TBILISI: On eve of CIS summit, Tbilisi calls for reforms

The Messenger, Georgia
June 2 2005

On eve of CIS summit, Tbilisi calls for reforms
Prime Minister says Georgia will participate in minority of meetings
By Christina Tashkevich

PM Zurab Noghaideli
Delegations from 11 countries will convene in Tbilisi on June 3 to
discuss a variety of issues concerning the Commonwealth of
Independent States.

Already on Wednesday, the Prime Minister of Armenia Andranik
Margarian arrived in Tbilisi ahead of the conference to hold meetings
with Georgian officials.

The Executive Secretary of CIS Vladimir Rushailo arrived in Tbilisi
on Tuesday to monitor the preparations for the meeting. Rushailo met
with the Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili, the Prime Minister
Zurab Noghaideli, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Salome
Zourabichvili to discuss the agenda for the meeting and the future
CIS summit in Kazan on August 27.

According to Rushailo, 26 agreements would be signed at the meeting.
“These documents are prepared by experts and their signing will
happen without preliminary discussion,” he said.

However the Georgian PM is questioning the alliance’s structure.
During the government session Wednesday, Noghaideli said, “The CIS is
in need of reform.”

According to him, Georgia will have “many important bilateral
meetings” during the summit and he adds Georgia expects important
results from them. However, the prime minister also added that out of
34 issues to be discussed at the summit, Georgia will participate in
a mere eight of them. “This fact points to the necessity of CIS
reformation,” Noghaideli said on Wednesday. “Each country-the CIS
member must see the possibility to realize its main interests within
the functions of the organization.” He then added that the main
interest for Georgia is the settlement of conflicts.

Although conflict settlement in CIS countries is not on the agenda at
the meeting, Rushailo does not exclude that this issue will be
discussed.

In the meantime, the Russian news agency Itar Tass reports the
Georgian Minister of Foreign Affairs Salome Zourabichvili does not
exclude the possibility that the presidents of Russia and Georgia
will sign a framework agreement, which will outline the two country’s
relations, in Kazan, Russia, on August 27 at the CIS summit.

“The work on the frame agreement continues. We think that this
document will open new possibilities in bilateral relations,”
Zourabichvili said.

However she added before the agreement is signed both sides should
see progress in existing problems, like the withdrawal of Russian
bases.

Zourabichvili also said that Georgia expects Vladimir Putin to visit
Tbilisi after the agreement is signed.

Turkish lawmakers to visit Yerevan in June

TURKISH LAWMAKERS TO VISIT YEREVAN IN JUNE

AZG Armenian Daily #099, 01/06/2005

Visit

Hurriyet newspaper informs in May 29 issue that Turkish deputy
Turhan Comez from ruling Justice and Prosperity Party together with
other lawmakers will arrive in Armenia on June 9 with a three-day
visit. Reportedly, Justice and Prosperity Party has approved of the
visit. Though there is no schedule of the visit so far, Comez’s
delegation will probably meet RA President Robert Kocharian and
government representatives. Comez will deliver a lecture at Yerevan
State University.

Comez has recently opened the exhibition of “Turkish genocide at
hands of the Armenians”. He has been collecting documents at the
Turkish History Foundation and the Supreme Headquarters for the last
4 months. The last facts allowed Hurriyet to conclude that Comez
will send Armenia’s leadership a signal, “There was no genocide but
rather an exile. For opening borders with Turkey and for development
of trade-economic relations you have to give up genocide claims”.

Turkish NTV notes that Comez is visiting Yerevan “on invitation
of Samson Ozararat, Armenian President’s adviser”. Hurriyet adds,
“Ozararat is the person who organized the meeting of head of National
Movement Party Alparslan Tyurkes and first Armenian President Levon
Ter-Petrosian 12 years ago”.

By Hakob Chakrian

Raffi Hovhannisian Elected Chairman Of Zharangutiun Party

RAFFI HOVHANNISIAN ELECTED CHAIRMAN OF ZHARANGUTIUN PARTY

YEREVAN, MAY 30, NOYAN TAPAN. On May 30, the regular third congress of
the Zharangutiun (Heritage) national-liberal party opened. The congress
discussed and approved the new variant of the party’s regulations,
as well as elected the chairman of the Zharangutiun party. Raffi
Hovhannisian, former RA Foreign Minister, founder of the Armenian
Center for National and International Studies, was elected the party’s
chairman. Representatives of many opposition parties, including the
People’s Party of Armenia, the National Self-Determination Union,
Liberal-Progressive Party of Armenia, Union of Socialist Forces and
Intelligentsia of Armenia, made a greeting speech addressed to congress
participants. According to Rafael Ghazarian, Academician of RA National
Academy of Sciences, the Zharangutiun party will fill in the number of
sound political forces that will take the country out of the created
critical situation. To recap, the Zharangutiun party was founded in
late 2002, on the threshold of presidential elections of 2003.

