Armenian Court Issues Arrest Warrant For Ex-President’s Brother Armenia -- President Serzh Sarkisian (R) awards a medal to his brother Levon Sarkisian, 22 March, 2016 A court in Armenia has issued an arrest warrant for former president Serzh Sarkisian’s brother, Levon, who is being prosecuted on charges of illegal enrichment. Sarkisian and his two children have been under investigation after law-enforcement authorities discovered nearly $7 million held by them in an Armenian bank. The State Revenue Committee (SRC) launched criminal proceedings against them on June 29 shortly after announcing that a company linked to Levon Sarkisian had been fined 800 million drams ($1.7 million) for tax evasion. The SRC said that while searching Sarkisian’s home its investigators found documents showing that he, his son Narek and daughter Ani deposited a total of $6.8 million in the unnamed bank “in the second half of 2017.” It said that the ex-president’s youngest brother and Ani Sarkisian failed to disclose these sums to a state anti-corruption body while Narek did not file any income declarations at all. Under Armenian law, such declarations are mandatory for high-ranking state officials and their family members. This legal requirement applies to Levon Sarkisian because he has long worked as ambassador-at-large at the Armenian Foreign Ministry. The Special Investigative Service (SIS) said on Saturday that as part of the criminal case on hiding property in declarations and illegal enrichment an investigator has decided to bring charges against the Sarkisians. Levon Sarkisian and his daughter Ani are charged under penal code articles dealing with “Illegal participation in entrepreneurial activity” and “official forgery”, while Sarkisian’s son Narek is charged under an article dealing with “Illegal participation in entrepreneurial activity”. “On July 6 the SIS requested that the court choose arrest as a measure of restraint against Levon Sarkisian and the court granted the request the same day. A search has been announced for Lyova (Levon) and Ani Sarkisians. A written undertaking confining Ani and Narek Sarkisians to country limits has been chosen as a measure of restraint against the two. Investigation is ongoing,” the SIS statement reads. Earlier this week Armenia’s law-enforcement agencies named two sons of the ex-president’s other brother, Aleksandr Sarkisian, Hayk and Narek, as suspects in separate criminal investigations concerning an attempted murder, theft and illegal possession of weapons and drugs. Narek Sarkisian was put on the police’s wanted list, while Hayk was released after interrogation pending investigation. The decisions were made after a search that was conducted at the Yerevan apartment of Aleksandr Sarkisian, who is better known to the public as “Sashik”. The 62-year-old controversial brother of the former president is thought to have made a big fortune in the past two decades. Unconfirmed reports in the Armenian press have said that he spent millions of dollars buying real estate in Europe and the United States. A video of the search at Aleksandr Sarkisian’s apartment released by the National Security Service (NSS) on July 5 showed large sums of money, expensive watches and artworks, numerous gold coins, and pieces of jewelry found there. The NSS said the legality of the items is being checked as part of a criminal investigation. Speaking to RFE/RL’s Armenian service (Azatutyun.am) on Friday, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian denied the “political” nature of the cases against Sarkisian family members, saying that they are being pursued on their legal merits. Pashinian came to power two months ago following weeks of peaceful protests that forced Sarkisian, who had served for 10 years as president, to resign within less than a week after moving to a newly empowered post of prime minister in mid-April. Pashinian declared a crackdown on corruption after being elected prime minister on May 8.
Author: Tatoyan Vazgen
Verelq: Վաչագան Ղազարյանը կալանավորվել է. դատարանը բավարարել է միջնորդությունը
- 28.06.2018
- Հայաստան
- arm
- rus
ՀՀ հատուկ քննչական ծառայությունում քննվող քրեական գործի շրջանակներում 27.06.2018թ.-ին Վաչագան Ղազարյանին մեղադրանք էր առաջադրվել ՀՀ քրեական օրենսգրքի 314.3-րդ հոդվածի 2-րդ մասով և 310.1-ին հոդվածի 1-ին մասով նախատեսված հանրորեն վտանգավոր արարքների կատարման համար:
Ինչպես հայտնում են ՀՔԾ-ի մամուլի ծառայությունից, 27.06.2018թ.-ին ՀՀ հատուկ քննչական ծառայության քննիչի կողմից միջնորդություն էր ներկայացվել Երևան քաղաքի ընդհանուր իրավասության դատարան` Վ. Ղազարյանի նկատմամբ կալանավորումը որպես խափանման միջոց ընտրելու համար:
28.06.2018թ.-ին դատարանի կողմից միջնորդությունը բավարարվել է, և Վ. Ղազարյանը կալանավորվել է:
Ղազարյանը կասկածվում է ՀՀ քրեական օրենսգրքի 310.1-րդ հոդվածով և 314.3-րդ հոդվածի 2-րդ մասով նախատեսված հանցանքների կատարման՝ ապօրինի հարստանալու, ինչպես նաև «Հանրային ծառայության մասին» ՀՀ օրենքով նախատեսված հայտարարագրերում կեղծ տվյալներ ներկայացնելու և հայտարարագրման ենթակա տվյալները թաքցնելու մեջ:
