CBS 60-Minutes Report On The Armenian Genocide

CBS 60-MINUTES REPORT ON THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

Examiner.com
8202-San-Jose-Political-Buzz-Examiner~y2010m3d1-CB S-60Minutes-report-on-the-Armenian-Genocide
March 2 2010

On the evening of Sunday, February 28th, Bob Simon presented a program
on the Armenian Genocide on the CBS program 60-Minutes. As the news
about this program leaked out earlier in the week, local Armenians
were setting up plans to join friends and relatives to watch it
together. The program was one of three stories aired that night and
was relatively short.

The story began as Simon visited the hills of a desolate-looking
area in Syria called Deir Zor (there are different spellings) on the
banks of the Euphrates River before it flows to Iraq. There, by just
scratching the surface of the ground with one’s hands one could find
fragments of human bones. In fact, local children were easily finding
various small bones. It turns out that this site is the graveyard of
about 400,000 Armenians who were massacred starting in 1915 by the
Ottoman Empire. They reached this spot as they were forcibly deported
from their towns and villages in the eastern part of current Turkey on
horrendous marches through the deserts of Syria. Historical accounts
state that close to 1.5 million Armenians perished, although Simon
put the figure as ‘more than one million.’

The massacre of the Armenians has been recognized as the first
genocide of the 20th Century, one that Hitler used as a model for
the extermination of the Jews. In a speech in 1939, it was reported
that he remarked, ‘Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation
of the Armenians?’ While there were many contemporaneous accounts of
the massacres of Armenians such as reports by Henry Morgenthau, Sr.,
American ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, to this day, the Turkish
Government and most Turks deny that it occurred at all. They claim that
the Armenian simply died during the battles of World War I. Thus, while
the denial of the Holocaust is punishable by a fine and imprisonment
in Germany and France, the denial of the Armenian Genocide is required
by law in Turkey. In an interview with Simon, the Turkish Ambassador to
the US characteristically denied all responsibility for the massacres,
even though he admitted that there were forced deportations.

To date, 21 countries have officially recognized the Armenian
Genocide. Periodically, this question is raised in the US Congress.

However, every Congress and President up to now has succumbed to the
Turkish lobby and has refused to recognize this historical fact.

Howard L. Berman (D-CA), chairman of the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, announced last month that it is his intention to mark up
the Armenian Genocide resolution (H. Res. 252) on March 4th, 2010.

While President Obama expressed support for such a resolution during
the 2008 campaign, in a recent Congressional hearing, Hillary Clinton
merely stated Obama administration’s interest in ‘a full, frank and
just acknowledgements of the facts.’ This statement is a diplomatic way
of saying that the resolution should be delayed again. Also, ‘Turkey
[has warned the] U.S. against the "genocide" bill in Congress.’. Thus,
it is not clear if it will indeed be enacted this year either and
this exercise in futility will surely be continued for another year.

http://www.examiner.com/x-3

Ethnic Cleansing in Progress

Ethnic Cleansing in Progress
War in Nagorno Karabakh

tml

By
Caroline Cox
and
John Aijbner

with a preface
by Elena Bonner Sakharov

Institute for Religious Minorities in the Islamic World

Zurich. London, Washington 1993

APPENDIX

MARAGHA: The name of this village is associated with a massacre which
never reached the world’s headlines, although at least 45 Armenians
died cruel deaths. During the CSI mission to Nagomo Karabakh in April,
news came through that a village in the north, in Mardakert region,
had been overrun by Azeri-Turks on April 10 and there had been a
number of civilians killed. A group went to obtain evidcn ce and found
a village with survivors in a state of shock, their bum-out homes
still smouldering, charred remains of corpses and vertebrae still on
the ground, where people had their heads sawn off, and their bodies
burnt in front of their families. 45 people had been massacred and 100
were missing, possibly suffering a fate worse than death. In order to
verify the stories, the delegation asked the villagers if they would
exhume the bodies’which they had already buried. In great anguish,
they did so, allowing photographs to be taken of the the decapitated,
charred bodies. Later, when asked about publicising about this
tragedy, theyreplied they were reluctant to do so as "we Armenians are
not very good at showing our grief to the world".
We believe it is important to put on record these events and the way
in which they have, or have not, been interpreted and port rayed by
the people themselves, and by the international media. International
public opinion is inevitably shaped by media coverage and lost a great
deal of political support as a result of their alleged behavior at
Khodjaly. The international media did not cover the massacre of the
Armenians at Maragha at all. Consequently, in the eyes of the world,
the armed forces of the Armenians of Nagomo Karabakh have been made to
appear more brutal then those of the Az eri-Turks; in reality,
evidence suggests that the opposite is more likely to be true.
Source: Ethnic Cleansing in Progress, War in Nagomo Karabakh, by
Caroline Cox and John Eibner, Institute for Religious Minorities in
the Islamic World, Zurich, London, Washington , 1993.

Maragha: The name of this village is associated with a massacre which
never reached the world’s headlines, although at least 45 Armenians
died cruel deaths. During the CS1 mission to Nagorno Karabakh in
April, news came through that a village in the north, in Mardskert
region, had been overrun by Azeri-Turks on April 10 and there had been
a number of civilians killed. A group went to obtain evidence and
found a village with sur – vivors in a state of shock, their burnt-out
homes still smouldering, charred remains of corpses and vertebrae
still on the ground, where people had their heads sawn off, and their
bodies burnt in front of their families. 45 people had been massacred
and 100 were miss – ing, possibly suffering a fate worse than death In
order to verify the stories, the delega – tion asked the villagers if
they would exhume the bodies which they had already buried. In great
anguish, they did so, allowing photographs to be taken of the
decapitated, charred bodies. Later, when asked about publicising about
this tragedy, they replied they were reluctant to do so as "we
Armenians are not very good at showing our grief to the world". We
believe ii is important to put on record these events and the way in
which they have, or have not, been interpreted and portrayed by the
people themselves, and by the interna – tional media. International
public opinion is inevitably shaped by media coverage and the
Azeri-Turks certainly won great sympathy through their presentation of
the ‘Khodjaly massacre’. Conversely, the Armenians received much
criticism and lost a great deal of political support as a result of
their alleged behaviour at Khodjaly. The international media did not
cover the massacre of the Armenians at Maragha at all. Consequently,
in the eyes of the world, the armed forces of the Armenians of Nagorno
Karabakh have been made to appear more brutal than those of the
Azeri-Turks; in reality, evidence suggests that the opposite is more
likely to be true.

