Lang (PS) Defavorable a La Proposition De Loi Sur Le Genocide Armeni

LANG (PS) DEFAVORABLE A LA PROPOSITION DE LOI SUR LE GENOCIDE ARMENIEN

Agence France Presse
9 octobre 2006 lundi 6:00 PM GMT

Le depute PS du Pas-de-Calais Jack Lang n’est "pas favorable" a la
proposition de loi deposee par son groupe pour reprimer la negation
du genocide armenien, discutee jeudi a l’Assemblee nationale.

"Je ne suis pas favorable a ce nouveau texte", indique M. Lang dans
une interview a Liberation a paraître mardi. L’ancien ministre de la
Culture juge que la loi "qui criminaliserait la negation du genocide
armenien serait anticonstitutionnelle". Elle irait, selon lui "a
l’encontre du principe de liberte d’expression ne de l’article 11 de
la declaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen de 1789".

Par ailleurs, craint M. Lang, si le Conseil constitutionnel est saisi,
"il examinera inevitablement la constitutionnalite de la loi votee
en 2001", par laquelle la France reconnaît le genocide armenien.

"Or la jurisprudence recente refuse la constitutionnalite aux textes
purement declaratifs. Ceux qui veulent penaliser la negation du
genocide armenien desservent donc la cause armenienne. On ne doit
pas s’embarquer dans une telle aventure", dit M. Lang.

–Boundary_(ID_BCJ7KSLOIc3pf5iAFwoh6w)–

Life of RA Police State Guard Department Chief Attempted in Yerevan

Life of RA Police State Guard Department Chief Attempted in Yerevan

PanARMENIAN.Net
05.10.2006 16:33 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Life of Aram Zakaryan, the chief of the department
of the state guard of the RA Police, was attempted yesterday in
Yerevan. As reported by the press service of the RA Office of
Prosecutor General, yesterday evening at 10.10 p.m. local time
an unknown fired on Aram Zakaryan, who was in his garage, and
escaped. Zakaryan was wounded in the chest. A criminal case in
compliance of Article 34 and Article 104 of the RA Penal Code was
initiated.

Constitutional Court Will Guarantee Democratic Elections

CONSTITUTIONAL COURT WILL GUARANTEE DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS

A1+
[04:42 pm] 06 October, 2006

AS IN 2003?

Representatives of the Constitutional Courts of 11 countries, the CE,
the OSCE, and the European Court of Human Rights, as well as a number
of other structures have gathered in Yerevan in order to discuss how
the Constitutional Courts can guarantee democratic elections.

The representatives of Bulgaria, Romania, France, Germany, Belarus,
Lithuania, Cyprus and other countries will try to represent the
experience of their countries. But the Constitutional Court of Armenia
is also experienced. After the 2003 Presidential elections the RA CC
decided that the voters can organize a Referendum of Confidence. In
spite of the efforts of the opposition, the authorities did not
organize it. "A1+" tried to find out if this affected the reputation
of the CC.

Head of the OSCE Yerevan office, Ambassador Vladimir Pryakhin said,
"The question is a difficult one. I wouldn’t like to say that the
situation affected the reputation of the CC. But I can recall that
the decision of the Court referred to the course of the elections
in general. As for the Referendum of Confidence, it was the 16th
provision of the decision which was a piece of advice in itself. I
don’t think it was violated and I don’t think it has affected the
CC in any way. I think it was a sincere decision which displayed the
high competence of the CC".

Representatives of the opposition and parliamentary powers were
also invited to today’s discussion. Former Speaker of the NA Khosrov
Haroutyunyan said, "We must support the Constitutional Court and not be
angry with them. We can only criticize if needed. The Constitutional
Court and the constitutional justice are things which we need greatly
today".

Accused editor sees good side in the law against ‘insulting Turkishn

Accused editor sees good side in the law against ‘insulting Turkishness’
By Ian Fisher The New York Times

International Herald Tribune, France
Oct 6 2006

Published: October 5, 2006

ISTANBUL Not a week after a court dropped the case against a
best-selling Turkish novelist, another well-known writer was charged
with the same crime, one of the most ambiguous and contentious here,
that of "insulting Turkishess."

The newly accused Hrant Dink, editor of an Armenian newspaper, Agos,
takes the charges – both those against him and against scores of
other writers and publishers – as positive news.