Հիշեցնենք, որ 2018 թվականի մայիսի 29-ին ՀՀ ԿԱ ազգային անվտանգության ծառայության պետական պահպանության ծառայության պետի առաջին տեղակալ, ՀՀ նախկին նախագահ Սերժ Սարգսյանի թիկնազորի պետ, գեներալ Վաչագան Ղազարյանը (Սերժի Վաչո) եւ իր կինը` Ռուզաննա Բեգլարյանը, պաշտոնը դադարեցնելու օրվա դրությամբ բարձրաստիճան պաշտոնատար անձանց էթիկայի հանձնաժողով են ներկայացրել իրենց գույքի եւ եկամուտների հայտարարագիրը:
Այսպիսով՝ Վաչագան Ղազարյանը, որպես շարժական գույք հայտարարագրել է մեկ բնակարան` բազմաբնակարան շենքում, 6 բազմաբնակարան շենքի ոչ բնակելի տարածքներ: Որպես շարժական գույք Ղազարյանը հայտարարագրել է «RANGE ROVER Supercharged 5.0» մակնիշի ավտոմեքենա:
Պաշտոնը դադարեցնելու օրվա դրությամբ՝ Վաչագան Ղազարյանի դրամական միջոցները կազմել են 11 մլն դրամ, 9 500 դոլար, 12 500 եվրո: Այս տարվա հունվարի 1-ից մինչեւ պաշտոնը դադարեցնելու օրը Ղազարյանը ունեցել է 2 մլն 520 հազար 773 դրամի եկամուտ, որը գոյացել է աշխատավարձից:
Վաչագան Ղազարյանի կինը` Ռուզաննա Բեգլարյանը, շարժական եւ անշարժ գույք, ըստ հայտարարագրի չունի: Նրա դրամական միջոցները կազմել են 25 մլն դրամ, 29 հազար դոլար եւ 17 հազար 400 եվրո: Ռուզաննա Բեգլարյանի եկամուտները կազմել են 3 մլն 240 հազար դրամ, որը գոյացել է վարձակալության դիմաց ստացված վճարից:
Հիշեցնենք, որ երեկ Վաչագան Ղազարյանին բերման ենթարկելուց հետո՝ անձնական խուզարկության ընթացքում, նա ներկայացրել է «Յունիբանկ» ՓԲԸ-ից դուրս գալու պահին ձեռքին առկա պայուսակի պարունակությունը, որում եղել է 120 հազար ԱՄՆ դոլար, ինչպես նաեւ 436 միլիոն ՀՀ դրամ:
Ավելի վաղ Քննչական կոմիտեն հաղորդագրություն էր տարածել`տեղեկացնելով, որ փաստացի Ղազարյանին պատկանող «Յանս» ակումբում կատարված խուզարկությունների արդյունքում քրեական գործ է հարուցվել հայտարարագրերում կեղծ տվյալներ ներկայացնելու կամ հայտարարագրման ենթակա տվյալը թաքցնելու, ապօրինի հարստանալու դեպքերի առթիվ: Ըստ ՔԿ-ի` Ղազարյանի կինը հանդիսանում է նաեւ «Յանս» ակումբի, «Սելենա» ՍՊԸ փաստացի սեփականատերը, բայց այդ մասին բարձրաստիճան պաշտոնատար անձ հանդիսացող Վ.Ղազարյանը օրենքով սահմանված կարգով Բարձրաստիճան պաշտոնատար անձանց էթիկայի հանձնաժողով չի ներկայացրել իր գույքի եւ եկամուտների հայտարարագիրը:
Նաեւ խուզարկություններ են կատարվել Վաչագան Ղազարյանի տանը, որտեղից բավական մեծ գումար էր հայտնաբերվել` 35 մլն դրամ, ավելի քան 1 մլն դոլար, 230.500 եվրո, թանկարժեք ժամացույցներ ու մեքենաներ: Բայց խուզարկությամբ հայտնաբերված առանձնապես խոշոր չափի միջոցների ու թանկարժեք իրերի վերաբերյալ Ղազարյանի եւ նրա կնոջ հայտարարագրերում բացակայել են նշումներ»: Գործն ըստ ենթակայության ուղարկվել է ՀՔԾ:
Construction was the driver of economic growth in Jan-May 2018 in Armenia while industrial sector’s growth slackened
Yerevan June 22
Karina Melikyan. In Armenia, economic activity in January-May 2018 increased by 8.6% y-o-y at the background of growing rates of import compared to export. In May this year versus May 2017, economic activity increased by 5.4%, and in May 2018 alone increased by 10.4%. A year earlier, in January-May 2017, versus the same period of 2016, economic activity increased by 6.4%, in May compared with May 2015 – by 8.9%, and in May alone – by 11.7%.
According to the preliminary data of the National Statistical Service of Armenia, the growth in economic activity in January-May 2018 was mainly ensured by the services sector – by 17.5% y-o-y, the construction sector – by 17.4% and the trade sector – by 10.2%, while growth in industrial and agricultural sectors was more moderate-3.3% and 1.5% respectively. Against this background the energy sector registered no growth. It is noteworthy that versus the indicators of the previous year the agriculture and construction sectors demonstrated increase, construction sector registering sharp growth. A year earlier, in January- May 2017, the industrial sector, trade, services, energy complex demonstrated growth- 14.4%, 12.8%, 11% and 4.6% y-o-y, respectively, and the agricultural sector and the construction sector demonstrated decline – 3.5% and 12.1% respectively per annum. The industrial production price index increased by 3.5% in January-May 2018 versus the same period of the previous year, and grew by 2.1% in May 2018 compared to May 2017. In May 2018 alone it declined by 1.2%. A year earlier, in January-May 2017, in comparison with the same period in 2016, the industrial production price index increased by 3.5%, in May 2017, compared to May 2016 – by 4.7%, and in May 2017 alone increased by 0.2% . In monthly terms (in May) the economic activity grew due to construction sector (42.4% growth versus 50% growth in May 2017), the agricultural sector (by 41.9% against 47.1% a year earlier), industrial sector ranks next with more moderate rates (13.3% growth versus 12.7% growth in May 2017), trade (12.1% versus 6.6% in May 2017) and service sector (6.5% against 9.5% growth a year earlier). Energy sector registered 2.3% growth in May 2018 versus 2.9% decline in May 2017.
