Azerbaijan accused of preparing genocide in Nagorno-Karabakh; UN experts call for end to blockade

MEDYA NEWS
Aug 13 2023

Azerbaijan has been accused of preparing genocide against Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, according to a report by the former chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno Ocampo.

The report highlights that the blockade of the Lachin Corridor, the only route connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, has severely hindered the supply of food, medicine, and essential goods to the region’s population of approximately 120,000.

Ocampo’s report states, “There is a reasonable basis to believe that a genocide is being committed,” noting that a UN convention defines genocide as including “deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction”. The report also warns, “Starvation is the invisible genocide weapon. Without immediate dramatic change, this group of Armenians will be destroyed in a few weeks.”

A group of UN experts has called on Azerbaijan to lift the blockade in the Lachin Corridor and end the humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh. The experts, including the Special Rapporteurs on the Right to Food and the Right to Education, the Independent Expert on the Enjoyment of All Human Rights by Older Persons; and the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, emphasised the urgent need for free and safe movement of people, vehicles and goods in the Lachin Corridor, in accordance with the November 2020 ceasefire agreement. They also stressed the importance of respecting and protecting human rights, including the rights to food, health, education and life, and called for cooperation and dialogue among all parties to find a peaceful and sustainable solution to the Nagorno-Karabağ conflict.

Azerbaijan’s blockade of the Lachin Corridor has created a severe humanitarian crisis, leading to serious shortages of essential items, particularly affecting children, disabled individuals, the elderly, pregnant women, and invalids. Medical stocks are rapidly depleting, and hospitals are struggling to operate ambulances due to reduced fuel supply.

A government representative in Azerbaijan dismissed the report from Ocampo, the first prosecutor of the ICC, saying it “contains unsubstantiated allegations and accusations”. Hikmet Hajiyev, an assistant to Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev, told The Associated Press, “It is biased and distorts the real situation on the ground and represents serious factual, legal and substantive errors”.

Meanwhile, approximately 360 tonnes of medicine and food loaded on 19 lorries have been waiting for more than two weeks to cross the Azerbaijan border.

Vardan Sargsyan, a representative of a crisis management working group for Nagorno-Karabakh set up by the Armenian government, told the Associated Press, “Unfortunately, there have been many attempts from the Azerbaijani side to manipulate this situation. We just hope that this humanitarian initiative will be accepted as humanitarian and that it will be possible to transfer the goods.”

Asbarez: Schiff Urges Biden Administration to Take Action in Artsakh

Rep. Adam Schiff speaks at a protest in Washington demanding the immediate lifting of Azerbaijan's blockade of Artsakh in February

Representative Adam Schiff on Monday issued a statement in support of the people of Artsakh and urged the Biden Administration “to take action to protect the people of Artsakh and their right to self-determination.”

For decades, Schiff has been a vocal advocate of the rights of the people of Artsakh and in April introduced a resolution calling for the recognition of Artsakh’s self-determination and independence.

Below is the text of Schiff’s statement.

From the day the blockade of the Lachin Corridor began, I, alongside my colleagues in Congress and Armenians around the country, have urged the White House, the State Department, and USAID, to take action to protect the people of Artsakh and their right to self-determination.

With Azerbaijan’s refusal to allow the International Committee of the Red Cross to deliver lifesaving humanitarian aid in, and transport patients requiring urgent medical attention out of Artsakh, the need for the international community to take action and find a lasting solution to the conflict grows with each passing day. I’ve persistently called for Azerbaijan to lift the blockade and allow humanitarian aid to move freely via the Lachin Corridor, and I have urged President Biden to take immediate action to address the dire situation in Artsakh.

From condemning ceasefire violations, advocating for the release of Armenian prisoners of war, to calling for sanctions and accountability for Azerbaijan, I’ve always been steadfast in my commitment to ensuring the protection of fundamental rights for the people of Artsakh.

As a Co-Chair of the Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues, I’ve also advocated for international action to end this crisis peacefully. If we truly stand for democracy and human rights, we must recognize the independence of the Republic of Artsakh and oppose the ethnic cleansing and threats of genocide faced by the Armenian community in their ancestral homeland.

By using all tools at our disposal, including pushing for U.S. humanitarian aid to Artsakh, cutting off military and other assistance to Azerbaijan, and imposing sanctions on those responsible for this crisis, we can ensure Artsakh’s safety now and in the future.

I will be with you every step of the way and will always stand with the people of Armenia and Artsakh.

Nagorno-Karabakh aid convoy held at Lachin Corridor

July 27 2023
 27 July 2023

A convoy of lorries loaded with aid is stuck at the entrance to the Lachin Corridor, with Azerbaijani border guards so far refusing to allow it to enter Nagorno-Karabakh.

The convoy was arranged by the Armenian Government, which says it consists of around 400 tonnes of food and other essential supplies. Late on Wednesday, the convoy passed the Armenian checkpoint on the border but was prevented from proceeding further. 

The convoy comes in response to a growing humanitarian crisis among Nagorno-Karabakh’s 120,000 residents, who have been cut off from outside food and medical supplies since mid-June. 