"It is something good for Turkey," said Dink, though he faces the
prospect of three years in prison. "It is good for the dynamism.

There is a strong movement from inside. And I can say, for the first
time, we are seeing a real democratic movement."

This has not been the usual interpretation, since the law was passed
last year, at a time when the riot police guarded trials and the
European Union issued dire warnings that the law, called Article 301,
stood as a major block to Turkey’s long ambitions for membership.

But some of the accused say that the turmoil is forcing a national
debate about what it truly means to be a democracy – and that, they
say, is pushing democracy forward, even if painfully.

"A lot of people were saying, ‘Wait a minute, this needs to be changed,
and we are so embarrassed about what is going on,’" said Elif Shafak,
a novelist who went on trial in September for portraying a character
who referred to a "genocide" against Armenians in her novel, called
in English "The Bastard of Istanbul."

In her case the charges were quickly dropped.

[A fuller court ruling issued Thursday defended her broadly and called
for changes in the law, Reuters reported.

[A judge wrote, "It is unthinkable to talk about crimes committed
by fictional characters" and added, "It is necessary to define the
boundaries of the ‘Turkishness’ concept and place it on firm ground."]

But it is not certain that the government will try to undo the law,
which, in theory, was meant as a progressive substitute for older and
entrenched restrictions on some free speech here – especially as it
related to criticism of the government and discussion of sensitive
topics, like the Kurdish rebellion or using the word "genocide" to
describe the mass killing and relocation of Armenians in World War I.

The intent was to make Turkey’s laws conform with its goal to join
the European Union.

But nationalist groups opposed to joining the EU have taken advantage
of the language to bring court cases against about 60 writers and
publishers, including well-known novelists like Orhan Pamuk and
Elif Shafak.

The Turkish publisher of Noam Chomsky, the maverick American scholar,
has also faced prosecution. The government itself has not initiated
such cases.

At a time when skepticism to Turkey’s membership is high both in
Europe and in Turkey, the cases seemed to question the nation’s
commitment to democratic ideals – and as each case is dismissed,
the nationalist group, the Turkish Union of Lawyers, files another,
in what critics say is an attempt to derail EU membership.

European officials have repeatedly warned Turkey about the law.

But people like Dink and Shafak argue that the legal challenges may
be backfiring, under the glare not only of Europe but among Turks
themselves, so that, in their view, a law used to stifle debate may
be encouraging it.

Judges have not hesitated to throw out cases they deem without merit.

While there have been convictions under Article 301, no one has
actually gone to prison. And the very government that drafted the
law now says it needs to be changed, although it is not clear exactly
how or when.

During Shafak’s case, she received phone calls from two of the most
powerful people in Turkey: Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, who himself
had been jailed briefly years ago under the old version of the law,
and his foreign minister, Abdullah Gul.

Her interpretation is that nationalist groups are filing an
unprecedented number of cases under Article 301 "not because nothing
has been changing here in Turkey but because things are changing. And
things are changing in a positive direction."

"We are learning in a way – how shall I say it? – to live in more
harmony with difference, be it ethnic difference, religious difference,
sexual difference," she added.

"At the beginning of the republic, the main idea as that we were
all Turks, period, that we were a mass of undifferentiated humans,"
she said. "That kind of argument does not hold water any more."

The nationalist lawyers’ group that has brought the cases says it
will continue to do so, to uphold what they say were the principles
of the republic’s founder, Kemal Ataturk, which put the strength of
a fragile state before the claims of individuals and groups.

"Freedom of expression is different from insult and denigration,
and has limits in the world," said Kemal Kerincsiz, a leader of the
lawyers’ group. "Our system has to protect itself at the verge of
insults against the state and the Turkish identity."

Some critics question the actual commitment of Erdogan to changing
Article 301, saying that he is not eager to hurt himself politically
by shutting out the nationalists. In fact, they add, he himself has
filed suits claiming he was defamed.

But his top adviser on foreign policy, Egemen Bagis, said the march
toward free speech, and a likely change of the law, will not be
stopped.

"The dark days of Turkey were when they collected and destroyed the
books of Kafka and Dostoyevsky," he said. "I’m not saying everything
is perfect now. We’re on the track to that perfection."