Kerkorian Added As Signatory to GM Tender

Kerkorian Added As Signatory to GM Tender

The Associated Press
05/26/05 16:48 EDT

WASHINGTON (AP) – Tracinda Corp. on Thursday said that billionaire
Kirk Kerkorian, the sole shareholder of Tracinda, is being added as
a signatory to its tender offer for up to 28 million General Motors
Corp. common shares.

In a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission, Tracinda,
the majority owner of casino and hotel operator MGM Mirage, said that
the action is taking place in response to comments by SEC staff .

Still, Tracinda said that it and Kerkorian are not admitting that
Kerkorian is a co-bidder or that he has any obligation in the tender
offer other than his controlling interest in Tracinda.

Earlier this month, Tracinda, based in Beverly Hills, Calif., began
its tender offer for the 28 million GM shares at $31 a share, for a
total purchase price of about $868 million.

Shares of GM rose 46 cents, or 1.5 percent, to close Thursday at
$31.95 on the New York Stock Exchange.

Tracinda said it is making the offer because it believes that recent
trading prices of the shares don’t reflect the auto maker’s full
value and that the shares represent an attractive investment.

Tracinda has said the offer is for “investment purposes” and does
not mean Kerkorian intends to control GM.

Tracinda owns 22 million GM shares, or about 3.89 percent of the
company, according to a previous SEC filing. Some of these shares
are held by 250 Rodeo Inc., another corporation owned by Kerkorian.

The tender offer will expire June 7.

BAKU: US Amb. Considers Statement of Armenian PM Groundless

Today, Azerbaijan
May 28 2005

US ambassador considers statement of Armenian prime-minister as
groundless

28 May 2005 [17:05] – Today.Az

The US ambassador to Azerbaijan considers commissioning of oil
pipeline Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (ÒÑ), as the fact contributing to the
balance in the region.

The agency Trend reports, he stated this to journalists, commenting
statement of Armenian Prime-minister Andranik Markarian, who indicated
“this project creates misbalance in the region”.

US diplomat figures, commissioning of BTC is multi lateral event as,
first of all, more oil is to be supplied via this pipeline.

“Secondly, ÒÑ will further provision of sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Caucasus, i.e. Azerbaijan and Georgia. Thirdly, ÒÑ will
lead to closer economic integration, including Turkey. On contrary, I
estimate this project, as bringing balance to the region”, R. Harnish
summarized.

URL:

http://www.today.az/news/politics/19460.html

ANKARA: Turkish Islamist press 27 May 05

Turkish Islamist press 27 May 05

BBC Monitoring
27 May 05

The following lists selected reports carried in the Turkish Islamist
press on 27 May:

Yeni Safak

Under the banner headline, “OYAK lies in wait,” Yeni Safak publishes a
front-page report which asserts that the Army Mutual Aid Association
(OYAK) has announced a plan to submit takeover bids for three major
Turkish concerns, the Turkish Telecom, the Erdemir Iron and Steel
Works, and the Tupras oil refinery.

In a 700-word article entitled “Crushing nationalism with nationalism”
on page 9, Yeni Safak columnist Mustafa Karaalioglu blasts Justice
Minister Cemil Cicek for his remarks accusing the organizers of a
dissident conference on the Armenian issue of “backstabbing the
Turkish nation” and charges him with aligning himself and the ruling
Justice and Development Party (AKP) with those circles in the country
that are “violently opposed” to the Government’s efforts to qualify
Turkey for EU membership and promote democratization and individual
freedoms.