`Our fight will not just end in itself’-says president of the Karabagh
National Assembly foreign relations committee Vahram Atanesyan
Anahit DANIELYAN | April 14, 2006

We can’t consider the tragedy in Maragha as a war because Maragha was
not a military post, but rather a peaceful settlement. It should be
considered as a crime against humanity for which there is no
expiration date for punishment and the perpetrators must be brought to
justice sooner or later by Karabagh, as well as the international
community. This was what president of the Karabagh National Assembly
foreign relations committee Vahran Atanesyan said on April 10 during a
press conference dedicated to the `Tragic events in Maragh on April
10, 1992′. In his speech, V. Atanesyan said that in 1992, in the early
hours of the morning at 5 a.m., the Maragha village located in the
Martakert region of Karabagh was attacked by missiles sent from
Azerbaijan’s Mirbashir region (present day Tartar region) for three
hours. Afterwards, Azerbaijani armed forces, which were supported by
the subdivision of the 4th army of Gyanja allocated in Azerbaijan by
the former Soviet Union, invaded the Maragha village and massacred the
people living there. Nearly 100 people died, mainly women, children
and elderly. The Azerbaijani armed forces took tens of hundreds of
hostages with them as they left the village, some of which managed to
escape while the rest remain missing (According to V. Atanesyan, there
are about 30 missing hostages). `As of April 10, 1992, there were more
than 3,000 people living in Maragha. Currently, only 300 people who
have survived the massacres live in the Nor Maragha village. In other
words, more than 2 and a half thousand people are living abroad and
don’t have the opportunity to come back to their homeland. The Maragha
village is currently under the control of Azerbaijani armed forces, as
well as the villages of Margushavan, Karmiravan, Seysula, etc. The
Karabagh authorities have stated that the Karabagh conflict resolution
must include Karabagh’s territorial integrity, especially the northern
section of the Martakert region, which has been the region with the
most agriculture and one of the most developed substructures of the
republic. As a result of the tragic events in Maragha and the war in
progress, five wine factories, nearly 30,000 vineyards have been
destroyed, and the mother water route of Karabagh has also been
ruined,’ says Vahram. V. Atanesyan also said with a feeling of pity
that Armenia hadn’t done anything about the economic losses caused by
Azerbaijan, as well as the evidence of the tragic crime committed by
the Azerbaijani authorities and the armed forces. Recently, Karabagh’s
National Assembly has formed a temporary committee on reviewing the
facts of the actual crime. V. Atanesyan hopes that the committee will
be able to summarize the tragic events in Maragha before the end of
the year, as well as present the facts of the atrocities committed in
the territory of Karabagh to Armenian society, the international
community, as well as the parliaments of the member countries of the
OSCE Minsk Group. Atanesyan says that this must be done within the
framework of Azerbaijan’s efforts to bring cases against spies of the
Karabagh Defense Army and several significant individuals who fought
in the Karabagh liberation war. `We must be ready to present the facts
to the international community not as a counterattack to Azerbaijan’s
anti-propaganda, but so that the international community will know
who, when and how were the people massacred and who was it that
decided to took advantage of the war in order to organize
ethnic-cleansing. Azerbaijan has led this kind of politics for years
through peace when Karabagh was still located in Azerbaijan as an
autonomous region. This politics reached the climax in 1991, when
Azerbaijan let go of the opportunity to solve matters peacefully with
the people of Karabagh and declared a war on Karabagh. So, the attacks
on the border shouldn’t be looked at as the result of the politics led
by the Karabagh authorities, but rather as the result of Azerbaijan’s
aggression and keeping the people of Karabagh under foreign control as
a means of defending the country. If we have the studies conducted by
the National Assembly temporary committee, we can then present them to
the international community and start the propaganda so that the
international community also knows about Karabagh’s
national-liberation struggle. Basically, the fact that the Karabagh
conflict may be an honor for Azerbaijan, while it is a question of
survival on the homeland for the people of Karabagh,’ said the
president of the Karabagh National Assembly foreign relations
committee. During the conference, the `Koltso’ war was also touched
upon and according to V. Atanesyan, both the National Assembly and the
political parties must organize events to the 15th anniversary of the
war. `I don’t think that we have the chance today to bring the
perpetrators to justice, but if we are going towards international
recognition of Karabagh’s independence, then we must start raising the
issue by announcing the names of the perpetrators one by one,
especially since it’s no secret to anyone. These issues must not only
be raised by announcements, but also by an official document,
especially since today there are people living in Karabagh who have
experienced living in those concentration camps, have been arrested as
a result of the `Koltso’ war and have been kept as prisoners in
different prisons around Azerbaijan. There are even people who have
been sentenced by Azerbaijani courts, but have later been released and
turned into military hostages. We must also collect evidence regarding
those people, analyze it and have an official document, which will
help us prove that this struggle does not end in itself, that it
started in our homeland in order to defend our right to live. We have
not and aren’t digging a hole for ourselves. The only guarantee that
we have to live here peacefully is the self-defense of our country
with its security and national attributes,’ said the president of the
committee in closing.