In May 2018 versus May 2017 in terms of growth rates, the service sector was leading with 17%, construction and trade registered 8.8% growth both, at this background energy and agriculture had insignificant growth-1.8% and 0.1% respectively. The Industrial sector demonstrated decline by 3.1%, while the rate in previous year was high and even leading. A year earlier, in May 2017 against May 2016, the growth rates were more moderate: industrial sector was leading- 20%, followed by trade-15%, services-14.3% and energy sector-5.6%, while agriculture and construction fields registered decline-4.8% and 9.3% respectively.
According to statistical data in January-May 2018, the trade sector held the absolute leading position with the volume of 1.02 billion AMD ($ 2.1 billion). The industrial sector held the second place 658.2 billion ($ 1.4 billion), services were the third – 626.7 billion drams ($ 1.3 billion), agriculture-the fourth -180.3 billion drams ($ 374.1 million), and the construction sector was the fifth-93.7 billion AMD ($ 194.4 million). The volume of electricity generated in January-May 2018 was 3237.7 million kWh, of which 570.7 million kWh in may alone.
At the same time, Armenia's foreign trade turnover in January-May 2018 was 1351.4 billion AMD ($ 2804.1 million), with annual growth of 32.4%. In its structure, the volume of exports has undergone annual growth of 24.1% to 450.8 billion AMD ($ 935.6 million), and imports – an annual growth of 37% to 900.6 billion AMD ($ 1868.5 million). In May 2018 alone, foreign trade turnover increased by 6.2%, due to the growth in imports – by 11.8% and decline in exports – by 5%, and compared to May 2017, foreign trade turnover increased by 27.9%, mainly due to the growth of imports by 32.8% with an increase in exports by 17.6%. A year earlier, in January-May 2017, Armenia's foreign trade turnover grew by 23.1% per annum, in particular, exports – by 20.9% and imports – by 24.4%, in May 2017 alone the growth in foreign trade turnover by 35% was conditioned by growth of imports – 45% and 18.3% growth in exports, compared with May 2016 trade turnover grew by 53.4% due to raise in both imports and exports- 61.7% and 38.7% respectively.
The average calculated exchange rate of AMD was 484.09 AMD / $ in May, 2018, and 481.92 AMD / $ 1 in January-May, compared to 483.42 AMD / $ 1 in May 2017 and 485.18 AMD / $ 1 in January -May 2017.
Sports: FIFA: Armenia drops in world ranking
Tsar of guitars: From simple hobby to making guitars for A-List global rock stars
YEREVAN, MAY 31, ARMENPRESS. Vladimir Tsar, a US-based Russian real estate expert, has found an interesting hobby.
He modifies guitars for famous musicians.
Recently Tsar modified a guitar for the Armenian-American rock band System Of A Down’s (SOAD) guitarist Daron Malakian. Malakian has even used the guitar in his latest music video.
But Tsar is nowhere near stopping, he says soon he will prepare custom-made guitars for the other members of SOAD.
In an interview to ARMENPRESS, Vladimir Tsar talked about this incredible hobby, his first guitar and upcoming creations.
The beginning of an interesting hobby
I was born and raised in Moscow [Russia]. I studied architecture-construction. I moved to the United States with my family in 1991. I’ve been living in Miami in the past seven years. My main activity is very clear for residents of Florida’s coastal region, I am a real estate agent. In addition, me and my wife are also engaged in interior design and decoration. The guitar topic began a few years ago. My decorator, florist and photographer wife Katya and I began using guitars. We take a simple electric guitar and we paint it – making it another color. It becomes a piece of art, although it can be played on. At the beginning we were simply changing the color of the guitars, then imagination kicked in.
The First Guitar
I did not know Sergey Shnurov, frontman of Leningrad [rock band], composer, poet, painter, actor, producer, showman and the most famous media figure after Vladimir Putin in Russia, we didn’t even have mutual acquaintances. I opened an Instagram account about three years ago, I began following various people, and I saw photos of Sergey who was vacationing in Santa Monica. In the comments section I wrote : “Could you sign my 1983 Fender Telecaster guitar?” I had to depart for LA with my family at that time. My comment was followed by unbelievable developments. Sergey read my comment and replied, saying he is leaving for Russia in two days, he followed me back and suggested me to message him immediately. I momentarily asked my wife to clarify for me how to send a message, I messaged Sergey the contacts of a university friend of mine who lives in LA, whom in turn I quickly mailed by guitar. Shnurov contacted her, my friend took the guitar to him and Shnurov signed it.
A few months later I personally met Sergey Shnurov after his concert in Riga. We talked about literature and music for about half an hour. In the end I told him about my idea on making a vintage guitar , and he liked it. I made a Photoshop sketch upon returning to Miami. A month later the guitar was already in St. Petersburg, at Shnurov’s. And in 2016 he played on this guitar in the Ice Palace before an audience of 18,000. Shnurov has also displayed the guitar at his individual exhibition.
Guitar for System Of A Down’s Daron Malakian
Both SOAD and Leningrad were highly popular in the 2000s. I was a fan of Leningrad, my son Alexei was a fan of SOAD. Eventually it so happened that he began liking Leningrad, and I began listening to System Of A Down, in order to understand it. My wings had grown after the first guitar story, and there was no doubt on who the next guitar will be for.
I was thinking that the guitar must be image of SOAD, and especially Daron Malakian. I’ve heard somewhere that true art is born by harmoniously combining the incompatible. That’s what the guys from System Of A Down did, when they combined heavy metal and Armenian intonation. And that’s truly amazing. And this is all that I have tried to convey on the guitar. Since 1977, Paul Stanley from KISS made the IbanezIceman guitar popular, and I placed the map of Armenia on this type of a guitar.