In a 900-word article entitled “I have questions” on page 13, Yeni
Safak columnist Ahmet Tasgetiren asks whether Professor Halil Berktay,
one of the organizers of the postponed symposium on the Armenian
issue, would have accepted the Armenian accusations of genocide and
apologized to the Armenians if he had been prime minister of Turkey in
1915, whether he would have agreed to pay damages to Armenia, and how
his administration would have dealt with Armenian territorial demands
from Turkey. Tasgetiren also asserts that there is a virtual consensus
among those able to view the developments involving the Armenian
conference objectively that the academic quality of the meeting was
rendered doubtful by the announcement that the participants would
consist of people opposed to the “official” opinion on the Armenian
issue.

Vakit

Under the banner headline, “491bn dollars for massacre,” Vakit
publishes a front-page report which accuses the United States of
allocating some 491bn dollars for military purposes “in order to carry
out more massacres and atrocities” in the name of “bringing freedom
and democracy.” Published along with the report is a cartoon showing
an amazed bystander looking at a changed US flag where the stripes
have been replaced with three smoking guns.

Also front-paged in Vakit is a report entitled “Commonsense in
parliament,” which lauds the National Assembly for adopting a motion
by a group of AKP deputies calling for an amendment to Article 263 of
the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), which prescribes up to three years of
imprisonment for those holding Koran classes in their homes.

Another front-page report, entitled “My relatives wear headscarves. I
am a first-hand witness to the headscarf problem,” quotes Deputy Prime
Minister Abdullatif Sener as saying that the headscarf issue could be
solved only through a changed perception of Islamic headdresses (on
the part of the Establishment). This report is expanded into a
700-word interview with Sener on page 8.

According to a 450-word report entitled “Anti-US intellectuals to
march to Incirlik” on age 6, a group of intellectuals opposed to the
United States use’ of Incirlik Air Base for logistical purposes
against Iraq and Afghanistan are going to Adana today to hold a
demonstration in front of Incirlik Air Base calling for the closure of
the base. According to the report, this activity has been organized by
the Global Peace and Justice Commission and the East Conference Group.

In an 800-word article entitled “Where are we headed?” on page 11,
Vakit columnist Abdurrahman Dilipak asserts that “the atmosphere ahead
of the Bush-Erdogan meeting on 8 June is very tense,” adding that
Erdogan is anxious because he knows that if he does not accept Bush’s
demands, the US president will “set the wheels in motion” for a new
government in Turkey. He goes on to accuse Cemil Cicek of defending
the undemocratic “28 February mentality” in “trying to retain the
obstacles to freedom of faith and freedom of speech in the new TCK.”
He also criticizes Cicek for his stance on the dissident conference on
Armenian claims with: “Has it fallen to us to defend the murders
committed by the Committee of Union and Progress?”

Zaman

Under the headline, “Turkey becomes a venue for international events,”
Zaman publishes a front-page report which asserts that Turkey is
attracting international publicity as well as raking in millions of
dollars by hosting such events as last year’s NATO Summit, the
European Champion Clubs’ Cup Final, and Formula 1.

In a 900-word article entitled “Apologetics or evidential defence” on
page 16, Zaman columnist Alev Alatli compares the organizers of the
postponed conference on Armenian claims to Christian apologists who
further their cause through “selective perception,” i.e. through
ignoring facts that contradict their arguments and “eloquently
exaggerating” others that suit their purposes. She also asserts that
there is nothing surprising abut the way in which the planners of the
meeting are using the “excuse” of “freedom of speech” and “academic
freedom” to justify such conferences given that they all espouse
Turkey’s accession to the European Union.

In a 700-word article entitled “Either union or progress” on page 17,
Zaman columnist Etyen Mahcupyan accuses Turkey’s administrative
“elite” of announcing to the world that this country is not a
democracy in obstructing the Bogazici University conference on the
Armenian issue. He also argues that no social progress can be achieved
on the basis of the state’s concept of “union.”

Milli Gazete

Under the banner headline, “We need the spirit of conquest,” Milli
Gazete publishes a front-page report which warns that the government’s
privatization policy entails the “giving away” of “our national
assets” to “foreigners” and that “our national values” face the threat
of an “imperialist occupation.” The report calls for participation in
the Conquest and Youth Festival being held by the Felicity Party in
Izmit tomorrow.

In a 500-word article entitled “Faith and implication” on page 13,
Milli Gazete columnist Necat Cavus provides a “summary” of Samuel
Huntington’s recent speech at a conference in Istanbul and asserts
that “we should not let charlatans like Huntington discourage and
confuse us” by getting across the message that Turkey cannot become an
EU member because it is “dependent” on the United States and that “it
should assume an active role as a US base in the United States’
operations against Islamic countries.”