13 YEARS HAVE PASSED SINCE THE MARAGHA TRAGEDY

[07:36 pm] 11 April, 2005

The events of thirteen years’ prescription in the village of Maragha
of the NKR Martakert region occupy a special place by the depth of
human tragedy, the level of cruelty, the number of people exposed to
violence and captured. On April 10, 1992, as a result of the
Azerbaijani regular army units’ attack the village was basically
destroyed. According to various data, from 53 to 100 peaceful
inhabitants were brutally killed, including 30 women, 20 of them of
declining years. Their bodies were mutilated, beheaded, divided and
burnt. 53 peaceful people were captured, including 9 children, 29
women (about 3 tens of hostages were then killed in the Azerbaijani
captivity). After 2 weeks Maragha was again attacked, the population
deported, the houses robbed, many of them burnt. The deportation of
the population was accompanied with the acts of violence and
humiliation. The observers note the events in Maragha also in the
context that the violence on the peaceful population was made in the
frames of military operation by a concrete military unit. It was not
accidentally that the majority of the hostages appeared in private
houses of the servicemen of the Interior Ministry, Defense Ministry,
Detachments of Militia of Special Assignment, etc. The destiny of many
hostages is not known yet. Baroness Karoline Cox, who had visited the
place of the tragedy, was shocked to the innermost of her heart by
what she had seen. «They are not of human race» – the Baroness so
spoke of the DMSA servicemen who had carried out the slaughter.

p;id=26975

AZG Armenian Daily #037, 01/03/2006
Karabakh diary

PROVISIONAL COMMISSION IS NOT THERE TO DEMAND WAR INDEMNITY

At the last session of the NKR parliament the lawmakers passed a law
on setting up a provisional commission to study the Azerbaijani
violence against the Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh in the period of
1988-1992. This decision is dictated by the need to present
Azerbaijan’s illegal acts before the world community, particularly the
OSCE Minsk Group and the PACE. The author of this initiative was
Vahram Atanesian, head of the Foreign Relations Committee of the
parliament. Mr. Atanesian told daily Azg that the commission will work
till the end of the year and the materials it will gather during this
period will be sent to international structures as well as will be
posted on the Internet. Suchlike commission was set up in June 12 1992
too but it did not function because of the war and later because of
the sensitiveness of the peace talks. As today the sides discuss
humanitarian aspects of the conflict, the parliament sees it rightful
to present to the world community the massacre of Maragha in 1992, the
take-over of part of Shahumian and Martaker regions and the
humanitarian crisis that it incited. The most essential though will be
the study of notorious "Koltso" operation on May 15 1991 organized by
the State Emergency Committee. Mr. Atanesian reminded that at one
point in time Russia’s Supreme Council also organized hearings on
"Koltso" operation. The researches of the provisional commission by no
means aim at demanding war indemnity from Azerbaijan, as it is not
within the parliament’s power. Vahram Atanesian thinks that the
government of Nagorno Karabakh has also to put before the world
community all facts of violence against the Azeri inhabitants of
Karabakh and the fact of considering them "second-rate citizens" of
the country. The parliamentarian explained that in exchange for the
evacuated Azeri population from Karabakh’s Azeri villages, Baku
authorities sent special militia units, terrorists and outlaws. He
assured that there are materials and videotapes to prove this.

By Kim Gabrielian in Stepanakert

Magazine: Christianity Today, April 1998 Vol. 42, No. 5

SURVIVORS OF THE MARAGHAR MASSACRE:IT WAS TRULY LIKE A CONTEMPORARY
GOLGOTHA MANY TIMES OVER
By Baroness Caroline Cox of Queensbury

The ancient kingdom of Armenia was the first nation to embrace
Christianity – in AD 301. Modern Armenia, formerly a Soviet republic,
declared autonomy in September 1991 and today exists as a member of
the Commonwealth of Independent States. There you find many of the
oldest churches in the world, and a people who have upheld the faith
for nearly 1,700 years, often at great cost. Nowhere has the cost been
greater than in the little piece of ancient Armenia called
Nagorno-Karabakh, cruelly cut off from the rest of Armenia by Stalin
in 1921, and isolated today as a Christian enclave within Islamic
Azerbaijan. Only 100 miles north to south, 50 miles east to west,
there are mountains, forests, fertile valleys, and an abundance of
ancient churches, monasteries, and beautifully carved stone crosses
dating from the fourth century. This paradise became hell in 1991.
Vying with Armenia for control of this enclave, Azerbaijan began a
policy of ethnic cleansing of the Armenians of Karabakh, and 150,000
Armenians were forced to fight for the right to live in their historic
homeland. It was a war against impossible odds: 7 million-strong
Azerbaijan, helped by Turkey and, at one stage, several thousand
mujahideen mercenaries. On April 10, 1992, forces from Azerbaijan
attacked the Armenian village of Maraghar in northeastern Karabakh.
The villagers awoke at 7 a.m. to the sound of heavy shelling; then
tanks rolled in, followed by infantry, followed by civilians with
pick-up trucks to take home the pickings of the looting they knew
would follow the eviction of the villagers. Azeri soldiers sawed off
the heads of 45 villagers, burnt others, took 100 women and children
away as hostages, looted and set fire to all the homes, and left with
all the pickings from the looting. I, along with my team from
Christian Solidarity Worldwide, arrived within hours to find homes
still smoldering, decapitated corpses, charred human remains, and
survivors in shock. This was truly like a contemporary Golgotha many
times over. I visited the nearby hospital and met the chief nurse.
Hours before, she had seen her son’s head sawn off, and she had lost
14 members of her extended family. I wept with her: there could be no
words. With the fragile cease-fire that began in May 1994, we have
been able to visit survivors of the massacre at Maraghar. Unable to
return to their village, which is still in Azeri hands, they are
building "New Maraghar" in the devastated ruins of another village.
Their "homes" are empty shells with no roofs, doors, or windows, but
their priority was the building of a memorial to those who died in the
massacre. We were greeted with the traditional Armenian ceremony of
gifts of bread and salt. Then a dignified elderly lady made a speech
of gracious welcome, with no hint of reference to personal suffering.
She seemed so serene that I thought she had been away on that terrible
day of the massacre. She replied: "As you have asked, I will tell you
that my four sons were killed that morning, trying to defend us – but
what could they do with hunting rifles against tanks? And then we saw
things no human should ever have to see: heads that were too far from
their bodies; people hacked into quarters like pigs. I also lost my
daughter and her husband – we only found his bloodstained cap. We still
don’t know what happened to them. I now bring up their children. But
they have forgotten the taste of milk, as the Azeris took all our
cows." How can one respond to such suffering and such dignity? Since
the cease-fire, we have undertaken a program to supply cows. On our
last visit, we met this grandmother, and, smiling, she said: "Thank
you. Our children now know the taste of milk." Nagorno-Karabakh is a
place where we have found miracles of grace. The day of the massacre I
asked the chief nurse, whose son had been beheaded, if she would like
me to take a message to the rest of the world. She nodded, and I took
out my notebook. With great dignity, she said: "I want to say, ‘Thank
you.’ I am a nurse. I have seen how the medicines you have brought
have saved many lives and eased much suffering. I just want to say,
‘Thank you,’ to all those who have not forgotten us in these dark
days."