ISTANBUL Not a week after a court dropped the case against a
best-selling Turkish novelist, another well-known writer was charged
with the same crime, one of the most ambiguous and contentious here,
that of "insulting Turkishess."

The newly accused Hrant Dink, editor of an Armenian newspaper, Agos,
takes the charges – both those against him and against scores of
other writers and publishers – as positive news.

"It is something good for Turkey," said Dink, though he faces the
prospect of three years in prison. "It is good for the dynamism.

There is a strong movement from inside. And I can say, for the first
time, we are seeing a real democratic movement."

This has not been the usual interpretation, since the law was passed
last year, at a time when the riot police guarded trials and the
European Union issued dire warnings that the law, called Article 301,
stood as a major block to Turkey’s long ambitions for membership.

But some of the accused say that the turmoil is forcing a national
debate about what it truly means to be a democracy – and that, they
say, is pushing democracy forward, even if painfully.

"A lot of people were saying, ‘Wait a minute, this needs to be changed,
and we are so embarrassed about what is going on,’" said Elif Shafak,
a novelist who went on trial in September for portraying a character
who referred to a "genocide" against Armenians in her novel, called
in English "The Bastard of Istanbul."

In her case the charges were quickly dropped.

[A fuller court ruling issued Thursday defended her broadly and called
for changes in the law, Reuters reported.

[A judge wrote, "It is unthinkable to talk about crimes committed
by fictional characters" and added, "It is necessary to define the
boundaries of the ‘Turkishness’ concept and place it on firm ground."]

But it is not certain that the government will try to undo the law,
which, in theory, was meant as a progressive substitute for older and
entrenched restrictions on some free speech here – especially as it
related to criticism of the government and discussion of sensitive
topics, like the Kurdish rebellion or using the word "genocide" to
describe the mass killing and relocation of Armenians in World War I.

The intent was to make Turkey’s laws conform with its goal to join
the European Union.

But nationalist groups opposed to joining the EU have taken advantage
of the language to bring court cases against about 60 writers and
publishers, including well-known novelists like Orhan Pamuk and
Elif Shafak.

The Turkish publisher of Noam Chomsky, the maverick American scholar,
has also faced prosecution. The government itself has not initiated
such cases.

At a time when skepticism to Turkey’s membership is high both in
Europe and in Turkey, the cases seemed to question the nation’s
commitment to democratic ideals – and as each case is dismissed,
the nationalist group, the Turkish Union of Lawyers, files another,
in what critics say is an attempt to derail EU membership.

European officials have repeatedly warned Turkey about the law.

But people like Dink and Shafak argue that the legal challenges may
be backfiring, under the glare not only of Europe but among Turks
themselves, so that, in their view, a law used to stifle debate may
be encouraging it.

Judges have not hesitated to throw out cases they deem without merit.

While there have been convictions under Article 301, no one has
actually gone to prison. And the very government that drafted the
law now says it needs to be changed, although it is not clear exactly
how or when.

During Shafak’s case, she received phone calls from two of the most
powerful people in Turkey: Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, who himself
had been jailed briefly years ago under the old version of the law,
and his foreign minister, Abdullah Gul.

Her interpretation is that nationalist groups are filing an
unprecedented number of cases under Article 301 "not because nothing
has been changing here in Turkey but because things are changing. And
things are changing in a positive direction."

"We are learning in a way – how shall I say it? – to live in more
harmony with difference, be it ethnic difference, religious difference,
sexual difference," she added.

"At the beginning of the republic, the main idea as that we were
all Turks, period, that we were a mass of undifferentiated humans,"
she said. "That kind of argument does not hold water any more."

The nationalist lawyers’ group that has brought the cases says it
will continue to do so, to uphold what they say were the principles
of the republic’s founder, Kemal Ataturk, which put the strength of
a fragile state before the claims of individuals and groups.

"Freedom of expression is different from insult and denigration,
and has limits in the world," said Kemal Kerincsiz, a leader of the
lawyers’ group. "Our system has to protect itself at the verge of
insults against the state and the Turkish identity."

Some critics question the actual commitment of Erdogan to changing
Article 301, saying that he is not eager to hurt himself politically
by shutting out the nationalists. In fact, they add, he himself has
filed suits claiming he was defamed.