It would be too simple to draw an Armenian flag or a carpet. It is another thing to engrave the map of Armenia, surrounded by neighboring countries. There is a cross-stone on the handle of the guitar, and the reverse side says SOAD in Armenian letters. Scars on Broadway’s [rock band founded by Daron Malakian] Lives premiered online on April 23, featuring this guitar.
The idea on making a guitar for Daron was born after watching SOAD’s 2015 April concert in Armenia. This was their best concert, and the rain was multiplying the effect. SOAD artists themselves admit that this concert was the culmination of their career. And, certainly, I was inspired by Terry George’s The Promise.
How the guitar was delivered to Daron
I didn’t personally know Daron, I didn’t even know anyone who had seen him. This story is even more unbelievable than the first guitar story. I made a Photoshop sketch of a guitar and I had sent it to Daron on Instagram. He has looked into my account, he left comments and said: “This is an amazing guitar, make it!” When I had already begun making the guitar I began having certain doubts. It turned out that there are 20-30 Daron Malakian accounts on the internet. But it was too late, I decided to continue making the guitar. I finished, what do I do with the guitar? I don’t know. And suddenly it so happens that a friend of my close friend is organizing the System Of A Down concerts in Moscow in 2017. I departed for Moscow. In short, the guitar was delivered to Daron. It was a real chain of successes. By the way, I blessed the guitar in the Armenian church of Boca Raton [Florida].
Guitars for other members of System Of A Down
The sketches of guitars for Serj Tankian and ShavoOdadjian are gradually being born in my mind. Armenian theme will be definitely featured. But if I prepare the guitars there will be no repetition. I don’t know yet what I’ll do with John Dolmayan’s drums.
The next guitar
Recently I met with Paul Stanley from KISS. I have interesting ideas. I would also want to make a bass-guitar for Flea from Red Hot Chili Peppers. And in Russia no one else than Zemfira comes to mind.
From hobby to business
This can’t work as a business model. It is a single-edition product, I can make guitars only when the musician or the music cause emotions in me. Both of my guitars didn’t have any commercial nature, perhaps that is why they succeeded.
Author – Roza Grigoryan
Photo credit – Greg Waterman, Yekaterina Tsar Kulchitskaya
ENGLISH: Editor/Translator -Stepan Kocharyan
Book: Valley View: An Armenian Diasporic Account in Lieu of a Glendale Biennial Review
“NO” WAS THE only word my grandmother, Lida Khatchatrian, knew in English. She declined to learn any others. The only relation she wanted to the English language was one of radical unintelligibility. After immigrating at 70, my grandmother launched a 16-year performance of linguistic refusal. It was staged for a private audience of émigré intimates. No recordings were made.
We relocated from Yerevan to Glendale in 1991, like so many. By 2017, approximately 40 percent of the city’s residents were of Armenian descent, marking it as the largest diasporic population of Armenians in the West. In Glendale, it was still possible to live in Armenian dialects. On East Acacia Avenue, we gathered with neighbors to hear the Soviet Socialist Republic collapsing at the end of a long-distance telephone call we could not afford.
I am telling you this because I recognize that there are no views outside of embodied viewers and historically contingent practices of looking.
When I was 15, we moved to a street in the Glendale foothills from which you could see the mountains. It was called Valley View.
2.
The Pit Gallery opened in Glendale in 2014, and four years later announced the launch of Vision Valley: The Glendale Biennial, slated for May 5, 2018. The exhibition would be curated by The Pit, an artist-run commercial gallery, and hosted at the Brand Library & Art Center, a publicly funded municipal space. I volunteered there as a teenager, enticed by the gleaming white architecture of the library building originally called the Miradero (the Overlook or Vantage Point).
Among the 32 majority white artists selected for the Glendale Biennial, none were Armenian.
The Pit launched in Glendale amid a precipitous influx of finance capital and real estate development in the city, a period whose economic violence is obliquely hinted at in the widely used description; this was “The Boom.” “Violence,” as David Harvey puts it, “is required to build the new urban world on the wreckage of the old.” In 2006, Glendale’s City Council adopted the Downtown Specific Plan, offering developers incentives for large-scale building projects within municipal limits. Two years later, Caruso Affiliated opened the long-planned Americana at Brand, a $400-million luxury residential and retail complex. Its Tiffany’s and Tesla storefronts peer out onto impeccably manicured lawns, animated fountains, and audio kiosks piping Frank Sinatra into a lavish open-air “lifestyle center.” When the Onyx Glendale Apartments finished construction in 2017, they were advertised as a testament to “Downtown Glendale’s spectacular urban renaissance” and its “newly found sense of cutting-edge style, eclectic culture and bountiful energy.” The complex offers one-bedroom lofts at $3,270. One effect of redevelopment was a surge of new residents who wanted, as the Onyx invites, to “[e]xplore like a traveler. Enjoy like a Resident.” Another was rendering working-class and immigrant communities a surplus population.
Against the backdrop of the city’s “spectacular urban renaissance,” The Pit announced the Glendale Biennial in 2018. The curatorial statement for Vision Valley described the show as follows:
- “a celebration of artists working in a specific community”
- “a nod to Glendale’s long-standing artist community”
- “a dynamic multilogue between artists living or working in a specific geographical area”
- that “showcases the many coincidental visions at work in the valley known as Glendale.”
Its title presents a set of fairly straightforward queries: Whose visions of the valley do we get to see? Whose are withheld? Who decides?
While Vision Valley includes no members of the Armenian community among its 32 contributors, it does include all three directors of The Pit, as well as its gallery associate.
