotiations between the sides. Again since 1994 this is
the first time that we are in such a situation.’

Freizer says that the critical statements by the Ministries of
Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan and Armenia prove that they are strongly
concerned for the course of the negotiating process: ‘The Armenian
side is insisting that the principles included a reference to the
Lachin corridor, and to the right to self determination of the people
of NK of their own status through a referendum. The Azerbaijani side
is stating that the principles included liberation of the occupied
territories, demilitarization of the conflict zone, and the return
of all Azerbaijani IDPs. Yet these are precisely the points that the
two sides continue to disagree on – and why they were unable to sign
a set of principles in Rambouillet and Bucharest.

The modalities of withdrawal from Lachin and Kelbajar and the
modalities of a popular vote on the status of NK were not agreed
upon by the sides. This is why the co-chairs recommended that they be
addressed later – in separate working groups. But in the meantime they
suggested that a peace-building process start with the withdrawal of
Armenia backed troops of five districts – to be followed by withdrawal
from the other two – and return of IDPs to their homes.’

Calling this a tragic process Freizer says that in 2006 there was a
chance for withdrawal to begin and return to start. ‘Now there is no
peace process. There is not even a negotiations process. Instead the
Azerbaijani side is increasingly referring to the military option. If
Azerbaijan decides to take offensive action against NK and Armenia,
how many more years will it be before this conflict is resolved? How
many more displaced persons and casualties will there be? How definite
is it that Azerbaijan will get a better deal using the military option
than what is on the table today?’

"The issue of the referendum on the status of Nagorno Karabakh is
clearly one of the most sensitive points in the package that was
being discussed. As the co-chairs state: for a withdrawal of Armenian
backed forces from the occupied territories to begin, the sides would
have to agree on the principle that a referendum will determine
final status. But the precise modalities of this referendum would
be discussed in further negotiations. Thus the key issue of debate
between the Armenian and Azerbaijani side of who would participate
in the referendum, where and when it would be held, would be decided
upon later.

Freizer says that the international community is unlikely to use any
other pressure mechanisms to encourage Armenia to withdraw from the
occupied territories. She says that at the next stage everything will
depend on the conflicting sides. If they fail to show political will
for overcoming contradictions, they should not expect international
assistance in the matter. They should not hope for international
support if they decide to solve the problem in military way, says
Frezier.

Situation around Israel and Lebanon Hardly to Spread over South Cauc

Situation around Israel and Lebanon Hardly to Spread over South Caucasus

PanARMENIAN.Net
17.07.2006 14:45 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Iran will not dare to launch war against Israel. One
thing is to make PR on "elimination of Zionistic aggressors" but
fight with them is quite another matter, head of the International
Relations Department at the Institute of the Political and Military
Analysis Sergey Markedonov told a PanARMENIAN.Net reporter. In his
words, Islamic states were always defeated in wars with Israel and
the popularity of terrorism proceeds from this fact. "Iran will
go on with financing the extremist groupings like Hezbollah and
will influence on the situation this way. The states built upon the
principles of political Islam as ideology take part in the global game
via network terrorism, which however has various aims and tasks. Taking
into account some coolness between Israel and Turkey after the Iraqi
campaign I do not think the situation around Israel and Lebanon will
spread over the South Caucasus," the Russian political scientist said.

A new Silk Road, or just a pipe dream?

Ottawa Citizen, Canada
July 15, 2006 Saturday
Final Edition

A new Silk Road, or just a pipe dream?

Many believe the $4-billion BTC oil pipeline, meandering from
Azerbaijan to Turkey, may be the area’s salvation. Others, though,
suggest it is just another door leading to violence.

by Charles Enman, The Ottawa Citizen

It seemed like such a madcap scheme, the fodder for foolish spy movies
— building a 1,770-kilometre oil pipeline through land threatened
by earthquakes, political instability, geopolitical rivalries, and
even war. So, of the BTC pipeline that runs from Azerbaijan on the
Caspian Sea all the way to a Mediterranean seaport in Turkey, we may
say two things.

First, it did become fodder for a spy flick, the 1999 James Bond film,
The World Is Not Enough.

And second, it stepped magisterially from celluloid fantasy into
reality. After a three-year, $4-billion construction effort, the BTC
pipeline was opened officially only last Thursday.

Only the Druzhba pipeline from Russia to Europe is longer.