Baroness Cox of Queensbury is a defender of human rights in the
House of Lords, United Kingdom, as well as a prominent educationalist
and author. Baroness Cox was created a Life Peer in 1982 and has been
Deputy Speaker of the British Parliament’s House of Lords since 1985
to the present. She is Chancellor of Bournemouth University and Vice
President of the Royal College of Nursing and President of the
Institute of Administrative Management. Baroness Cox is heavily
involved with international humanitarian and human rights endeavours,
serving as non-executive director of the Andrei Sakharov Foundation
and as a trustee of MERLIN (Medical Emergency Relief International)
and is the President of Christian Solidarity Worldwide (P.O. Box 99,
New Malden, Surrey, KT3 3YF, England)

S tatement
by the Presidium of the Supreme Council
of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic

On April 10, whilst representatives of the Russian Federation and
Islamic Republic of Iran were in Nagorno-Karabakh Republic with the
mediation mission, the National Army of Azerbaijan following a
sustained rocket and artillery bombardment made a massed attack with
the support of armoured forces and occupied a part of the Armenian
village, Maraga, in Martakert region. The enemy was repelled from the
Maraga and over the NKR border following a counter attack by the NKR
Forces of Defense. All inhabitants of the occupied part of the village
were brutally killed, and their homes looted and burned. Up to now, 45
corpses, mostly old men and women have been identified. The
Azerbaijani leadership, motivated by political ambitions, continues
large-scale armed operations against NKR to aid the process of
electoral struggle. The peaceful population of Maraga village was
barbarically killed, although there had not been any military
necessity for such an event. This crime must not remain unpunished,
and the leadership of the Republic of Azerbaijan bears full
responsibility for the consequences of these actions.

Stepanakert,
12 April 1992

A Soldier of Independence
April 24, 2006

In 1991 the Soviet Army and Azerbaijani military groupings were the
masters of the situation in the Shahumyan region. Under these
circumstances, Leonid and his comrades managed to carry out the
self-defense of Armenian villages.

The Liberation Army stood out compared to other military detachments
for its discipline. In the course of four years and dozens of battles,
Leonid lost six only soldiers. He trained his soldiers to be ready for
every hardship. Smoking and drinking were strictly prohibited. There
was no other detachment like this in Karabakh. His boys trained for
eight hours a day. He was preparing soldiers for a regular army.

Before combat he would always order, "Don’t shoot at unarmed people,"
and would add, "Don’t shoot at fleeing soldiers either. Let them go."

He gave that order the day the military station near the village of
Aghdaban was destroyed. That same day the Azerbaijanis came and
massacred the peaceful residents of the village of Maragha. Leonid and
his unit rushed to Maragha. The enemy suffered heavy losses and
retreated, leaving behind the villagers they had killed, dozens of
mutilated bodies of children, women, and old people.

Leonid admired the natural beauty of Karabakh and said, "Armenians
have no sense of beauty; if they had they wouldn’t have given up
Karabakh, for that reason alone. Giving something so beautiful away to
somebody else is a crime."

Leonid’s dream was to create a national army with a powerful Armenian
state behind it. But the Army was taking shape slowly at that time.
When we last met (it was after the opening of the Lachin corridor) he
said, "These victories will come to nothing because there is no
regular army behind them."

He could not reconcile himself to the surrender of the Shahumyan
region and parts of Martakert after the opening of the Lachin road.
The fact that some soldiers left these regions before the residents
did filled Leonid with rage. He said that they should be punished. He
was planning to liberate Shahumyan with his soldiers.

Leonid’s best friend and his favorite soldier was the commander of the
Artsakh Front unit of the Liberation Army, Vladimir Balayan.

Leonid considered Vladimir a born military expert. Vladimir Balayan
was killed on June 9, 1992 defending the village of Chailu in the
Martakert region. That day Leonid’s soldiers saw their commander
crying like a baby for the first and last time.

"He was killed, he went to the gods because they needed him there.
Therefore, we have to defend our country so that he doesn’t become a
martyr. He is a victim, not a martyr," Leonid told the people who
gathered for the funeral.

After Vladimir’s funeral, he didn’t speak to anybody for two hours; he
just stood by himself. Then he waved his hand and said, "I’ll go and
meet Vladimir there – in heaven."

Twelve days later Leonid Azgaldyan was killed.

On different occasions, Leonid used say, "The nation that loses
Karabakh will be completely overthrown."