Azerbaijan’s State Border Service condemned the convoy before it left Yerevan on Wednesday, labelling it a ‘provocation’ and warning Armenia against ‘aggravating the situation’. 

The Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry said that Armenia not agreeing with the Azerbaijani Government before dispatching the convoy represented ‘an attack on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Azerbaijan, and is another provocation against the Lachin border checkpoint’. 

They also accused Armenia of ‘not being sincere’ in the peace process and of carrying out an ‘aggressive policy’. 

Responding on Thursday morning, Armenian PM Nikol Pashinyan said that if Azerbaijan did not allow the convoy to pass, this would ‘only prove Baku’s genocidal intention in Nagorno-Karabakh’.

‘Isn’t it because the real goal of Azerbaijan is to starve the people of Nagorno-Karabakh, to subject them to genocide?’, he asked.  

Pashinyan emphasised that the convoy was solely humanitarian and said the government was awaiting a ‘positive response’ from both Baku and the Russian peacekeeping mission in Nagorno-Karabakh to ensure the supplies reached their destination. 

He added that allowing the aid to enter the region would be a ‘positive step’ towards peace. 

In their statement on Wednesday, the Azerbaijani foreign ministry dismissed reports of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh as ‘political blackmail’. They insisted that an alternative route to bring supplies into Nagorno-Karabakh, from Aghdam in Azerbaijani-government controlled territory, could be used. They said that the European Union and Red Cross backed the use of Aghdam Road.

The ceasefire agreement that brought an end to the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in November 2020 stipulated that the Lachin Corridor should remain open under the control of the Russian peacekeeping mission. However, since December 2022, Azerbaijan has limited traffic along the route, at times entirely, first with government-backed ‘eco protesters’ and then with the creation of a border checkpoint in April.

Following a meeting with the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan on 15 July, EU Council President Charles Michel appeared to back the use of the Aghdam road while also insisting that the Lachin Corridor should remain open.

‘I emphasised the need to open Lachin road. I also noted Azerbaijan’s willingness to provide humanitarian supplies via Aghdam’, his statement said. 

Michel’s statement was met with criticism in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh, with local civil society organisations calling for the EU not to legitimise the blockade of the Lachin Corridor. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said he did not have a mandate to discuss the proposal, implying that such questions should be discussed directly with the authorities in Nagorno-Karabakh.

On Wednesday, EU High Representative Josep Borrell reiterated the EU’s position. He said the bloc ‘took note of the expressed readiness of the Azerbaijani authorities to also supply goods via the city of Aghdam’ but insisted ‘this should not be seen as an alternative to the reopening of the Lachin corridor’.

‘The EU also notes that ICRC activities in the region have been heavily impacted and calls for their full resumption, including medical evacuations and humanitarian supplies. The EU stresses that humanitarian access must not be politicised by any actors’, Borrell said. 

‘It is incumbent on the Azerbaijani authorities to guarantee safety and freedom of movement along the Lachin Corridor imminently and not to permit the crisis to escalate further’, he added.

The Red Cross has expressed a readiness to use the Aghdam road to deliver aid to the region’s population, but said on Tuesday that they had not received permission to do so, without mentioning which side was withholding permission. 

While still being able to transfer some patients requiring urgent medical needs to Armenia, the Red Cross has said they have been prevented from delivering medicine to the region.

Shortages of medical and hygiene supplies have been widely reported in Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as the dwindling fuel supplies affecting the operation of ambulances.

 For ease of reading, we choose not to use qualifiers such as ‘de facto’, ‘unrecognised’, or ‘partially recognised’ when discussing institutions or political positions within Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and South Ossetia. This does not imply a position on their status.


What can the Diaspora do to improve the economy of Armenia?

The question posed in the title of this article is important because the wealth created from a strong economy is vital for the well-being and prosperity for any nation, particularly for its defense and security. Security is the paramount concern for Armenia, and wealth is a necessary but not sufficient condition for assuring it. The issue of security and defense is complex and separate from this discussion. 

By “economy,” I mean the word in its simplest sense, which is the creation of wealth in an open market-based system because that is what Armenia’s economy is trending toward. 

There are probably as many ideas, opinions, measures and wish lists that can answer the question of the Diaspora’s role in assisting Armenia’s economy as there are Diasporans arriving at Zvartnots International Airport. Many of these solutions may include the use of capital in the form of investment or charity applied directly by the holder of the capital or indirectly through a third person or organization. Another resource which is abundant in the Diaspora is human capital in the form of knowledge and expertise which may still be in short supply in Armenia, though that gap is narrowing. These are simple and obvious solutions readily available in an introductory macroeconomics course. It is also fair to say that the Diaspora has seemingly been generous with both resources for the past three decades. 

If this is so simple, why is the Armenian economy still so small and weak. There are multiple metrics which can readily attest to this, but the most painful, and perhaps the one that energizes Diasporans most (notably those who visit Armenia), is the high rate of poverty. 

Following are some thoughts and answers to the question of what the Diaspora can do to improve the economy of Armenia.