Vision seems an ill-fitting rubric for an exhibition that insists on the invisibility of a vast diasporic population. Practices of looking, we know, are also practices of world-making embedded in fields of power. This is why, historically, the right to look was denied to the dispossessed. Avetik Isahakian, poet and Armenian Revolutionary Federation activist, wrote in 1897, “be fearful of dark eyes.”
There is another vision spotlighted in Vision Valley, that of American photographer Edward Weston, who established a studio in Glendale in 1910 and whose photographs are featured in the exhibition. His inclusion, the curators suggest, “enriches the exhibition with a significant bit of Glendale history.” The nostalgic longing to glance back at the city’s golden yesteryears poses a problem. In the first half of the 20th century, Glendale was a “sundown town,” with ordinances that prohibited people of color from being within municipal limits after dark. Glendale was also a national stronghold for white supremacists: a hub for the KKK in the 1920s (a decade after Weston’s relocation), and home to the Western Division headquarters of the Nazi Party in the 1960s. While Weston indeed suffuses the exhibition with “a significant bit of Glendale history,” it remains unclear whose history of Glendale his inclusion conjures. The curators never specify.
What Weston’s inclusion tacitly suggests is that the region’s cultural chronology is bookended by his 1910 arrival on one end, and the founding of The Pit Gallery in 2014 on the other. In the temporal valley that separates these two discoveries of Glendale lies a century of diasporic cultural production. To posit Edward Weston as the punctual origin of artistic activity in the city is to unapologetically whitewash its historical narrative. It is to erase the practices of the indigenous Tongva people who preceded Weston’s appearance by millennia, and those of the Armenian, Filipinx, Korean, and Latinx communities who have been living and working in the city in the 100 years since. One Pit director recently spoke to the Glendale News-Press with the hauteur of someone who had just carried out a civilizing mission, benevolently importing culture to a newly occupied territory. He explained that the idea for the show had started as a joke, about “how people act so surprised that there’s a contemporary art gallery in Glendale.”
Glendale is host to at least five Armenian-owned or Armenian-inclusive art galleries. These include Tufenkian Fine Arts, Roslin Art Gallery, Mkrtchyan Art Gallery, Silvana Gallery, and Armenian Arts.
To perform this erasure in an exhibition that celebrates “artists working in a specific community,” while also featuring majority white artists, is a dazzling instance of what Aruna D’Souza calls “whitewalling.” Whitewalling refers to racialized exclusions that operate by “covering over that which we prefer to ignore or suppress; the idea of putting a wall around whiteness, of fencing it off, of defending it against incursions.” Framing the Glendale Biennial through Weston’s vision without acknowledging that vision’s historical milieu suppresses the racialized violence of the city’s past and enables the exclusion of its current diasporic residents.
When Edward Weston first visited Tropico, as the city of Glendale was then called, he described it with delight as a “little village.” At the time of his arrival, the city was home to 155 acres of strawberry fields, farmed through the exploited labor of migrant workers from Mexico and China. Maybe this is also what The Pit and affiliated artists saw when they settled in Glendale in the last half-decade. Perhaps when they established studio outposts en masse on San Fernando Road, they believed they were entering a rural idyll devoid of what appeared, to them, as official culture. Perhaps they thought they had stumbled upon a blank, pastoral canvas waiting to be injected with cultural content. Perhaps it did not seem germane to ask, to borrow from Tara J. Yosso, “Whose culture has capital?” Perhaps they were surprised to discover that there were already cultural producers here, some engaged in gallery work and others in the communal reproduction of social life.
Some of the 32 contributors neither live nor work in Glendale. Edward Weston neither lives nor works in Glendale, because he has been deceased since 1958.
What Weston’s inclusion also tacitly suggests is that the curators were more willing to feature a dead, white male artist in the exhibition than they were to include an Armenian one. This is perplexing considering the exhibition’s one criterion is that contributors must be artists residing or working in the region today. Despite being dead for 60-odd years, it would appear that Weston is more legible as a contemporary Glendalian artist than any Armenian artist now living in the city of Glendale.
I imagine telling my grandmother about this. I can guess at her one-word response: “No.”
My mother, Sona Hakopian, was a linguist trained in Russian Philology at the Academy of the Pedagogical Sciences of the USSR. In Glendale, she worked as a paralegal specializing in political asylum cases. For over 20 years, she advocated for Armenian asylum seekers who traveled along extended routes of dislocation, fleeing the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990); the Iranian Revolution (1978–1979); the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988); the dissolution of the Soviet Union (1991); the subsequent collapse of Armenia’s economy (1992); and the Syrian Civil War (2011–present).
Theories circulate about why the diasporic community crystallized in Glendale. My mother would say it’s because the valley views approximate the mountainous topographies of Armenia. The valley, as she said, visually softens the losses of territorial dispossession.
2.
[A Selected Chronology of Recent Cultural Activity in Glendale, California.]
Fifty-three days before the Biennial opened, Glendale City Council voted to begin renaming a stretch of Maryland Avenue to “Artsakh Street.” My mother maintained an office on that block for a decade, holding court in smart black suit dresses at Urartu Cafe, where she would meet clients to fill out political asylum applications over delicate cups of Armenian coffee. My mother is gone two years but still lives in Glendale, among the residents who may not otherwise be in the city but for those afternoons on Artsakh.
Twenty-two days before the Biennial opened, the Glendale Tenants Union rallied with a coalition of renters in Los Angeles.
Eighteen days before the Biennial opened, Glendale City Council voted to approve the construction of a 59,800-square-foot Armenian-American Museum downtown.
Eighteen and nine days before the Biennial opened, two Armenian cultural workers contacted the Brand Art Center and The Pit curatorial team, respectively, to address the exhibition’s lack of cultural and racial diversity. The second, artist Gilda Davidian, described the biennial as a “colonizing” enterprise. She asked for the exhibition’s name to be changed or its scope to be broadened. The Pit explained that they never claimed to represent the diverse histories or cultures of Glendale and encouraged her to direct further queries to the Brand. Gilda called the Brand Exhibitions supervisor, but her call was never returned.