Edik Baghdasaryan
Photos by Frederic Karegin Tonolli, Myriam Gaume Guragossian, Sarkis Hatspanian

Survivors of Maraghar massacre: It was truly like a contemporary
Golgotha many times over

The ancient kingdom of Armenia was the first nation to embrace
Christianity – in AD 301. Modern Armenia, formerly a Soviet republic,
declared autonomy in September 1991 and today exists as a member of
the Commonwealth of Independent States. There you find many of the
oldest churches in the world, and a people who have upheld the faith
for nearly 1,700 years, often at great cost. Nowhere has the cost been
greater than in the little piece of ancient Armenia called
Nagorno-Karabakh, cruelly cut off from the rest of Armenia by Stalin
in 1921, and isolated today as a Christian enclave within Islamic
Azerbaijan. Only 100 miles north to south, 50 miles east to west,
there are mountains, forests, fertile valleys, and an abundance of
ancient churches, monasteries, and beautifully carved stone crosses
dating from the fourth century. This paradise became hell in 1991.
Vying with Armenia for control of this enclave, Azerbaijan began a
policy of ethnic cleansing of the Armenians of Karabakh, and 150,000
Armenians were forced to fight for the right to live in their historic
homeland. It was a war against impossible odds: 7 million-strong
Azerbaijan, helped by Turkey and, at one stage, several thousand
mujahideen mercenaries. On April 10, 1992, forces from Azerbaijan
attacked the Armenian village of Maraghar in northeastern Karabakh.
The villagers awoke at 7 a.m. to the sound of heavy shelling; then
tanks rolled in, followed by infantry, followed by civilians with
pick-up trucks to take home the pickings of the looting they knew
would follow the eviction of the villagers. Azeri soldiers sawed off
the heads of 45 villagers, burnt others, took 100 women and children
away as hostages, looted and set fire to all the homes, and left with
all the pickings from the looting. I, along with my team from
Christian Solidarity Worldwide, arrived within hours to find homes
still smoldering, decapitated corpses, charred human remains, and
survivors in shock. This was truly like a contemporary Golgotha many
times over. I visited the nearby hospital and met the chief nurse.
Hours before, she had seen her son’s head sawn off, and she had lost
14 members of her extended family. I wept with her: there could be no
words. With the fragile cease-fire that began in May 1994, we have
been able to visit survivors of the massacre at Maraghar. Unable to
return to their village, which is still in Azeri hands, they are
building "New Maraghar" in the devastated ruins of another village.
Their "homes" are empty shells with no roofs, doors, or windows, but
their priority was the building of a memorial to those who died in the
massacre. We were greeted with the traditional Armenian ceremony of
gifts of bread and salt. Then a dignified elderly lady made a speech
of gracious welcome, with no hint of reference to personal suffering.
She seemed so serene that I thought she had been away on that terrible
day of the massacre. She replied: "As you have asked, I will tell you
that my four sons were killed that morning, trying to defend us – but
what could they do with hunting rifles against tanks? And then we saw
things no human should ever have to see: heads that were too far from
their bodies; people hacked into quarters like pigs. I also lost my
daughter and her husband – we only found his bloodstained cap. We still
don’t know what happened to them. I now bring up their children. But
they have forgotten the taste of milk, as the Azeris took all our
cows." How can one respond to such suffering and such dignity? Since
the cease-fire, we have undertaken a program to supply cows. On our
last visit, we met this grandmother, and, smiling, she said: "Thank
you. Our children now know the taste of milk." Nagorno-Karabakh is a
place where we have found miracles of grace. The day of the massacre I
asked the chief nurse, whose son had been beheaded, if she would like
me to take a message to the rest of the world. She nodded, and I took
out my notebook. With great dignity, she said: "I want to say, ‘Thank
you.’ I am a nurse. I have seen how the medicines you have brought
have saved many lives and eased much suffering. I just want to say,
‘Thank you,’ to all those who have not forgotten us in these dark
days."

Baroness Caroline Cox
April 1998

vors-maraghar.htm

THE TRAGEDY OF MARAGHA

9 years ago – on April 10,1992, a tragedy, which, on different
estimations, caused 49-53 victims, took place in the village of
Maragha, Martakert region. 50 more people, including 9 children, were
taken hostages. The fate of many of them still remains unknown. The
Azerbaijani armed units – the OMON (militia units on special purpose)
detachments, which, supported by twenty tanks, had entered Maragha,
committed unprecedented by their cruelty crimes against peaceful
villagers. The massacre was resumed on April 22-23, when the survived
people of Maragha returned to bury the deceased ones. The facts on the
victims of Maragha have been confirmed by different international
human rights organizations, in particular, the organization Helsinki
Watch. Caroline Cox, Viced-Speaker of the British Parliament’s House
of Lords, visiting the tragedy place, witnessed how in the fully
destroyed village people were burying the remains of the cut up and
sawed bodies, as well as burned alive – adults and children. Later,
Baroness Cox described the atrocities of the Azerbaijanis in the
village of Maragha in her book "Ethnic Cleansing Is Going On". The
tragedy of Maragha is regarded as one of the most terrible examples of
genocide.