We may be overestimating the Diaspora’s capacity to make a transformational difference like the one brought about by the massive repatriation following World War II. The resources in the Diaspora may be vast, but what counts is whether they are available. The most striking evidence of stinginess is the trivial amount that was raised in the Diaspora during the 44-day war, which was nothing short of an existential threat. An estimated total of $180 million was raised. This represents less than one-percent of Armenia’s GDP, which is approaching $20 billion and growing nicely, but still very small and impoverished on a per capita basis. The estimates for the number of Armenians in the United States varies, but the U.S. Census captures about 500,000. With low estimates and U.S. GDP per capita of about $70,000 (though for Armenians it’s surely higher), approximately $35 billion of income is created annually by these self-identified Armenians. These very rough but conservative estimates answer both questions. There is enormous potential but it’s not available.

Why is the Diaspora unwilling to part with its capital, even at a time of crisis? The answer is complicated, but one reason that comes to mind immediately is the question of corruption or trust—a fair and important question worthy of deep discussion. But the fact remains that capital flow from the Diaspora is nothing more than a trickle. 

Human capital in the form of knowledge and expertise is a much softer resource and far more difficult to quantify, both in terms of investment and return. Arguably, such investment in the form of Diaspora assistance was more valuable in the immediate aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Thanks to a vast network of training, education, experience and simple Armenian entrepreneurship, the gap between home grown talent and that from abroad has narrowed significantly, particularly in Science, Technology, Engineering and Math (STEM). The role of women in this realm is enormous, and in many ways, offsets the demographic trends and the ever-present brain drain. Despite these advances, the value of Diasporan human capital should not be underestimated. 

Although this personal experience is from three decades ago, it still illustrates the point. When the U.S. Department of Treasury sent me to Armenia in 1995 to advise the country on establishing a Treasury debt program, I arrived with little knowledge of the inner workings of a Central Bank, a Ministry of Finance, or a Treasury, which Armenia did not yet have. Even mid-level officials of the Central Bank could run circles around me when it came to the quantitative fine points of central banking. I was a seasoned analyst at a major Wall Street bond rating agency and not a banker. Within four months of my arrival, we issued our first series of Armenian Treasury (Government) Bonds. We had no Treasury but did have a well-functioning government; hence the term in the parentheses to make the securities legal and enforceable. They were 28-day discount bonds sold through an auction held at the Central Bank. As such, the interest yield on the bonds was the difference between the bid price of the purchaser and the par value of the bond. The auction was oversubscribed; as such, we could place the entire series. But the effective interest was about 45-percent. The Minister of Finance, who had the authority to reject all the bids, was appalled with the results and was seriously considering nullifying the entire auction. This would have been catastrophic. It would send exactly the wrong message to the market, since in banking trust and predictability are indispensable. The network of bankers would never again trust the system and the government’s credibility would take years to recover. Convincing the minister to accept the bids was perhaps my most important contribution in my two-and-a-half years of service, even though it was not based on my technical expertise but on more of a banking “cultural” experience. The fact that the most recent Russian auction at the time had yields twice as high also helped my case. In the following months, the interest rates continued a steady decline, and Armenia went on to have a highly successful Treasury Bond program. This is a simple but instructive example of how the Diaspora can contribute in simple ways that can make a huge difference in the long run. 

So, with these vast resources, why is the Diaspora not making a larger contribution to the Armenian economy? As an observer, I believe that the relationship is dysfunctional and both sides are to blame. But, based on my purely anecdotal experience and observation, there is fundamental disagreement on approach and a lack of understanding of one another. For too many Diasporans with good intentions, the fault lies in being oblivious to the ever-changing investment climate in Armenia and lacking the humility needed to learn and adapt.

Too often we view our investment as charity and expect it to be accepted with infinite gratitude and no push-back. We expect results in record time without being willing to make a long-term commitment. The ignorant sense of superiority without any regard to the sensibilities and pride of the native population dooms many projects before they start.

None of this is to disparage the countless Diasporans who have made enormous sacrifices for decades and have made notable contributions to the economy with their financial and human capital. I’m only suggesting that the success rate would have been much higher but for these shortcomings. And the success stories are usually the results of efforts which avoided the aforementioned pitfalls, as the two examples that follow will suggest.

Armenia also has a great responsibility to shoulder in the general failure to attract more lasting and meaningful investment from the Diaspora. Its most benign failure is the lack of capacity to absorb the proposed investment or assistance. Sometimes an investment just does not fit for all sorts of reasons, and it falls by the wayside. But too often the Diaspora is viewed as an ATM. The expectation is to bring as much capital as possible and simply spend it without asking any questions or expecting anything in return. The privilege of simply being in Armenia is deemed sufficient reward, and any reasonable expectation of accountability is met with scorn. The shortcomings of the Diaspora previously mentioned are overstated, and too often good opportunities are dismissed, even if there was real benefit to be reaped. 

By all accounts, in the Diaspora or locally, corruption has been the single most damaging force to obstruct investment, foreign or domestic. Two points can be readily made. Corruption is a common problem throughout the developing world, but in Armenia the current government has done a decent job in reducing it with tangible results. But as they say, perception is reality, and, still too often, reality is reality. Corruption in some form or another persists. But just as damaging is the perception of corruption, which also persists because transparency is still in short supply, and legal and judicial reform continue to lag other reforms.    