Dunden Bugune Tercuman

In an 850-word article entitled “To be able to look into the future”
on page 11, Tercuman columnist Cengiz Candar argues that the
“possibility” of a Nicolas Sarkozy era in France and of a Christian
Democratic government in Germany led by Angela Merkel “does not
automatically mean” that Turkey will lose its EU prospects, adding
that both Sarkozy and Merkel attach importance to consolidating
trans-Atlantic relations and it is highly possible that Ankara’s
efforts to improve its relations with Washington will eventually cause
Sarkozy and Merkel to change their attitude towards Turkey.

150+ TURKISH ACADEMICS PROTEST BOGAZICI CONFERENCE ANNULMENT

ÜNÍVERSÍTE HOCALARI 154 YENÍ ÍMZAYLA ERMENÍ SORUNU KONFERANSININ
YAPTIRILMAMASINI VE YÖK’Ü KINADI

Bogaziçi Üniversitesi’ndeki konferansìn engellenmesi üniversite
õzerkligine ve akademik õzgürlüge yapìlan bir saldìrìdìr.

YÖK’ün de bu iki kavramì korumak yerine bu kavramlara saldìranlarì
desteklemesi asla kabul edilemez.

Kìnìyoruz.

[“The annulation of the conference at Bogazici University is an
assault on university autonomy and academic freedom. It is totally
unacceptable that The High Council on University Education, instead of
protecting those two values, backed up the assaulters. We Condemn.”]