The pipeline takes its name from its route, beginning near Baku, the
capital of Azerbaijan, and running east and a bit north to Tbilisi,
the capital of Georgia, and finally meandering down to Ceyhan, on
Turkey’s Mediterranean coast.

It is an understatement to call this route something less than direct.

The shortest route to a seaport would be through Iran, but that
country, considered unreliable in many Western forums, was never
seriously considered.

To go directly west would take the pipeline through Armenia, which is
still technically at war with Azerbaijan on account of its occupation,
since the early 1990s, of Nagorno-Karabakh and several adjoining
regions of Azerbaijan. No go, in other words.

One could have chosen a northern route up to the Druzhba pipeline,
but that would leave transport of Caspian oil to Europe partly up to
the whims of Moscow, a possibility craved by none of the project’s
partners.

One of the driving forces behind the pipeline’s construction was the
late Haydar Aliyev, who led Azerbaijan from 1993 to 2003. He came into
office when Azerbaijan was still suffering the political and economic
tumult that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union late in 1991.

Azerbaijan has huge offshore oil reserves in the Caspian Sea, and Mr.

Aliyev was canny at luring international oil companies in to exploit
them.

In the BTC project, British Petroleum became the lead partner, with
30.1 per cent of the shares, followed by Azerbaijan’s oil group Socar,
which holds 25 per cent. Other partners include American company
Unocal (8.9 per cent), Norway’s Statoil (8.71 per cent), Turkey’s TPAO
(6.53 per cent), and other companies from Italy, France and Japan.

There were many hesitations before proceeding. Four billion dollars
is no small sum, after all. For years, many referred to the project as
"the pipeline to nowhere."

But oil prices in the neighbourhood of $70 per barrel have wonderful
levitating effects on the spirit, and one can be sure there were
smiles all around as Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Georgian
President Mikhail Saakashvili, Turkish President Ahmet Necdet Sezer and
Prime Minister Recep Erdogan, and officials from 30 other countries,
inaugurated the pipeline in Ceyhan on Thursday.

Mr. Erdogan pronounced the pipeline "the Silk Road of the 21st
century."

The pipeline has the capacity to deliver 50-million tonnes of crude oil
annually. That figure won’t be reached initially, but with Kazhakstan,
just east across the Caspian Sea from Azerbaijan, having recently
agreed to use the pipeline for some of its own exports, early fears
that the pipeline would be underused are losing traction.

A Wall Street Journal article by Thomas Goltz on Thursday even
mentioned rumours that both Russia and Iran are considering the
possibility of transporting some of their oil on the new pipeline.

For the world oil market, 50-million tonnes of oil represents only
one per cent of global consumption. Still, in the Caucasus, that
figure represents big apples.

Over the next two decades, Azerbaijan alone expects to realize
$150 billion of revenue from its oil shipments. For a country of
eight-million people with per-capita GDP of $4,800 U.S., that is
a huge inflow. The government is setting up an oil fund, much like
Alberta’s Heritage Fund, to ensure that much of the revenue is saved
for future use.

Azerbaijan may have a more immediate use for the money. It remains
officially at war with Armenia over the latter country’s 13-year
occupation of 15 per cent of Azerbaijan’s land. Some 800,000 refugees
still live in mostly wretched circumstances.

In a recent interview, Maj.-Gen Ramiz Najafov spoke of the ongoing
buildup of the Azerbaijani armed forces. Next year, he said, the
country’s military budget alone will be larger than the total budget
of the Armenian government, which controls a population less than 40
per cent as large as Azerbaijan’s.

"We have shown patience in our resolve for a resolution, but our
patience is not endless," Maj.-Gen. Najafov said.

The Azerbaijanis are encouraged in their resolve by the fact
that not one country has recognized a sovereign government in
Nagorno-Karabakh. But the world’s supportive platitudes do nothing
to change the facts on the ground.

In war, the advantage goes to the defender, and Armenia has had
13 years to entrench itself, allegedly with Russian military help,
on the land it conquered 13 years ago.

Azerbaijani oil revenues, in other words, may buy a fight, but not
a cakewalk.

Some have worried that the pipeline is vulnerable to sabotage. It runs
close to areas of secession in Russia and Turkey, and passes through
southern Georgia, which has many ethnic-Armenian residents, some of
whom fought for the independence of Nagorno-Karkabakh 13 years ago.

Against this dire possibility is the fact that the pipeline has been
buried along virtually all of its route, making things difficult
for saboteurs.

So, is the pipeline a "new Silk Road," or a doorway to new violence?