All is not lost. There is a great deal that the Diaspora can do for the benefit of the Armenian economy. And a strong economy is vital for meeting all sorts of national needs, including a meaningful national defense. But what is the most effective path, in terms of efficiency and outcomes? The theoretical answer is the path that avoids, overcomes and navigates the pitfalls discussed above. 

To answer the question more specifically, and with the discussion above, the optimal path is direct private investment and perseverance.

Fortunately, we have been at this for thirty years and have the benefit of some real data. Following are two notable examples which share common characteristics. These entrepreneurs made a large direct private investment in Armenia years ago with a long-term commitment and have the results to show for it. They do not view their work as charity but as business investment. They are sensitive to cultural differences. They do not take obstacles, even irrational ones, personally but view them as a course of doing business. They are also tenacious and patient. They employ hundreds with good, living wages and pay their share of taxes. 

Digital Pomegranate is a software development company located in Gyumri. Its founder and CEO is Todd Fabacher, a Louisianian married to an Armenian, who saw opportunities in Gyumri a decade ago when no one else did. Now, his company is the largest private employer in Gyumri with more than 100 high-paying jobs. Digital Pomegranate’s applications have a global reach, which has put the city on the map. Fabacher rejects the notion of investing for any reason other than meaningful return on investment. He chose Gyumri over Yerevan because of the lower cost of operating. According to Fabacher, Yerevan is quickly losing its competitiveness in many IT sectors due to rising costs (perhaps a sign of growing economy), and in the long run he believes only some clusters like chip design will maintain their advantage because of their size and entrenchment. He sees the lower cost of living in Gyumri as an opportunity to attract talent to fuel his growth plans. As a true entrepreneur, he speaks about all the difficulties which he has encountered over the years as opportunities on which to capitalize.    

Tufenkian Hospitality LLC Is the holding company for Tufenkian Heritage Hotels in Armenia. The chain of unique hotels is currently its founder James Tufenkian’s most recognizable endeavor in Armenia. Tufenkian was one of the first Diasporan investors in Armenia. His enormous capital commitment is matched only by his tenacity and unwavering dedication to the growth of the Armenian economy, from both the actual enterprises that bear his name and the ancillary benefits of his long-term presence in Armenia, such is being an example of excellence and developing expertise for the entire hospitality industry in Armenia. Tufenkian is perhaps best known, especially in the West for his unique artisan carpets, which was also his initial foray into the business world of Armenia; but his adaptability and commitment have allowed him to recognize and capitalize on emerging opportunities. Tufenkian’s companies now offer more than 300 well-paying jobs, and the company is among the largest corporate taxpayers in the country.

These are just two of the many private companies who are making measurable contributions to the economy, one representing the increasingly important tech industry and the other, the hospitality industry. The former represents the highest value addition to the economy on a per capita basis, and the latter, though not as high a value, contributes heavily to the brand of the country, whose indirect benefit to the economy is no less important.   

But what about smaller investors who lack the means for such bold interventions? For that, I have proposed and presented to the government of Armenia a plan which would allow smaller investors to invest in a fund with the purchase of securities. With these proceeds, the fund would extend loans to small Armenian enterprises which would otherwise be priced out of the capital markets. With the plan, Armenian companies would be able to borrow in Armenian drams at hard currency interest rates, which are typically several hundred basis points lower than domestic currency rates because of currency risk. But in this scenario, all the currency risk is shifted to the Diaspora investors, as they are required to make their investment in the fund in Armenian drams, and they are repaid, principal and interest, also in Armenian drams. In many ways, this plan is a substitute for the much-discussed Diaspora bonds, which may not be feasible for Armenia. There is only one example of a successful Diaspora bond program, and that is Israel’s. But that program has many unique features which are difficult to duplicate, most notably the United States guarantee for those bonds, which requires an Act of Congress.  

To conclude, the Armenian Diaspora has great potential to help grow the Armenian economy. But the Diaspora’s financial wealth and human capital have been largely unavailable or unproductive in making a difference relative to its potential. We should certainly analyze and think of ways to improve the existing paths and come up with new ones. But as things stand, direct private investment seems to be the most effective path.

Kevork Khrimian was born in Yerevan, Soviet Armenia in 1960 of parents who had repatriated there from Lebanon and Egypt. He attended Hagop Baronian School No. 59 in the Nor Zeytoun section of Yerevan through the fourth grade. The Khrimians emigrated to the US in 1971, and Kevork completed his primary and secondary education in the New York City public school system. He received his undergraduate degree from the State University of New York at Buffalo where he studied engineering and economics, followed immediately with a master’s degree in 1986 from Carnegie-Mellon University in finance and decision analysis. After a brief stint in the New York City government, Khrimian spent almost his entire professional career at Moody’s Investors Service as a vice president and senior analyst. While at Moody’s, in 1995 Kevork assumed a temporary assignment with the United States Department of Treasury to serve as an advisor to the government of Armenia and helped establish the Armenian Treasury Bond system. Since retiring from Moody’s, Khrimian is involved in numerous projects in Armenia and New York, one of which is serving on the working group for potential Armenian Diaspora Bonds.