Prof. Dr. Baskìn Oran (Ankara Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Yavuz Sabuncu (Ankara Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Tülin Öngen (Ankara Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Mehmet Ali Agaogullarì (Ankara Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Ömür Sezgin (Ankara Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Arslan Sonat (Ankara Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Nilgün Abisel (Ankara Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Ümit Cizre (Bilkent Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Taner Altug (Ege Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Ahmet Arslan (Ege Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Ersin Doger (Ege Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Zeynep Mercangõz (Ege Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Ülgen Oskay (Ege Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Önal Sayìn (Ege Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Sabri Sürgevil (Ege Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Nuran Sahin (Ege Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Sezen Zeytinoglu (Ege Ü.)
Prof. Dr. Gülay Günlük Senesen (Ístanbul Ü.)
Prof. Dr. E. Ahmet Tonak (ODTÜ)
Prof. Dr. Murat Kõksalan (ODTÜ)
Prof. Dr. Çaglar Güven (ODTÜ)
Prof. Dr. Süha Bõlükbasì (ODTÜ)
Prof. Dr. Íhsan Dagì (ODTÜ)
Doç. Dr. Ílhan Uzgel (Ankara Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Melek Fìrat (Ankara Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Ahmet Hasim Kõse (Ankara Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Gõkçen Alpkaya (Ankara Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Ahmet Alpay Dikmen (Ankara Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Cüneyt Ozansoy (Ankara Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Ruken Öztürk (Ankara Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Ferhat Kentel (Bilgi Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Dilek Cindoglu (Bilkent Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Tanel Demirel (Çankaya Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Burak Gürbüz (Galatasaray Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Saadet Íyidogan (GalatasarayÜ.)
Doç. Dr. Melek Gõregenli (Ege Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Huriye Kuruoglu (Ege Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Nese Özgen (Ege Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Nergis Pamukoglu Das (Ege Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Gülgün E. Tosun (Ege Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Solmaz Zelyut Hünler (Ege Ü.)
Doç. Dr. A. Nuri Yurdusev (ODTÜ)
Doç. Dr. Necati Polat (ODTÜ)
Doç. Dr. Mesut Yegen (ODTÜ)
Doç. Dr. Zafer Ercan (ODTÜ)
Doç. Dr. Özgür Sarìoglu (ODTÜ)
Doç. Dr. Yìldìray Ozan (ODTÜ)
Doç. Dr. Zülfü Asìk (ODTÜ)
Doç. Dr. Erdag Aksel (Sabancì Ü.)
Doç. Dr. Ayse Kadìoglu (Sabancì Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Erel Tellal (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Kerem Altìparmak (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Burça Kìzìlìrmak (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ayhan Yalçìnkaya (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Fethi Açìkel (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Abdülrezak Altun (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Halil Nalçaoglu (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Nur Betül Çelik (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ülkü Doganay (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Bedriye Poyraz (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Murat Efe (Ankara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Menderes Çìnar (Baskent Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Simten Cosar (Baskent Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Zeynep Gambetti (Bogaziçi Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Selda Akçal (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Sonia Amado (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Banu Çengelci (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ertan Das (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Zafer Derin (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Dilek Yesiltuna (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Bekir Balkìz (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Erhan Isìklar (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Zerrin Kurtoglu (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Mehmet Kuyurtar (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Hilmi Maktav (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Gülgün Mese (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Aydìn Müftüoglu (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Hale Okçay (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Hilal Ortaç (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Engin Önen (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Oya Paker (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Nilgün Toker Kìlìnç (Ege Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Yeseren Eliçin (Galatasaray Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Mehmet Ö. Alkan (Ístanbul Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Yüksel Taskìn (Marmara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Emrehan Zeybekoglu (Marmara Ü.)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ayse Berkman (ODTÜ)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Sefa Feza Arslan (ODTÜ)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Güçlü Tülüveli (ODTÜ)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Özlem Tür (ODTÜ)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Necmi Erdogan (ODTÜ)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Adil Oran (ODTÜ)
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ayse Gül Altìnay (Sabancì Ü.)
Dr. Onur Karahanogullarì (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Faruk Alpkaya (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Arif Genis (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Meltem Kayìran Dikmen (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Murat Sevinç (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Bülent Duru (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Nilgün Erdem (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Ayten Alkan (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Koray Karasu (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Özden Akìn (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Funda Basaran (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Gulseren Adakli (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Sevilay Celenk (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Mustafa Kemal Coskun (Ankara Ü.)
Dr. Sibel Özbudun (Hacettepe Ü.)
Dr. Erhan Dogan (Marmara Ü.)
Ögr. Gõr. Atila Cangìr (Ankara Ü.)
Ögr. Gõr. Süheyla Pìnar (Bilkent Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Elçin Aktoprak (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Ozan Zengin (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. G. Nazan Bedirhanoglu (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Gõkhan Erdem (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Taylan Bali (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Sarp Balcì (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Barìs Ünlü (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Pìnar Ecevitoglu (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Özlem Albayrak (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Özkan Agtas (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. A. Zeynep Kìlìç (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Zafer Yìlmaz (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Ersin Embel (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Cengiz Ekiz (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Ömer Kurtbag (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Abdurrahman Saygìlì (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Engin Sarì (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Emek Çaylì (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Çagla Kubilay (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Ílksen Gençtürk (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Oguzhan Tas (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Tezcan Durna (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Umut Tumay Arslan (Ankara Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Çagkan Sayìn (Baskent Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Nezih Aytaçlar (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Gõkçen Basaran (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Olcay Canbulat (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Savas Çaglayan (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. H. Aslì Çavusoglu (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. M. Zeki Duman (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Zafer Durdu (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Begül Güngõrmez (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Mediha Korkmaz (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Lülüfer Kõrükmez (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Hanifi Kurt (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. H. Saim Parladìr (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Hasan Sen (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Arkun Tatar (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Serap Tekinsav Sütçü (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Mert Tekõzel (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Türkan Yìlmaz (Ege Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Ísmail K. Esiner (Galatasaray Ü.)
Ars. Gõr. Umut Koldas (ODTÜ)

Georgians, Armenians row over vanishing monuments

Institute for War & Peace Reporting
May 26 2005

GEORGIANS, ARMENIANS ROW OVER VANISHING MONUMENTS

Ancient church is target of allegations from religious leaders of
both countries.

By Sofo Bukia in Tbilisi

A long-running dispute about the alleged vandalism of medieval
Armenian gravestones in the Georgian capital Tbilisi is still raging
between the churches of both countries.

In early May, the Georgian diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church
released a statement saying in effect that inscriptions from the
Norashen church – which they claim as an Armenian site – had been
destroyed and replaced with Georgian ones.

`Gravestones with Georgian inscriptions suddenly appeared in the yard
of the Norashen Armenian church [in the old quarter of Tbilisi] this
spring,’ said the statement. `At the same time, the Armenian
gravestones that have been in the churchyard for centuries were moved
and the inscriptions on them erased.’

The scandal around Norashen has brought to the surface a long-running
dispute between the Georgian Orthodox Church and the Armenian
Apostolic Church over ownership of a number of religious buildings in
Georgia.