_01.html

AZG Armenian Daily #037, 01/03/2006
Karabakh diary

PROVISIONAL COMMISSION IS NOT THERE TO DEMAND WAR INDEMNITY

At the last session of the NKR parliament the lawmakers passed a law
on setting up a provisional commission to study the Azerbaijani
violence against the Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh in the period of
1988-1992. This decision is dictated by the need to present
Azerbaijan’s illegal acts before the world community, particularly the
OSCE Minsk Group and the PACE. The author of this initiative was
Vahram Atanesian, head of the Foreign Relations Committee of the
parliament. Mr. Atanesian told daily Azg that the commission will work
till the end of the year and the materials it will gather during this
period will be sent to international structures as well as will be
posted on the Internet. Suchlike commission was set up in June 12 1992
too but it did not function because of the war and later because of
the sensitiveness of the peace talks. As today the sides discuss
humanitarian aspects of the conflict, the parliament sees it rightful
to present to the world community the massacre of Maragha in 1992, the
take-over of part of Shahumian and Martaker regions and the
humanitarian crisis that it incited. The most essential though will be
the study of notorious "Koltso" operation on May 15 1991 organized by
the State Emergency Committee. Mr. Atanesian reminded that at one
point in time Russia’s Supreme Council also organized hearings on
"Koltso" operation. The researches of the provisional commission by no
means aim at demanding war indemnity from Azerbaijan, as it is not
within the parliament’s power. Vahram Atanesian thinks that the
government of Nagorno Karabakh has also to put before the world
community all facts of violence against the Azeri inhabitants of
Karabakh and the fact of considering them "second-rate citizens" of
the country. The parliamentarian explained that in exchange for the
evacuated Azeri population from Karabakh’s Azeri villages, Baku
authorities sent special militia units, terrorists and outlaws. He
assured that there are materials and videotapes to prove this.

By Kim Gabrielian in Stepanakert

http://www.maragha.nk.am/documentseng4.h
http://www.168.am/en/articles/2070-pr
http://www.a1plus.am/en/?page=issue&am
http://www.cilicia.com/Maragha.htm
http://www.nkr.am/eng/mid/press/zparl.htm
http://sumgait.info/maraga/maraga-eng/survi
http://www.nkr.am/eng/mid/bull/text1

President decrees to suspend Committee on Econ Competitive Defense

RA President decrees to suspend the authorities of the chairman of the
RA State Committee on Economic Competitive Defense

991/lang/en
2010-02-26

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 26, ARMENPRESS: RA President Serzh Sargsyan signed
February 25 a decree on suspending the authorities of the chairman of
the RA State Committee on Economic Competitive Defense David
Harutyunyan according to the latter’s application, Presidential press
office reported.

http://www.armenpress.am/news/more/id/591

MIT hosts conference on America’s response to the Armenian Genocide

MIT hosts conference on America’s response to the Armenian Genocide

2-22-mit-hosts-conference-on-america-s-response-to -the-armenian-genocide
Published: Monday February 22, 2010

Cambridge, Mass. – On March 13, 2010, a one-day conference entitled
"America’s Response to the Armenian Genocide: From Woodrow Wilson to
Barack Obama," will take place at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology (MIT) in Building 10 Room 250 from 10:00am to 5:00pm.

The conference is co-organized by Profs. Bedross Der Matossian (MIT)
and Christopher Capozzola (MIT) and sponsored by the Faculty of
History, the Center for International Studies (CIS), the Office of the
Religious Affairs, and the Program on Human Rights & Justice (PHRJ).

The goal of the conference is to discuss and examine America’s
evolving policy toward the Armenian Genocide from the earliest years
of World War I through the present day.

Although the Armenian Genocide is increasingly recognized as one of
the foundational events of the twentieth century’s painful history of
political and ethnic violence, scholars who have examined its impact
on United States foreign policy have concentrated almost exclusively
on the presidency of Woodrow Wilson. But the legacy of the Armenian
Genocide shaped U.S. policy through the twentieth century-as Americans
confronted the meaning of "genocide" itself in the wake of World War
II; as they confronted Armenia’s pivotal place in the tense Cold War
conflict; as Armenian Diaspora voices pressed Congress for
recognition; and as geopolitics shifted again with the unification of
Europe and U.S. intervention in the Middle East.

The one-day conference will bring together specialists in U.S. foreign
relations, along with historians of ethnic conflict, genocide, and
humanitarian intervention more generally. By bringing together experts
on Armenia with those whose interests range somewhat further afield,
the conference seeks to incorporate Armenian histories more fully into
historical and social scientific disciplines and to foster dialogue
between area studies specialists and U.S. historians.

Panels will discuss three major historical phases that shaped U.S.
policy towards the Armenian Genocide: World War I, the Cold War, and
the post-Cold War era. The latter two periods remain particularly
understudied periods.

Confirmed speakers at the conference include: Prof. Roger Petersen
(MIT), Prof. Richard Hovannisian (UCLA), Prof. Christopher Capozzola
(MIT), Prof. Simon Payaslian (BU), Prof. Dennis Papazian (University
of Michigan-Dearborn), Mr. Michael Bobelian (Lawyer, Author, and
Journalist), Mr. Gregory Aftandilian (Independent Scholar), Dr. Rouben
Adalian (ANI), Mr. Marc Mamigonian (NAASR), Dr. Suzanne Moranian
(AIWA), and Prof. Bedross Der Matossian (MIT).

A keynote speech will be delivered by Prof. Richard Hovannisian, the
holder of the Armenian Educational Foundation Chair in Modern Armenian
History at UCLA.

[email protected]