Erdogan’s foul play: Turkey is teaming up with Azerbaijan to punish Armenia

  Monday,

As President Recep Tayyip Erdogan begins his third decade in power, he has solidified his place as Turkey’s second-most consequential leader after Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who founded the republic a century ago.

With the opposition disempowered if not in disarray, Mr. Erdogan now seeks to fulfill his lifelong ambition: the complete and permanent reversal of Ataturk’s legacy of modern reforms.

American and European officials who believe, with the election in the rearview mirror, that they can return to business as usual with Turkey are dangerously mistaken. The issues that concern Mr. Erdogan most are neither interest rates at home nor Swedish NATO accession abroad, but rather laying the groundwork for the renewal of an Islamic state if not formal caliphate.

Just as Russian President Vladimir Putin considers the downfall of the Soviet Union the 20th century’s greatest “geopolitical catastrophe,” Mr. Erdogan believes it was the Ottoman Empire’s collapse.

None of this is idle speculation. Mr. Erdogan has said exactly what he wants.

He has described himself as the “imam of Istanbul” and as “servant of Sharia.” He declared that his goal is “to raise a religious generation.” He has described Turkish forces invading Syria as the “Army of Muhammad.” The reconversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque did not occur in isolation.

The latest foul play by Mr. Erdogan involves Armenia, the world’s oldest Christian nation. As Mr. Erdogan seeks to extend the reach of the Turkic and Islamic world from Turkey’s border with Greece and Bulgaria to China, Armenia, a country just slightly larger than Maryland, stands in his way.

Today, Mr. Erdogan believes he has found his moment to reverse this geopolitical inconvenience. The Turks tried more than a century ago, wiping away more than a million Armenians in a genocide Adolf Hitler cited as an inspiration for the Holocaust.

Armenians say it was no coincidence that Turkey’s chief ally, Azerbaijan, used Turkish-piloted, U.S.-provided F-16s while operating alongside Turkish special forces to launch a surprise attack in September 2020 on the Armenian-populated enclave Nagorno-Karabakh.

The attack came on the 100th anniversary of the Ottoman invasion of newly independent Armenia.

That the two countries act in conjunction is no surprise. Both leaders often describe their relationship as “one nation, two states.” Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev today is to Mr. Erdogan what Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko is to Mr. Putin. Mr. Aliyev is essentially Mr. Erdogan’s Mini-Me.

Today, Russia plays a cynical game. Traditionally, it guaranteed Armenia’s security. But in 2018, Armenia committed what Mr. Putin considers an unforgivable sin: choosing democracy. Today, Mr. Putin sides with Messrs. Erdogan and Aliyev to punish Armenia’s transgression.

The situation now comes to a head. As the Biden administration seeks to negotiate peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia, Mr. Aliyev demands the 120,000 Christians of Nagorno-Karabakh become sacrificial lambs.

Azerbaijan has blocked the Lachin Corridor that allows the free flow of aid and people in and out of the Christian enclave. Russia had been the guarantor, but now it looks away.

Messrs. Erdogan and Aliyev are sophisticated. Genocide occurs best in the dark, so he bans journalists and diplomats from Nagorno-Karabakh, so that his propaganda need not confront truth.

After the Holocaust, the world said, “Never again.” Fifty years later, after the slaughter of Bosnian Muslims at Srebrenica despite supposed international protection, diplomats swore again, “Never again.”

Today, Nagorno-Karabakh’s regional capital, Stepanakert, is becoming the new Srebrenica. The region’s Christians need action, not empty rhetoric.

The Biden administration seeks to broker peace, but lasting peace rests on values. If democracy will triumph and Nagorno-Karabakh Christians are to survive on land they have lived on for millenniums, the West needs more than words.

https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2023/jul/17/erdogans-foul-play-turkey-is-teaming-up-with-azerb/

Fortunately, Congress already has the necessary policy arrows in its quiver.

Rather than look the other way or waive Section 907 restrictions on providing Azerbaijan military equipment it uses against Armenians, it is time to stop subsidizing slaughter. Azerbaijan’s promises to help Ukraine are as irrelevant as they are cynical.

Like Turkey, Azerbaijan plays both sides of the issue and today serves as a hub for Russian gas exports.

The Safeguarding Humanitarian Corridors Act has no waiver. If Azerbaijan blocks U.S. humanitarian assistance, it must face severe sanctions. Azerbaijan is also ripe for Magnitsky Act sanctions, including those that enable corruption or bless human rights violations.

To act against Azerbaijan but ignore Turkey is akin to treating the symptom but ignoring the disease. It is time to declare Mr. Erdogan’s ambition as incompatible with Western democracy and cooperation. If Lachin remains closed, Turkish steel and aluminum should face American tariffs.

The U.S. presence at Turkey’s Incirlik Air Base should not be a “get out of jail free” card for Mr. Erdogan. Alternatives exist in Romania and Greece. It is time to pull the plug on Incirlik.

Most importantly, the United States must focus on the forest and not the trees. Religious freedom and democracy are not chits to negotiate away to win an agreement that will not last a month.

Standing on principle is not diplomatic inconvenience; sometimes, it is the wisest diplomacy of all.