But his top adviser on foreign policy, Egemen Bagis, said the march
toward free speech, and a likely change of the law, will not be
stopped.

"The dark days of Turkey were when they collected and destroyed the
books of Kafka and Dostoyevsky," he said. "I’m not saying everything
is perfect now. We’re on the track to that perfection."

Local Elections In Georgia: Defeat Will Prove "Virtuality" Of Armeni

LOCAL ELECTIONS IN GEORGIA: DEFEAT WILL PROVE "VIRTUALITY" OF ARMENIAN LEADERS OF JAVAKHETI

Regnum, Russia
Oct 5 2006

On the eve of the Oct 5 local elections in Georgia, the situation in
Samtskhe-Javakheti (mostly Armenian region of Georgia) seemed to be
calm. Some voters even called it "pacified," thereby, drawing the
observers’ attention to the merciless (till the very last campaign
day) exploitation of strengths and means by the opponent forces. The
atmosphere was tense: some opponents even clashed. The most scandalous
incident – it has even got to the prosecutor’s office – took place
in the Akhalkalaki village of Khorena on Sept 25: representatives
of United National Movement and the Industrialist had a very radical
squabble on that day. As a result, the Akhalkalaki prosecutor’s office
instituted criminal proceedings… Thus, the Oct 4 "pacification" did
not mean that the opponents were exhausted, simply, it is forbidden
to canvass on the eve of elections.

However, the very notion "legal order" can be interpreted quite
differently. Particularly, many people are failing "to find themselves"
in the lists, but, instead, are finding the names of emigrants and
even deceased. The most interesting point is that they can’t complain
of it in "legal order" – the courts are no longer considering such
cases. In any case, for well known reasons, today, the "legal field"
notion in Georgia is specified by the Law On Local Self-government,
whose indisputable advantages over the version of 2001 has become
a bone of contention for the opposing political forces. The law
specifies the legal, economic and financial bases and state guarantees
of local authorities, the procedure of their formation, their powers
and relations with government bodies.

Particularly, local self-government in Georgia has authority to
appoint executives in its territories through electoral municipal
assembly and also:

a) to manage and dispose of the property it owns;

b) to manage and dispose of the land resource it owns;

c) to consider and approve and to amend its draft budget;

d) to impose and collect local taxes, to fix their rates within
admissible limits;

e) to collect local payments;

f) to plan land tenure, to delimitate territories, to establish and
change borders;

g) to regulate local passenger operations;

h) to regulate trade;

i) to plan local traffic except on roads of international and
inter-state significance;

j) to regulate problems related to the conduct of assemblies, rallies,
demonstrations;

k) to name streets and squares.

The above (small) part of local self-government’s powers already show
the indisputable advantages of the new version of the law and are
especially valuable in administrative-territorial units like the mostly
Armenian (in particular) districts of Samtskhe-Javakheti and Tsalka
district of the neighboring Kvemo-Kartli region. We would like to
remind you that the Armenian population makes up half of the region’s
demography. Many voters say that it was due exactly to the advantages
of the law that none of the candidates mention in their programs the
traditional demand for "Armenian cultural autonomy" within Georgia.

Nevertheless, the law has lots of discriminative deficiencies.

Particularly, Akhalkalaki district, which has 65 villages (electoral
areas), has been divided into 22 constituencies (sakrebulo) in quite an
interesting "proportion": if 5 Georgian villages have 5 sakrebulos,
50 Armenians villages have only 17 sakrebulos. The imbalance is
not only quantitative but also demographic: the Georgian village of
Brtena, which has 204 voters and the Armenian village of Kartikama –
2,446 voters – have each one vote in the municipal assembly.

One more novelty of the law is that the Municipal Sakrebulo should
have 10 party-list members. The ruling party of Mikhail Saakashvili,
United National Movement, has quite big share in this list.

Particularly, in Akhalkalaki district it is represented by economist
Gagik Mahtessyan, present governor Artur Yeremyan, director of the
radio center Khachik Ayvazyan, director of the B/P Association LTD
Alexan Torossyan, director of the Agricultural Water Supply Agency
Lyova Kazaryan, director of the Akhalalaki Resource Center Nartsiss
Karapetyan and others – a total of 19 candidates.