`Over the past 15 years, the Georgian clergy has occupied and
consecrated several Armenian churches in Tbilisi – including Kusanats
Surb Stepanos, St Bethlehem, the Khikhoy chapel, and several other
churches,’ the Armenian statement went on. `The same is expected to
happen to Norashen and another Armenian church named Surb Nshan.’

The alarming reports from the medieval church of Norashen triggered
angry responses in the Armenian press, with journalists reporting on
the `enforced Georgianisation’ of Armenian churches in Tbilisi and
elsewhere in Georgia.

In response, young Armenians organised protest actions near Norashen
and the Georgian embassy in Armenia. `The Georgians have so many
historic monuments,’ said Mari Mikoyan, a student who heads the Nor
Serund organisation, the youth union of Georgia’s Armenians. `Why
should they need to take someone else’s culture for their own?’

According to the 2002 census, almost 250,000 Armenians now live in
Georgia, forming 5.7 per cent of its population. In Tbilisi, which
has strong Armenian traditions, 7.6 per cent of the population is now
Armenian. Both communities have very different views on the history
of the city.

The Sioni cathedral, a synagogue, a mosque, and a functioning
Armenian church Surb Gevork are all close to one another in the
Meidan district of old Tbilisi. Norashen is also situated in this
area but its status has never been so clear and the church has been
closed for decades.

Sixty-eight-year-old Shota Lezhava was born and grew up in Meidan. `I
have lived all my life in old Tbilisi, as did my father before me. We
always thought that this was a Georgian church,’ he told IWPR.

`I do not remember its name precisely, or whether it has ever been
open. What I know is that there was a library in the building in the
Soviet times. I have heard a legend about a Georgian nobleman who
lost this church to an Armenian merchant – but that is just a story.’

At the Georgian Patriarchate, the deputy spokesman, Zurab
Tskhovrebadze, said he had no knowledge of any changes at Norashen.

And Father Tariel, a Georgian priest whom the Armenian side has
accused of vandalism, said that the only thing that he had done was
to clean the yard of rubbish.

`We share a yard [with the Jvris Mama Georgian temple situated next
to Norashen] and I was busy with that. I planted trees there,’ Father
Tariel told IWPR. `I did not touch gravestones. How could I insult
the souls of the dead? The Armenians are just afraid that I will
enter this church but I am not going to do that. For now at any
rate.’

However, government officials conceded that changes had been made at
the church.

Nika Vacheishvili, head of the state department for the protection of
monuments, said `some changes have indeed taken place on Norashen’s
territory. In particular, Armenian gravestones have been moved from
one place to another’. Vacheishvili also alleged that Father Tariel
was responsible for this.

`We condemn his actions,’ Vacheishvili said. `The status of a
particular church is a confessional issue and it should be resolved
between the two countries’ churches. The Georgian state has a firm
position that any cultural monument should be protected irrespective
of its confessional status.’

Samvel Karapetian, a historian with the Research on Armenian
Architecture organisation, which monitors Armenian monuments outside
Armenia, insists that an act of vandalism has taken place.

`The erasing of traces of Armenian culture at Norashen started in
1989 and continued actively in 1995 when Armenian inscriptions, two
khachkars [cross-stones], and two 19th-century frescoes were
destroyed,’ said Karapetian, adding that following the 1995 incident
two Armenian archbishops, Garegin and Grigor, came to Tbilisi from
Armenia to meet Georgian Patriarch Ilya II and all work on the church
was suspended until it was decided to whom it belonged.

`However, Armenian gravestones disappeared from the church this
spring and Georgian ones appeared instead of them,’ continued
Karapetian. `These are not just words. I have photographs of the
stones that are no longer there.’

Georgian historian Lasha Bakradze told IWPR `perhaps there was a
Georgian church on this site formerly but this is an Armenian
building’.

Georgian prime minister Zurab Nogaideli told journalists in Yerevan
that he did not want the government to become involved in the
dispute, and urged the churches to agree a solution amongst
themselves.

Tskhovrebadze of the Georgian Patriarchate said that his church
leadership has proposed setting up a joint commission of Georgian and
Armenian specialists to consider all issues connected with disputed
controversial churches and monasteries.

`The Georgian Orthodox Church has its own grievances against the
Armenian side. In particular, we mean changes in the Georgian
churches in Javakheti [the southern Georgian province predominantly
populated by ethnic Armenians] and we are ready to discuss this
issue,’ said Tskhovrebadze.