• Sam Brownback is a former U.S. senator, governor, and ambassador at large for International Religious Freedom. Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.


Rally in Artsakh demands action to end humanitarian blockade

First day of the nationwide movement for Artsakh, Renaissance Square, Stepanakert, July 14, 2023 (Photo: Siranush Sargsyan)

STEPANAKERT, Artsakh—On Friday, July 14, thousands gathered for a rally in Renaissance Square in Stepanakert, demanding the unblocking of the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor.

The seven-month blockade of Artsakh, including a total blockade since June 15, has brought its population of 120,000 to the brink of disaster.

In his speech during the rally, Artsakh Human Rights Defender Gegham Stepanyan addressed the international community, calling on all global actors to raise the alarm for the existential threats hanging over our people.

“Being under siege and completely cut off from humanitarian access since June 15, our people are facing undeniable threats of malnutrition, hunger, ethnic cleansing openly carried out by Azerbaijan, forced subjugation and genocide,” he stated.

“How can I look into the eyes of thousands of people standing in queues, waiting for hours to obtain a handful of sugar or oil? And, ultimately, how can I face the eyes of a bereaved mother who sacrificed her most precious possession for this land? She looks at me with terrified eyes, fearing that she will lose the last remaining sanctity in her life, her son’s grave. We cannot allow Artsakh to become an altar where the lives of our compatriots and children are sacrificed,” he continued.

Pictured l. to r.: Artsakh Human Rights Defender Gegham Stepanyan, a mother of three in Artsakh Mariam Abrahamyan, a deputy of the ICRC Stepanakert office and Eteri Musayelyan, communication officer at the ICRC Artsakh office (Photo: Siranush Sargsyan)

State Minister Gurgen Nersisyan said that we will never make our children’s lives a bargaining chip, emphasizing that any concession comes at their cost.

Artsakh President Arayik Harutyunyan, members of the executive and legislative bodies, and former State Minister Ruben Vardanyan also participated in the rally. 

The protesters, accompanied by State Minister Nersisyan and Human Rights Defender Stepanyan, marched from Renaissance Square to the office of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). In their speeches, both Nersisyan and Stepanyan expressed appreciation for the work done by the ICRC but emphasized that it is insufficient. Stepanyan said that the Red Cross should raise the alarm and provide daily updates to international actors about the catastrophic situation in Artsakh.

Eteri Musayelyan, communication officer at the ICRC Artsakh office, mentioned that the protest requests will be forwarded to the organization’s offices in Yerevan and Geneva.

A young girl from Artsakh desperately chants, “Haiastan,” with her fellow demonstrators at the Russian peacekeepers’ base (Photo: Siranush Sargsyan) Ashot Sargsyan, left, during the march (Photo: Siranush Sargsyan)

Demonstrators marched from the Red Cross office to the base of the Russian peacekeeping mission. Ashot Sargsyan, 65, said that their objective is to convey to the Russian peacekeepers and other international actors that Artsakh cannot become a part of Azerbaijan. “Azeris have demonstrated through their actions that this is an impossibility, and the only outcome awaiting us is ethnic cleansing within Azerbaijan,” Sargsyan told the Weekly

“When thousands of people, including disabled women, men and children, gather and march for kilometers under the scorching sun, the resilience and energy displayed cannot go unrewarded. We are confident that this struggle will ultimately succeed,” he added.

Alyona Grigoryan, a 36-year-old mother of two children and expecting her third child, emphasized that her pregnancy did not prevent her from joining the march. “There are thousands of Artsakh mothers in my position, and we must struggle first of all for women in similar circumstances, because this country needs a healthy generation,” she said.

Alyona Grigoryan with her husband David (Photo: Siranush Sargsyan)

“Like all the people of Artsakh, I am fighting for my rights, the rights of my children and the rights of my unborn child. My hope lies with our soldiers standing at the border and my fellow countrymen. However, we have demands from the Russian peacekeepers to fulfill their obligations as stipulated in the 2020 tripartite agreement,” she continued. 

With a mixture of pain and determination, she added, “Nothing is lost as long as we continue to breathe. We must keep fighting.”

After reaching the base of the Russian peacekeepers, the rally participants conducted a peaceful demonstration, demanding the lifting of the blockade. During his speech, the State Minister referred to the points outlined in the 2020 tripartite declaration and emphasized that the consequences of its failure should not be borne by the people of Artsakh. Subsequently, Nersisyan, together with the Minister of Internal Affairs Karen Sargsyan and the head of the “Azat Hayrenik-UCA” faction of the National Assembly Artur Harutyunyan, held a meeting with the commander of the Russian peacekeeping force Alexander Lentsov.

Following the meeting, Nersisyan announced that an agreement was reached with the peacekeeping troops’ commander to provide daily reports on the situation in Artsakh to Russia. According to the Nersisyan, the command of the peacekeeping mission acknowledges the violation of the provisions stated in the 2020 tripartite declaration.