http://www.reporter.am/go/article/2010-0

ISTANBUL: Turkish and Armenian leader meet in Kiev

Turkish and Armenian leader meet in Kiev
Hurriyet Daily News

Thursday, February 25, 2010
ISTANBUL- Daily News with wires
Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet DavutoÄ?lu and Armenian President
Serge Sarkisian met in Kiev on Thursday.
The Turkish foreign minister told reporters after the meeting that he
had had the opportunity to talk to the Armenian president about the
Turkish-Armenian relationship normalization process, anddevelopments
in the Caucasus.
"We reviewed the Turkish -Armenian normalization relationship in its
entirity with open hearts today including our anxieties and the
obstacles we face," DavutoÄ?lu said. "We spoke about Armenian-
Azerbaijan relations and the activities of the Minsk Group as related
to the Karabakh issue," he said.
"I also had the opportunity to tell Mr. Sarkisian about Turkey’s
vision for the region," he said.
DavutoÄ?lu said this is the firt meeting between him and
Sarkisian since a controversial decision from the Armenian
Constitutional Courtslowing to a grindthe progress made after the two
countries signed protocols to restore diplomatic ties.
The Armenian parliament Thursday made it easy for Yerevan to scrap
protocols signed with Turkey by passing amendments that will allow
President Serge Sarkisian to suspend ratification and withdraw from
previously signed international agreements. The amendments were passed
by a vote of 70-4. The move comes amid growing frustration in Armenia
over Turkey’s Parliament’s failure to ratify the protocols signed in
October.
The signing of the deals was hailed internationally as a key step in
overcoming decades of enmity stemming from World War I-era killings of
Armenians under the late days of the Ottoman Empire.
But ratification by both countries’ parliaments stalled as the two
sides have traded accusations of trying to modify the deal.
Ankara has accused Yerevan of trying to set new conditions after
Armenia’s Constitutional Court said the protocols could not contradict
Yerevan’s official position that the Armenian killings constituted "
or its part, is furious over Ankara’s insistence that normalizing
Turkish-Armenian ties depends on progress in resolving the conflict
between Armenia and Turkish ally Azerbaijan over the disputed
Nagorno-Karabakh region.
Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 in solidarity with
Azerbaijan after ethnic Armenian forces wrested Nagorno-Karabakh from
Baku’s control in a war that claimed an estimated 30,000 lives.
The conflict remains unresolved despite years of international
mediation.

Chance To Settle Karabakh Issue Should Not Be Lost: Semneby

CHANCE TO SETTLE KARABAKH ISSUE SHOULD NOT BE LOST: SEMNEBY

news.am
feb 24 2010
Armenia

Presently there is a chance to resolve Karabakh conflict and it’s
crucial not to miss it, EU Special Representative for South Caucasus
and Central Asia Peter Semneby told journalists Feb. 24 in Baku.

According to him, last year the negotiation process advanced steadily.

"There is some chance for the solution to the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict. It is very important not to lose this chance. This chance
should not be lost. The co-chairs are replaced. If the chance is lost,
this process will be prolonged," APA quotes Semneby.

Earlier, arriving in Azerbaijan Semneby stated that time pressures
in the solution to Karabakh conflict issue, adding that situation in
the region changes and status quo cannot last forever.

Latest Posts At Footprints: The Blog For Discriminating Readers

LATEST POSTS AT FOOTPRINTS: THE BLOG FOR DISCRIMINATING READERS

2010/02/24 | 15:13

Media

Armenia’s Standings in the Winter Olympics Thus Far

Last night I was watching highlights of the Olympic Games on public
television. All but three Giant Slalom skiers finished except for a
Turk, a guy from South Africa who seemed to have stepped out of the
gate at the wrong time, and the Armenian, Arsen Nersisyan (today’s
standings show that several skiers were determined to have not finished
after the fact).

Is Armenia’s Economic Crisis Really Over?

I just read an interesting report on RFE/RL about what is being
pawned off as the end of an "economic crisis" in Armenia. I guess
that depends on who you ask and where in Armenia you live.

(Footprints: A blog expressing opinions about social, political and
environmental issues concerning Armenia.)

http://hetq.am/en/media/27365/

Armenain Ambassador Addresses A Letter To UN Secretary General

ARMENAIN AMBASSADOR ADDRESSES A LETTER TO UN SECRETARY GENERAL

armradio.am
24.02.2010 13:47

UN Permanent Representative in the UN Karen Nazaryan addressed a letter
to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on the occasion of the anniversary
of the tragic events, the massacre of the Armenian population in
Sumgayit and Baku. Referring to the cheep propaganda and false facts
presented by Azerbaijan, Karen Nazaryan wrote: "Azerbaijan continues
presenting itself as a victim of so-called "Armenian aggression,"
distorting the tragic events known to the whole world."

Ambassador Nazaryan, in particular, recalls the interview of
Azerbaijan’s ex-President Ayaz Mutalibov, where he describes how
the Azerbaijani opposition and militia were trying to prevent the
evacuation of civilians form the zone of military actions through
a mountain corridor. The opposition hoped to come to power via the
slaughter of its own compatriots.

The letter underlines that the international community has confirmed
the atrocities of the Azerbaijani government against the unprotected
Armenian population. "In response to the peaceful and constitutional
demand of the people of Nagorno Karabakh to realize their right for
self-determination, the Azerbaijani authorities armed the mob, which
perpetrated a massacre of Armenians in Sumgayit in 1988. This was
the first case of mass killing on the territory of the Soviet Union.

Immediately after Azerbaijan gained independence, the murderers were
set free and declared national heroes."

"It should finally become clear that Azerbaijan launched military
aggression against Nagorno Karabakh. Armenia is confident that the
best solution in this situation is to restore the legal demand of
the people of Nagorno Karabakh to realize the right of peoples to
self-determination.," the Armenian Ambassador concludes."

On The Road To Better Lebanese-Turkish Relations

ON THE ROAD TO BETTER LEBANESE-TURKISH RELATIONS
By Mohammad Noureddine

Global Arab Network
01002244933/Lebanon-Politics/on-the-road-to-better -lebanese-turkish-relations.html
Feb 24 2010

For the first time, Hariri and a Lebanese delegation of eight ministers
met with Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs Ahmet Davutoglu, Turkish
President Abdullah Gul, Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Recep Erdogan
and many other Turkish business leaders and investors. More important
than this unprecedented meeting were the meeting’s outcomes, which
included eliminating entry visas between the two countries for the
first time since the breakup of the Ottoman Empire after the First
World War when Lebanon came under French control.

For decades, many Lebanese – both Christian and Muslim – harboured
negativity toward the Turkish state. The Christian Lebanese community
felt that during the Ottoman Empire the Turks treated Christians
as second-class citizens. Christian religious leaders, part of the
then Christian majority in Lebanon, were instrumental in attempts
to achieve Lebanese independence from the Turkish Sultanate. Add to
this the influx of tens of thousands of Ottoman citizens of Christian
Armenian origin to Lebanon during the First World War, especially
after the mass killings in 1915 when they were perceived as a threat
to the Ottoman state.