Thirteen days before the Biennial opened, 5,000 marched in Glendale in solidarity with protesters in Yerevan, who were organizing against the decade-long rule of president and then–prime minister Serzh Sargsyan and Armenia’s Republican Party. Their signs read, The Armenian Diaspora of Los Angeles Stands with Armenia.
Twelve days before the Biennial opened, residents gathered at Glendale City Hall to celebrate the success of Armenia’s velvet revolution and the possibility of Armenian self-determination. Yerevanian grocery stores reported champagne shortages.
Eleven days before the Biennial opened, tens of thousands gathered in Los Angeles to march for global recognition of the Armenian Genocide, for divestment from Turkey, for reparations and the repatriation of land, and for the 1.5 million lost in 1915. They held signs that read I Remember and I Demand.
Eight days before the Biennial opened at the Brand Art Center, the same venue closed the show Continuity and Rupture: An Armenian Family Odyssey. The photography exhibition charted the violent dislocation of the Dildilian family from Ottoman Turkey during the Genocide. The irony plainly speaks itself: one show documented the attempted erasure of a population; the next enacted a symbolic erasure, excising the visual traces of that population’s diasporic community.
1.
The Armenian diaspora resists monolithic cohesion. It encompasses, instead, manifold cultural identifications and discrete migratory trajectories. Racialization operates differently across these varied communities. In 1909, the US government refused the naturalization petitions of four Armenians on the basis that they were not “free white persons.” A court later ruled that the Armenians were “white by law” because they could be “readily adaptable to European standards.” In other words, they could convincingly perform whiteness. Legal scholar John Tehranian calls this “white performance as a proxy for white racial belonging.” As Tehranian notes, the juridical classification of whiteness doesn’t immunize against the experience of racial injustice. In the realm of daily encounter, bodies marked as Middle Eastern remain vulnerable.
In Glendale, this dynamic often manifests in volatile community response to Armenian-American political participation, which ranges from xenophobic epithets to death threats. In 1999, after Rafi Manoukian’s election to City Council, one resident dutifully attended the Council’s meetings every week to “tell Armenians to go back where they came from.” In 2016, when Ardy Kassakhian ran for the 43rd District Assembly, his campaign headquarters were evacuated after a caller phoned to say, “You fucking Armenian scum. You’re going to get your head flushed […] You are not safe in that office.”
2.
[A Selected Chronology of Recent Cultural Activity in Glendale, California, Continued]
Days before the Biennial opened, the City requested that the curators change the exhibition title. Multiple community members had voiced concern about a Glendale Biennial in a partially publicly funded space that omits 40 percent of Glendalians. Glendale Biennial was officially redacted from the title. All promotional materials and wall text for the exhibition were reprinted to reflect the change and read, simply, Vision Valley. No public acknowledgment, announcement, or apology was made.
The Pit continues, today, to use #theglendalebiennial to tag its social media posts. They assert their inalienable right to claim the city of Glendale over and against the protests of its residents.
Vision Valley, the curators contend, was never “an actual biennial.” Rather, the term “biennial” was deployed in a tongue-in-cheek fashion, a droll commentary on the art field and its blue-chip exhibitions. If The Glendale Biennial is mere jest, it’s a gag they are unwilling to relinquish, disregarding the City and community’s objections. If The Glendale Biennial is mere jest, it lampoons the art field’s exclusionary mechanisms while unapologetically excluding 40 percent of the city’s population. If The Glendale Biennial is mere jest, its comedic value lies in the suggestion that there could be an internationally legible cultural community in the formerly barren badlands of Glendale. The titles “New York Biennial” or “Paris Biennial” could not possibly conjure the same drollery. In other words, “Glendale Biennial” only works as a joke because the city’s perceived cultural deficit is the butt of that joke.
It did not, perhaps, occur to the curators that Glendale might be more than a joke to the tens of thousands who escaped genocide, civil wars, the collapse of a republic, and extreme economic deprivation to assemble a community here.
To be clear, it is not merely the word “biennial” that is at issue. Its absence does not authorize gathering 32 artists in a publicly funded municipal space, purporting to represent a geographic region, and subsequently excluding nearly half of that region’s population.
During the exhibition opening, two Armenian-American attendees approached the curators to inquire about the absence of Armenian artists. One, Ani Tatintsyan, is a filmmaker and artist who has lived in Glendale since 2001. The other, Araik Sinanyan, is a clinical researcher who recently graduated from Humboldt State University, where he founded the Armenian Student Association (ASA). They were told that the organizers didn’t reach out to any specific communities, but that all arts professionals in the area had been consulted. As with Gilda, they were encouraged to address further queries to representatives of the Brand Art Center.
This chronology attests to astonishing feats of selective vision. With unwavering conviction in the virtues of its exclusionary gaze, the exhibition proceeded apace.
One day after the exhibition opening, I received a note from a city representative writing on behalf of the mayor and Glendale City Council members. It stated that the Brand Art Center hopes that “in the future when they work with other curators, that the artistic representation be more inclusive.”
Today, only two discussion posts appear on Vision Valley’s social media event page. One reads: “A biennial about art in Glendale with no Armenian artists? hm.” The other, simply: “Armenian artists?”
1.
When The Pit calls for an exhibition of “contemporary fine artists,” it’s impossible to miss echoes of “the fine art of gentrification.” In an eponymous essay by Rosalyn Deutsche and Cara Gendel Ryan, the authors entreat the art field to recognize its role as a gentrifying agent — one that actively participates in “systematically destroying the material conditions for the survival” of neighborhoods and localities. This essay was written 24 years ago.