Artsakh President Harutyunyan has sent letters to the heads of all UN Security Council member countries, the UN Secretary-General, the OSCE Chairman-in-Office, the President of the European Council, the Secretary-General of the Council of Europe, as well as the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia. The purpose of these letters is to demand urgent measures in accordance with international obligations and effective steps to halt the illegal and complete blockade of Artsakh conducted by Azerbaijan. Additionally, they call for an end to systematic mass crimes and terrorism against the people of Artsakh.

In the letters, Harutyunyan underlined the disastrous measures implemented by Azerbaijan over the course of the past seven months. “I, as the President of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), on behalf of the government and people of Artsakh, urgently alert the international community to the security and humanitarian crisis that is rapidly unfolding and transforming into a catastrophe,” Harutyunyan said. 

People from the regions of Artsakh were unable to join their fellow compatriots in Stepanakert’s Renaissance Square due to fuel shortages, yet they are united in the pan-popular movement.

At the end of the Friday rally, dozens of tents were set up in Renaissance Square in Stepanakert to accommodate the participants of the indefinite movement. According to one of the participants, these tents serve as civilian trenches, emphasizing that if our soldiers are guarding the border, we also must fight from here. 

The second day of the movement for Artsakh was held in the square on July 15, where the people continued to express their demands and to demonstrate their unstoppable spirit.

Nationwide movement for Artsakh, Renaissance Square, Stepanakert, July 15, 2023 (Photo: Siranush Sargsyan)

Siranush Sargsyan is a freelance journalist based in Stepanakert.


Yerevan Urges UN Security Council to Compel Baku to Implement Court Order

The International Court of Justice on Feb. 22


Armenia’s Foreign Ministry on Tuesday urged the United Nations Security Council to take steps to compel Azerbaijan to implement a ruling by the International Court of Justice ordering Baku to ensure the “unimpeded movement” along the Lachin Corridor.

Official Yerevan also welcomed the ICJ’s reaffirmation of its earlier ruling last week.

“It is important to highlight that the Court considered that ‘the tenuous situation between the Parties confirms the need for effective implementation’ of that Order, which was taken to prevent an imminent risk of irreparable harm to ethnic Armenians’ rights under the CERD and which has been and is still being intentionally disregarded by Azerbaijan,” the Foreign Ministry said in its statement.

“Thus, the 6 July 2023 Order of the Court reaffirms Azerbaijan’s international legal obligation to take all measures at its disposal to ensure unimpeded movement of persons, vehicles and cargo along the Lachin Corridor in both directions, and therefore to immediately cease the operation of its checkpoint, as it unquestionably impedes the rights under the CERD of Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh,” it added.

The Foreign Ministry stressed that the July 6 Order of the Court once again proves that Azerbaijan’s assertions of its compliance with the February 22 order “were false and manipulative.”

The Ministry called on other international actors, and the UN Security Council in particular, to take all steps to ensure the immediate and effective implementation of the Court’s Order by Azerbaijan.

We Remember Dr. Richard Hovannisian, 90, an Esteemed Historian and Chronicler of the Armenian Genocide

Wed, 07/12/2023 – 12:10pm

The USC Shoah Foundation mourns the passing of our friend Dr. Richard Gable Hovannisian, a scholar who devoted his life to chronicling the 1915 Armenian Genocide and donated the more than 1,000 survivor and witness testimonies he amassed to the USC Shoah Foundation. He was 90.

Born to Armenian Genocide survivors in Tulare, California, in 1932, Dr. Hovannisian was initially discouraged from learning his parents’ language and knew little about Armenian history.

After receiving a B.A. in History from UC Berkeley and an M.A. and Ph.D. from UCLA, Dr. Hovannisian joined the UCLA faculty in 1962 and later—inspired by his travels to the Middle East—founded the university’s first Armenian history programs.

In 1969 he created the UCLA Armenian Genocide Oral History Project, an initiative for his students to record and transcribe audio interviews with Armenian Genocide survivors, primarily in the Los Angeles area. Over the next 50 years, Dr. Hovannisian and his students amassed more than 1,000 testimonies in what is believed to be the largest collection of its kind in the world.

In a 2011 interview with the UCLA Daily Bruin, Dr. Hovannisian described his motivation in capturing the experiences of as many Armenian Genocide survivors as possible.

“I grew up with that generation of survivors, and I thought they’d be around forever,” he said. “Then I looked left, and I looked right, and they were disappearing.”

In 2018, Dr. Hovannisian entrusted the Armenian Genocide Oral History Collection to the USC Shoah Foundation in order that the interviews be preserved and made publicly available in perpetuity. The collection consists primarily of full-life histories which illuminate Ottoman-Armenian life, the Genocide and post-Genocide era, and the diaspora experience. Survivors are from all over the Ottoman Empire, and many interviewees are from the former Russian and Persian empires. Testimonies are mostly in Armenian and English, with some in Turkish and Spanish.

To date, more than 600 testimonies have been integrated into the Visual History Archive (VHA), where they are searchable with keywords at access sites around the world.  Indexers are currently working to integrate the remaining testimonies into the archive.

Speaking at a USC event in 2019, the esteemed academic described the cumulative force of the 1,040 testimonies he and his students recorded.