Muslim sentiment in Lebanon is no less important. The end to the
Ottoman caliphate and the establishment of the Republic of Turkey
in 1923 generated anger among Muslims in Lebanon and the region
who wanted Turkey to remain a leader of the Muslim world. Hence,
secular trends within the Turkish government, instituted by Turkish
President Kemal Ataturk, negatively influenced the outlook of many
Muslim Lebanese toward Turkey.

A third factor limiting positive Lebanese relations with Turkey was
the latter’s recognition of Israel in 1950, a country not recognised
by Lebanon.

Aside from a brief period in the 1950s when Lebanon and Turkey shared
similar interests against Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s
pan-Arab movement and a common political affiliation with the United
States, there has been very little positive interaction between the
two countries at the government level.

In this context, the Hariri trip could not have taken place at the
level at which it did, and with the resultant outcomes, without certain
factors in place. First, the new government in Turkey – the Justice
and Development Party – has prioritised building better relations
with countries in the Middle East. Second, amiable developments
between Turkey and Syria have played an important role in Turkey’s
relationship with Lebanon with Syria has using its influence with
the pro-Syrian factions in Lebanon to encourage the country to soften
its position toward Turkey.

Regardless of how Turkey practices its secularism, its implementation
represents a model in a society formerly divided between the majority
Sunnis – numbering 45 million – and the country’s 20 million Alawites,
who comprise a sect within Shia Islam.

Lebanon still grapples with public calls to modify its confessional
political system, where political and institutional power is
distributed proportionally among religious communities. And secularism
represents one possible solution for societies comprised of diverse
cultures and faiths. As such, multi-religious, multi-cultural Lebanon
may have something to learn from the secular Turkish experience,
and closer ties with Turkey could prove beneficial in this regard.

However, the Turkish example is not perfect. Turkey still grapples
with the existence of laws that when practically interpreted have
been considered discriminatory against its religious minority –
limiting the personal and religious freedoms of the Alawites. And
there is still an ongoing debate on the right to wear the hijab,
or headscarf, in public buildings and institutions like universities.

Therefore, the Turkish experience may represent a model for Lebanon
in principle, if not always in practice. And in this sense, perhaps
Lebanon – with the religious and political freedoms it affords its
citizens – could also serve as an example to Turkey, introducing
mutual benefits for both countries through a closer relationship
based on political, as well as social and cultural interests.

Global Arab Network

* Dr. Mohammad Noureddine is a professor at the Lebanese University,
Director of the Center for Strategic Studies in Beirut, and
Editor-in-Chief of Choo’un al Awssat magazine in Lebanon. This article
was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

http://www.english.globalarabnetwork.com/2

In Search Of Lost Time

IN SEARCH OF LOST TIME
by Sue Hubbard

New Stateman
orky-lost-mother-painting
Feb 22 2010

How one man’s traumatic youth revolutionised painting.

He was a bridge not only between surrealism and abstract expressionism,
old Europe and a new American culture, but also between a vanished
eastern world and the west. Like the Portuguese poet Fernando Pessoa,
who wrote under a series of heteronyms, Arshile Gorky’s tragic past
led him to reinvent himself according to the poet’s dictum that:
"Life is whatever we conceive it to be." Indeed, there are few painters
for whom autobiography and artistic output are so intimately linked.

His adoption of the pseudonym "Gorky" was an attempt to link himself to
his celebrated contemporary Maxim Gorky, and to disguise his Armenian
origins. He was born Vostanik Manoog Adoyan in 1904 in a rural part
of what was then the Turkish Ottoman empire. An attack on the city
of Van by the Turks in 1915 had prompted virtually the whole of the
population of western Armenia to walk a hundred miles to the east,
in a desperate evacuation over the mountains.

Gorky’s father had already left in 1908 to work in Rhode Island,
leaving mother and children behind (until the money could be raised
for their passage). During the winter of 1919, as the Russian civil
war raged, Gorky’s mother died of starvation before he and his sister,
Vartoosh, finally began the long journey to join his father in New
York. This tragedy was to colour Gorky’s relationship to his art.

Issues of loss, nostalgia and belonging haunt these edgy, intense
paintings.

Studying works in the museums of Boston and New York in the 1920s,
Gorky became passionate about contemporary art. His early paintings
show him somewhat overwhelmed by the painterly language of his heroes
Picasso and Cézanne, to the extent that his self-portrait and still
lifes of 1928 might actually have been done by the latter.

It took him a decade to complete his most celebrated works, two
portraits of himself as a boy with his lost mother. In the first,
the flat areas of earthy colour, his averted gaze and his mother’s
firmness of mouth show an attempt to capture a lost reality. In the
second painting, with its soft, pink tones, Gorky seems to be trying
to regain a moment that he knows has long been lost. His mother has
slipped down the canvas, her face ghostly and pale, while the young
Gorky wears differently coloured shoes, as if having one foot rooted
in the past and the other in the present.

Slowly, he began to find his own idiosyncratic visual language,
influenced by de Chir­ico’s dreamlike sequences. In the 1930s, his
style loosened as he shifted away from cubism to the more biomorphic
forms of surrealists such as Jean Arp and Joan Miró. The experience
of drawing in Connecticut and Virginia further transformed his
technique, as is evident in the visceral and fluid Waterfall (1943),
which combines observation with buried memories of childhood.

A fire that destroyed his studio in 1946, followed by the diagnosis
of cancer and a period of depression, led Gorky to take his own
life in the summer of 1948. But his strange shapes and intense,
saturated colours, born primarily out of lived and felt experience,
opened doors to a new way of making art.

Arshile Gorky: a Retrospective at Tate Modern, London SE1 until 3 May.

For more details visit: tate.org.uk.

http://www.newstatesman.com/art/2010/02/g