In 2017, as The Pit was conceiving of a Biennial to celebrate a newly formed art community of recent transplants, city residents established the Glendale Tenants Union. The formation of the Union responds to a state of economic violence and pervasive crisis in Glendale and across Los Angeles. Nearly two-thirds of Glendale’s 73,000 renters are classified as rent burdened, allocating more than 30 percent of their household income toward rent.
On the day of the Biennial opening, the Glendale Tenants Union (GTU) collected signatures for a proposed Community Stabilization and Fair Rent Act outside Jons Marketplace.
One GTU housing advocate, Hayk Makhmuryan, is an Armenian-American artist, community activist, and longtime resident of Glendale. He works as the program coordinator of the Studio 526 Arts Program in Downtown Los Angeles, providing studio and exhibition space to members of the Skid Row community. On the subject of Vision Valley being staged against the backdrop of Glendale’s recent transformations, he observes that economic injustice and cultural exclusion often work hand in hand. One systematically eliminates the material conditions necessary for a community to survive, the other eliminates the conditions necessary for a community to make its narratives visible.
2.
When they were asked about the curatorial process, the organizers said:
The criteria were simple: any contemporary fine artist who lives, works, or maintains a studio in Glendale would be considered. We had in-person discussions and sent emails […] asking for suggestions of contemporary artists who fit the criteria […] The resulting exhibition showcases some of the many contemporary artists who live or work in Glendale and whose work is part of a larger conversation around contemporary art in the region and beyond.
“Contemporary” appears four times in this paragraph. Its appearances suggest a temporal incompatibility between the present moment and the cultural activities of Armenian Americans. It’s difficult not to read its ubiquity as an injunction that no duduk players, khachkar carvers, or provincials need apply. The insistence on the “contemporary” as a stable category that explains the exclusion of diasporic artists frames Armenians as non-contemporary producers of non-art. It resurfaces Edward Said’s postcolonial commonplace: the other is a figure whose cultural products are frozen in amber, outside of time, suspended in the tense of the “timeless eternal.”
When they were asked which art spaces and professionals were consulted in the curatorial process, the organizers said they reached out to all galleries in the city. The owner of the Armenian Arts Gallery in Glendale, a venue that hosted the 2017 exhibition Los Angeles — Our Eyes, tells me he has never heard of, or from, a place called The Pit.
When they were asked why no Armenian visions were included in Vision Valley, the organizers said they “did not seek out any artist based on background, ethnicity, race or gender.” This implies a wholly bias-free curatorial process. It implies that when the organizers approached MOCA, the Hammer, LACMA, their friends, and their associates — and emerged with a majority white roster absent any Armenian Americans — they were not consulting a specific community, but rather a set of individuals regarded as the neutral, regulatory body of contemporary art practice.
When they were asked why there are no Armenian Americans in the exhibition by Araik Sinanyan, the organizers inquired whether he was an artist, coding “the artist” as a privileged category of citizenship requisite to civic participation. Araik wondered, “Why does it matter [if I’m an artist]? What if I’m just a community member who wants to be represented?”
When they were asked online why they continue to use the name “Glendale Biennial” on social media after agreeing with the City to remove the title, the organizers blocked the inquiring party.
When they were asked about the curatorial process, the organizers quoted a line from the press copy: Vision Valley does not turn on any “conceptual, political, or philosophical themes, […] [and] it does not claim to distill a particular trend, aesthetic, or idea.” The exhibition, they insist, is devoid of any specific conceptual, political, or philosophical content.
The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is the fine art of gentrification and its economic violence.
The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is whitewalling and its racialized exclusions.
The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is the refusal to ask: whose culture has capital?
The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is the practice of imputing a cultural deficit to a diasporic community.
The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is the use of a community’s fictive cultural deficit as the pretext for claiming ownership of a city, its histories, and its geographies.
The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is a vision of the valley that renders the people who live there invisible.
1.
The promotional imagery for Vision Valley features photographs of Glendale intersections from which you can see the mountains. They are bathed in hyper-saturated, technicolor magenta hues. These valley vistas are absent any human agents: a depopulated visual field from which the bodies of the city’s residents have been evacuated. A pink monochrome awaiting figurative content. They picture a place where nobody lives.
At the onset of my engagement with Vision Valley, I set out to write a standard exhibition review. I began thinking about my grandmother. About her 16-year performance of linguistic refusal. About the tactical repetition of the word “no.”
¤
Acknowledgments
I am grateful to the many interlocutors whose vision directly and indirectly informs this text: Sona Hakopian, Lida Khatchatrian, Danny Snelson, David Arzumanyan, Naira Harutyunyan, Gilda Davidian, Iggy Cortez, Patricia Kim, Meldia Yesayan, Jacob Halajian, Nathalie Halajian, and Hayk Makhmuryan.
¤
Mashinka Firunts Hakopian is a writer, artist, and PhD Candidate in the History of Art at the University of Pennsylvania. She lives in Los Angeles, where she teaches in the Department of English at UCLA.
¤
Feature Image: Gilda Davidian, Stones in Hand, from Say That You Are A Stone
Banner Image: Gilda Davidian, Photo Aram, Glendale, California, from Portrait Studio
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ACNIS reView #17, 2018: Андреас Гукасян – первая ласточка
Свободная платформа
11 МАЯ 2018
На
фоне праздничных событий по поводу выборов в НС и победы бархатной революции
произошло еще одно важное событие. На свободу был выпущен политзаключенный
Андреас Гукасян.