At the end of April, Armenia’s parliamentary speaker Artur
Bagdasarian met Georgian patriarch Ilya II and they also agreed that
a commission should be formed. However nothing has been do so far.

The Georgian diocese of the Armenian church has kept quiet on the
issue and numerous efforts by IWPR to talk to Bishop Vazgen
Mirzakhanian were unsuccessful. `The bilateral commission has not
been created, therefore, we will refrain from any additional
comments,’ said Gayane Bostanjian of the press service of the
diocese.

Although there is a lull in the row around the disputed church,
Tbilisi Armenians are worried that the last evidence of Armenian
history in Norashen may be erased before the promised commission
begins work.

Sofo Bukia is a reporter for 24 Saati newspaper in Tbilisi

ICTR: Trial And Error

The New Times (Kigali)
May 25, 2005

ICTR: Trial And Error

Oscar Kabbatende
Kigali

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) has set itself
the target of completing the trial by the year 2008 and while on
paper this may look feasible the lay of the ground looks utterly
against this ever happening. This is particularly pertinent in view
of the commemoration of the 11th year since the 1994 Genocide.

The crime of genocide was actually defined after two of the three
Genocides of the last century had already taken place, that is to say
the Armenian and Jewish genocides. Following the 1948 Convention on
the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, there have
been widespread massacres in Cambodia (an estimated 2 million killed
by the Khmer Rouge) and Yugoslavia with the crime of genocide alleged
in Srebenica and of course the largest failure in Rwanda. The ICTR in
its own way was supposed to be a breath of hope for the cynical in
this world who had learnt the hard way that the UN’s resolve to end
genocide once and for all did not exist at all. At least the culprits
would be tried.

It is perhaps instructive to note that while the Government of Rwanda
had requested the Security Council to set up an ad hoc tribunal to
try the perpetrators of genocide, when the matter was brought to vote
by the council, Rwanda opposed the resolution. This was simply
because the tribunal was not going to employ the death penalty,
jurists cited international standards of condemnation, which eschew
capital punishment as barbaric. Rwanda’s point of view was that as
national law provides for the death penalty (by firing squad) and it
was quite likely at the time (1995) that many people standing trial
for crimes of genocide would eventually be put to death it was really
a question of consistency. How do you put the conseilleur who killed
two people before a firing squad while the big pin who forced him to
commit these crimes sits in an air-conditioned courtroom
contemplating a life sentence? On these grounds Rwanda opposed the
creation of the tribunal they had proposed in the first place.

Until 2003, the relationship between the ICTR and Rwanda was really a
record of complaints and counter-complaints until Prosecutor Carla
del Ponte was assigned a single tribunal, the International Criminal
Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) with Bubaker Jallow taking up
the position of Prosecutor of the ICTR. It was the same year the ill
fated ‘joint trials’ came into existence.

The ICTR hailed them as a means of accelerating the pace of the trial
of the accused already in detention. This was music to the ears of
many Rwandans who were growing increasingly frustrated with the slow
pace of justice in Arusha. Now, two years on, the same people tell us
that the joint-trials are too cumbersome and ‘time consuming’ and as
a result the ICTR was scraping them.

It would seem that in a bid to please Rwanda, the tribunal is making
all the right noises and making a mess of everything else. The ICTR
wants to move some trials back to Rwanda, a noble move, right? But
then again how many countries will extradite criminals back to Rwanda
for trial especially if they have a bumpy relationship with the
administration in Kigali? Do you see France doing it? So in the end a
noble gesture like bringing the trials to Kigali will in fact scare
off many countries from extraditing indicted persons.

Relevant Links

Central Africa
Post-Conflict Challenges
Rwanda
Legal and Judicial Affairs

It would be very easy to simply sit back and pour scorn on the ICTR
for all the things its doing wrong (and there are very many) but then
one has to think about the magnitude of the crime of genocide.

The Nuremberg trials were far from perfect and even these were made
easier by the fact that most of the Nazi criminals had gone into
hiding or were already dead by their own hands or by the hands of
others (especially the Russians). The fact is that now like in 1946,
the world – including ourselves – does not know how to punish
genocide and it is likely that we will all bumble along trying cases
by trial and error because this is perhaps the ultimate crime.
Unfortunately there is nothing like the ultimate justice in
existence, at least not yet.