"The quality of these interviews is mixed. One interview may not be that great, but when you put them together, it's in the collectivity of the testimony that you have the strength of it. It's with the collectivity of it that you feel the real horror, the terror, of what genocide is, and how extensive it can be from one end of a country to another. And how cruel it can be. Cruelty after cruelty after cruelty."

The Armenian Genocide Oral History Collection joined the 330 testimonies that had been donated to the USC Shoah Foundation by filmmaker J. Michael Hagopian and the Armenian Film Foundation in 2010. Together they constitute the largest non-Holocaust-related collection in the USC Shoah Foundation's 56,000-strong VHA.

USC Shoah Foundation Finci-Viterbi Executive Director Chair Dr. Robert J. Williams spoke of the importance of Dr. Hovannisian’s donation and his contribution towards the understanding of the Armenian Genocide.

"Dr. Hovannisian’s illustrious career as a historian bequeathed an important and unparalleled legacy,” Dr. Williams said. “Thanks to his foresight, and the significant partnership he developed with the USC Shoah Foundation, the Visual History Archive now contains more than 600 Armenian testimonies that scholars, researchers, and others around the world can use in their work for many years to come."

The USC Institute of Armenian Studies issued a statement Tuesday praising a man they described as “a titan in the field of Armenian Studies.”

“[Dr. Hovannisian] lived the life of a public intellectual,” the statement said. “He became a historian with a mission—to promote the study of the Armenian Genocide as a consequential 20th-century event. His research and publications cemented the place of the first Republic of Armenia in Armenian history and world history…His name has been omnipresent in academia for nearly seven decades, making space for Armenian scholars at institutions once out of reach.”

Over the course of his distinguished career, Dr. Hovannisan authored a number of books including Armenia on the Road to Independence (1967), The Republic of Armenia, Volumes I-IV (1971-1996), and The Armenian Holocaust (1980).

He was a Guggenheim Fellow and served on the board of directors of organizations including Facing History and Ourselves, the International Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide, and the Society for Armenian Studies, which he co-founded.

In 1998 Dr. Hovannisian was honored by the president of the Republic of Armenia with the Movses Khorenatsi medal and in 2002 received the Republic's Medal of St. Mesrop Mashtots. He was also highly active in political commentary and a voice for the Armenian diaspora in Los Angeles and across the United States.

Dr. Hovannisian is survived by his children, Raffi, Armen, Ani, and Garo, all of whom are active in the Armenian community. Raffi is a politician in Armenia and the country’s first foreign minister and Ani produced The Hidden Map, a documentary about her journey to her ancestral homeland, which aired on PBS in 2021.

In this clip from a 2015 interview, Dr. Hovannisian discusses the emotions expressed by Armenian genocide witnesses in their testimonies

https://sfi.usc.edu/news/2023/07/35336-we-remember-dr-richard-hovannisian-90-esteemed-historian-and-chronicler-armenian

Asbarez: EU Rep.’s Elation Ends in Disappointment

Toivo Klaar, the EU’s special representative to the South Caucasus


The European Union’s representative to the Caucasus Toivo Klaar saw a promising moment turn into “disappointment and frustration” almost immediately as Azerbaijan briefly allowed natural gas to flow to Artsakh from Armenia, only to shut it down again as its continues its stranglehold on Artsakh residents.

Klaar, who is tasked with pushing the EU’s policies in the region especially the notion of direct dialogue between Stepanakert and Baku, on Sunday welcomed the news of the gas flow resumption.

Artsakhgas announced on Sunday morning that the gas supply was restored to Artsakh, but shortly thereafter, the company reported that Azerbaijan turned off the valve, as was indicated by the falling pressure of the pipeline.

“It was nice to read this morning that the gas supply to Stepanakert has been restored,” Klaar was quick to write in a Twitter post.

The EU diplomat was forced to walk back his elation.

“A day that began with promise again ended in disappointment and frustration. As reiterated many times by the EU, it is crucial that the flow of energy supplies be restored without restrictions, as well as the movement of people and goods via the Lachin corridor,” Klaar wrote on Twitter soon after the gas shutoff.

Despite this, Klaar continued to push for direct dialogue between Artsakh and the very regime that has been blockading it for almost seven months.

“A genuine Baku-Stepanakert dialogue should start with the aim of providing alternatives to violence, build much-needed confidence and ensure dignity,” Klaar added, saying that the “European Union looks forward to upcoming trilateral Brussels meeting with Armenia and Azerbaijan leaders,” referring to talks scheduled on July 21.

In March, the Artsakh Foreign Ministry criticized Klaar for non-constructive statements he made in Baku to both Azerbaijani officials and during an interview with the APA news agency.

In Baku, Klaar seemed to echo Baku’s insistence on installing checkpoints along the Lachin Corridor, saying that transparency would lend to a more beneficial settlement. Not only have Artsakh and Armenian officials opposed such checkpoints, Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov also told Azerbaijani officials that such mechanism go against the provisions of the November 9, 2020 agreement.

The EU envoy also made his own interpretations of the agreement, saying that Azerbaijan’s insistence to carve a pathway through Armenia to Nakhichevan was included in the language of the statement, which it is not.

Azerbaijan opened installed and began operating the checkpoint in April and last month halted all traffic along the Lachin Corridor.