Есть
уверенность в том, что в скором будущем в Армении вообще не будет
политзаключенных. К сожалению, это дело так быстро не делается, потому что
нужно в корне менять полностью прогнившую судебную систему Армении, которая
около четверти века управлялась из одного кабинета и не была независимой. Сразу
после освобождения Андреас Гукасян 8 мая 2018 года дал интервью. Там он утверждает, что
"еще 13 июня (2016 года) движение "Вставай Армения" обратилось к
Генеральному секретарю ООН с письмом, что есть доказательства, чья сторона
нарушила режим прекращения огня во время Апрельской войны. Это была
азербайджанская сторона. На это время не было официального заявления – кто
напал 2 апреля. По сегодняшний день Ильхама Алиева не привлекли к
ответственности. По отношению ко мне уголовное преследование началось еще 20
июня 2016 года".
И
далее он говорит, что "мы опубликовали видеозапись, где видно, как
азербайджанские солдаты проникают в тыл армии обороны Арцаха. Мы подняли
вопрос: есть конкретная виновная сторона, чтобы это преступление не осталось
без последствий? Видим, что по сегодняшний день Армения и шага не сделала чтобы
привлечь Азербайджан к ответственности, это факт". Фактически именно в этом причина ареста
Андреаса Гукасяна.
Он
подтверждает мысль о том, что по той же причине сидит в тюрьме и герой
арцахской войны Жирайр Сефилян. Он, кстати, после апрельской войны прямо
обвинил Сержа Саргсяна в предательстве и продажности. Тема апрельской войны
2016 года подробно проанализирована АЦСНИ еще в конце 2017 года в работе
"Апрельская война и неадекватность внешней политики Армении" (Часть 1, Часть 2 и Часть 3). Там показано почему для Сержа Саргсяна
так опасен был и остается ролик, опубликованный Андреасом Гукасяном и посланный
Генеральному секретарю ООН. И совсем не по той причине, что он доказывает, что
Азербайджан начал первым нападение на Арцах. До сих пор нет ясного ответа на
вопрос − почему молчало политическое и военное руководство Армении и Арцаха,
почему Юрий Хачатуров вместо того, чтобы объявлять тревогу играл в бильярд,
почему армия находилась в плачевном техническом состоянии, которое стало явью только
после войны и многое другое. Истинные виновники произошедшего не только с
азербайджанской стороны, но и с нашей так и не были наказаны. В лучшем случае
некоторые чины были уволены из армии, а начальник Генерального штаба Юрий
Хачатуров даже получил повышение. Все свидетели произошедших два года назад
событий, слава Богу, живы и здоровы. Это верховный главнокомандующий Серж Саргсян, министр иностранных дел
Эдвард Налбандян, министр обороны РА Сейран Оганян, начальник Генерального
штаба Юрий Хачатуров, президент Арцаха Бако Саакян, министр обороны НКР Левон
Мнацаканян. Вызывают некоторые вопросы и деятельность в те дни депутата
парламента РА Миграна Погосяна. Нет сомнения, что когда-нибудь они дадут
свидетельские показания и общественность Армении и Арцаха узнает кто есть кто в
этом военном и политическом поражении в 2016 году. А пока, как и в случае
событий 1 марта, вопросы остаются. Есть надежда в том, что новое руководство
страны не спустит это дело на тормозах. Эти ответы актуальны, ибо они прямым образом
влияют на повышение боевого духа и обороноспособности нашей армии. По крайней
мере возбуждение уголовного дела по фактам апрельской войны по настоящее время
остается актуальным.
Карапет Каленчян
Horror fratricide in Yerevan
The investigative committee has launched criminal proceedings on the murder of a 61 year old man in Yerevan. The suspected killer, the victim’s brother, has been arrested, the committee said.
The body of the 61 year old was discovered around midnight May 9 in a park. The body had multiple traumas and wounds to the head.
The investigation quickly revealed the suspect – a 52 year old man – who is the younger brother of the victim. Police ruled that the killer used an axe to murder his brother.
The murder weapon has been found.
The investigation is still ongoing.
Sports: Match-fixing scandal in Armenian football – Ararat Harutyunyan disqualified for life
YEREVAN, MAY 5, ARMENPRESS. The disciplinary committee of the Football Federation of Armenia convened a regular session on May 5 to discuss the application of BANANTS football club in connection with match-fixing deal. The committee decided to disqualify SHIARK club coach Ararat Harutyunyan for life, fine the club and reduce 12 points from SHIRAK.
SHIRAK-BANANTS match ended 2:0 on May 5.
English –translator/editor:Tigran Sirekanyan
Eurovision: Lisbon Bound: Opening today’s rehearsals with Armenia, Switzerland and Ireland
ay 6 of rehearsals are here at the Lisbon venue, in which artists will continue to enter the stage for either their first or second rehearsals for the 2018 Eurovision Song Contest. Starting with second rehearsals and moving on to the automatic finalists first rehearsals, today is set to be a busy day at the Altice Arena!
Today we move on to the sixth day of rehearsals at the Altice Arena, in which artists from a total of 15 countries will take to the stage for a mix of first and second rehearsals.
Finishing off the first semi-finalists second rehearsals, today we will see the first 5 artists of the second semi-final taking to the stage for their second rehearsals, later to be joined by the acts from the ‘Big 5’ nations as well as Portugal for their first rehearsals of the competition.
First up onstage today is Sevak Khanagyan from Armenia, who is set to compete in the first semi-final of the 2018 Eurovision Song Contest next Tuesday with his entry Qami. Check out the first official footage of the day with Armenia’s second rehearsal.
ay 6 of rehearsals are here at the Lisbon venue, in which artists will continue to enter the stage for either their first or second rehearsals for the 2018 Eurovision Song Contest. Starting with second rehearsals and moving on to the automatic finalists first rehearsals, today is set to be a busy day at the Altice Arena!