That, like so much else, depends on human choice.

What we know today is that Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey, with a
great deal of western corporate help, and money from the World Bank
and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, have pulled
off one of the great construction projects since the beginning of
this millennium.

Russia doubles trade with Armenia on boost to exports

Russia doubles trade with Armenia on boost to exports

RosBusinessConsulting Database
July 12, 2006 Wednesday 10:40 AM EST

Trade between Russia and Armenia doubled to $130.3m in the first four
months of 2006 compared to the same period of the previous year,
the Russian Transportation Minister Igor Levitin was quoted by the
ministry’s press service as saying. Exports grew 135.7 percent to
$107.1m in January-April 2006, while imports rose 9 percent to $23.2m.

Azerbaijani Hopes For Peace Dwindle With Karabakh Disclosure

Eurasianet

EURASIA INSIGHT
AZERBAIJANI HOPES FOR PEACE DWINDLE WITH KARABAKH DISCLOSURE
Shahin Abbasov and Khadija Ismailova 7/13/06

The sudden disclosure of details from a draft peace agreement on the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has sparked a surge in pro-war sentiments in
Azerbaijan, analysts say, amid a growing conviction that negotiations
with Armenia serve little purpose.

The tone for Azerbaijan’s official reaction was set on June 22 when
President Ilham Aliyev, addressing military school graduates, termed
the so-called "Prague process" of regular talks about the disputed
enclave "ineffective." [For background see the Eurasia insight
archive]. The remarks followed a statement from the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Minsk Group, the body charged with
mediating negotiations, and a Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty interview
with US Minsk Group co-chair Matthew Bryza that identified an Armenian
troop withdrawal from the seven occupied Azerbaijani territories and
a possible referendum on Karabakh’s status as among the key points
of a proposed framework agreement. The disclosure was reportedly made
in an attempt to prompt public discussion about the plan.

In an early July interview with the Turkish newspaper Jumhirriyet,
however, Aliyev went on to stress that no agreements had ever been
reached between the two sides. "Armenia and Azerbaijan are very
far from agreement. There are some proposals from the Minsk Group
co-chairs, but their last statement disclosed only a few of these
proposals."

Bryza’s assertion that an agreement now depends on Aliyev and Armenian
President Robert Kocharian alone has been interpreted as a sign that
the international community itself recognizes that mediation of the
talks has reached a stalemate.

"The style of the disclosure by the co-chairs. . . clearly demonstrated
that the issue is not resolved at all, and that the co-chairs would
be happy to escape responsibility for any future development such
as a resumption of war," Ilgar Mammadov, an independent political
analyst in Baku, commented.

(Ilgar Mammadov serves on the board of the Open Society Institute
Assistance Foundation-Azerbaijan. EurasiaNet operates under the
auspices of the Open Society Institute in New York.) Mammadov,
however, argued that the perceived failure should come as no
surprise. He suggested that the Armenian and Azerbaijani, deep down,
aren’t interested in talking to each other. "In November 2005,
Mr. Kocharian had to survive a critical constitutional referendum,
and Mr. Aliyev had to do the same with his first parliamentary
elections. They both needed Western support at the polls, and,
therefore, since January 2005 they pretended that progress was being
made at the negotiations," said Mammadov. "The co-chairs understood
their motives, but still accepted the game in the hope of making use
of it. They failed."

The proposed referendum on the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, however,
has nonetheless stirred particular concern among both government
officials and the general public. Contrary to Armenia’s interpretation
that such a referendum would be held in Karabakh alone, Azerbaijanis
contend that the vote on the territory’s status must be held nationwide
in Azerbaijan proper as well as in the disputed enclave. The OSCE
statement itself does not specify the conditions under which any
referendum would be held.

"Everybody understands that any referendum conducted only in
Nagorno-Karabakh will result in the dismemberment of the country and
Azerbaijan cannot accept that," commented Eldar Namazov, president
of the For Azerbaijan Public Forum, a Baku-based non-governmental
organization, and a former advisor to the late President Heydar Aliyev.

In his interview with Jumhuriyet, Aliyev dismissed as misleading
Armenian discussion of the proposed referendum as a quid pro quo
for a withdrawal from the seven Azerbaijani territories that border
on Nagorno-Karabakh.

"Armenia sometimes talks about unreal things. Meanwhile, the reality is
that Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity is not a topic for discussions
and Nagorno-Karabakh will never get independence," he said.

Talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan, "together with all of
Azerbaijan," about Karabakh’s status, can only begin after Azerbaijani
residents return to the enclave, Aliyev continued. "The future will
show how much time is needed for such negotiations."

Local experts cotend that the co-chairs’ statements on the Karabakh
talks have fanned pro-war sentiment in Azerbaijan. "The popular
argument in Baku is that if a reality created by force is acceptable,
then we should create one favorable to Azerbaijan whenever the
opportunity appears," Mammadov said.

According to Aliyev, the only way to avoid war over Karabakh is
for Armenia to withdraw from the occupied territories without
preconditions. "War must not be ruled out. There is a fragile
cease-fire regime, no security measures are provided at the
front-line. There are no countries separating us, no peacekeeping
troops. Thus, an ‘unpleasant incident’ can appear at any time,"
he told Jumhirriyet.

Azerbaijan’s opposition, its political position considerably
diminished after the November 2005 parliamentary elections, has
also expressed readiness to take up arms for Nagorno-Karabakh. Ali
Kerimli, leader of the Popular Front Party of Azerbaijan (PFPA),
one of the country’s largest opposition parties, has pledged to be
at the front line himself if war breaks out. "I will be at the front
and will call on my supporters to take part in the liberation war,"
he said. According to Kerimli, in 1997 Azerbaijan’s opposition parties
signed a joint memorandum that they would cooperate with all political
parties if war occurs in Nagorno-Karabakh.

In keeping with that approach, the PFPA, in a rare show of solidarity
with the government, also supports Aliyev’s refusal to compromise
on Karabakh.

"The international community will put pressure on the Azerbaijani
leadership, demanding that it accept these principles [in the draft
framework agreement]. But the Azerbaijani opposition, even though the
government always saw us as enemies. . .must support the authorities
to stand up to this pressure," Kerimli told the news site Day.az on
July 10.

Meanwhile, a series of mysterious fires in the occupied territories,
which first broke out in early June, has further fueled a sense of
building conflict. Armenian officials have denied that the fires were
deliberately set, while the Azerbaijani foreign ministry has published
photos taken from space that it alleges show entire villages burning.

Some Azerbaijanis, especially in the region of Agdam, close to the
frontline, interpret the blazes as a sign that Armenian troops will
soon withdraw. "They do it because they want us to find only burned
villages when we go back to our homes," commented Alesger Mammadli,
a Baku-based lawyer originally from Agdam region.

Editor’s Note: Shain Abbasov is a freelance journalist in Baku. Khadija
Ismayilova is an analyst based in Washington, DC.

http://www.eurasianet.org

U.S.-based Turkish professor facing trial over controversial book

U.S.-based Turkish professor facing trial over controversial book

AP Worldstream; Jul 14, 2006

A University of Arizona assistant professor has been charged in Turkey
with "insulting Turkishness" and could face a prison sentence.

Elif Shafak, who is a Turkish citizen, said she will stand trial
because of the words uttered by fictional Armenian characters in
her novel "The Bastard of Istanbul" _ a book she wrote while she was
living in Tucson.

In the book, an Armenian character refers to "Turkish butchers."

The Turkish government and some international historians reject the
claim that a mass evacuation and related deaths of up to 1.5 million
Armenians living in Turkey from 1915 to 1923 was genocide. Turkey
also says the death toll is inflated.

Most Armenian and Western scholars say the massacres were genocide,
but Turkey has denied it, saying only that many Armenians died
of starvation, disease and exposure on forced marches to Syria in
retaliation against the Christian minority for reportedly collaborating
with Russia during World War I.

Shafak, 35, is on a one-year leave from her teaching post in the UA’s
department of Near Eastern studies.

She said her book was released in Turkey on March 8 and already has
sold more than 50,000 copies.

The charges against Shafak were filed under the controversial Article
301 of the Turkish Criminal Code.

The European Union has frequently warned Turkey that its efforts
to join the bloc could be hampered by Article 301, which sets out
penalties for insulting the Turkish Republic, its officials, or
"Turkishness," and has been used to bring charges against dozens of
journalists, publishers and scholars.

No trial date has been set yet, Shafak said. Her case has been reported
in the Turkish media but has not been confirmed by prosecutors or
court officials.

Shafak said her book "questions two big taboos, one of them a political
taboo _ the Armenian Question _ and the other a sexual taboo _
incest. So it was not easy to digest for some people and it caused
a lot of stir."