The party has no less big a share in the single-mandate lists. In some
districts of Samtskhe-Javakheti it even has no rivals – in Ninotsminda
district it has no single opponent. In other mostly Armenian districts
the situation is different: in Akhaltsikh district UNM’s opponents
are the Road of Georgia party and the Conservatives, while in Tsalka
district of Kvemo-Kartli region – the Industrialists.

Nevertheless, most observers say that the rivalry will be just a
formality. The only district where one can expect some struggle
is Akhalkalaki, where UNM will be opposed by United Javakh, led by
Vahagn Chakhalyan.

It should be noted that the movement figures in the lists of the
Industrialists as "national parties" are denied registration in
Georgia. Unlike its opponent, United Javakh (Industrialists) has
almost no administrative resources: all 12 candidates are unemployed.

"At the same time, we have strong representation and firm ideological
positions in single-mandate districts," says Chakhalyan. "At first,
we thought about boycotting the elections as, today, you can’t even
imagine free and fair voting in Georgia. We discussed this question
with representatives of Armenian organizations and tried to convince
them that it is dangerous to get involved in this game.

The danger is of ideological nature as the defeat will prove
virtuality of the demands of the Armenian population and their very
leaders. Unfortunately, we have failed to come to terms – the servants
of the present authorities have got into a dangerous game and we had
no other way but to accept this challenge."

Observers say that the most severe struggle will be exactly in
Akhalkalaki.

Russia Isn’t Denying That The Arrested Officers Are Intelligence Age

RUSSIA ISN’T DENYING THAT THE ARRESTED OFFICERS ARE INTELLIGENCE AGENTS
by Pavel Felgenhauer
Translated by Elena Leonova

Source: Novaya Gazeta, No. 75, October 2-4, 2006, p. 3
Agency WPS
What the Papers Say Part A (Russia)
October 3, 2006 Tuesday

Why were they operating without diplomatic cover?

Russia must not fight a war against Georgia; It was incredibly stupid
to keep a group of Russian intelligence agents without reliable cover
in Georgia, a country which is striving to join NATO and quarreling
with Russia. Just like in the Qatar incident, our leaders failed
their own officers and Russia as a whole.

>From here in Moscow, it’s impossible to figure out the exact nature
of the crimes committed by the Russian officers arrested in Georgia:
Colonel Alexander Savva, Lieutenant-Colonel Dmitri Kazantsev, Colonel
Alexander Zavgorodnyi, Major Alexander Baranov – and Lieutenant-Colonel
Konstantin Pichugin, who is still avoiding arrest by staying inside
the headquarters of the Group of Russian Troops in the Trans-Caucasus
(GRVZ) in Tbilisi. Georgia is displaying evidence in the form of
compromising tapes, video footage, and testimony from recruited
agents. Moscow is denying all of it. But the Georgians also claim
that the arrested men are from the Russian General Staff’s Main
Intelligence Directorate (GRU) – and our side isn’t denying that.

So what were these GRU officers doing on the territory of a
neighbor-state without diplomatic cover? Professional intelligence
agents, by definition, engage in collecting secret information and
recruiting agents. The GRU has a points system for assessing the
performance of its officers in the field, based on how many agents
they manage to recruit and what kind of information they manage
to obtain. It’s perfectly obvious that GRU officers on Georgian
territory must have been engaged in these activities – otherwise
they would have faced reprimands from their superiors. Moreover, in
recent years classic peacetime espionage has sometimes escalated into
diversionary-terrorist activity: like the incident in Qatar in 2004,
for example, when Russian special service officers used a car-bomb to
kill former Chechen president Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev and his driver,
also seriously injuring Yandarbiyev’s young son.

According to the Russian-Georgian troop withdrawal agreement of 2005,
all heavy hardware has been removed from the Akhalkalaki base and
most has been removed from the Batumi base. In the past, the GRVZ was
aimed against Turkey: a NATO state hosting some important American
bases. But now only fragments of the GRVZ remain in Georgia; its
capacities for electronic and technological espionage on the other
side of the former Soviet border have been greatly reduced.

Obviously, the Georgian authorities had every reason to suspect
that the GRU officers with the GRVZ were working against Georgia,
and to keep the officers under close surveillance. But in general,
even if the officers were supposed to be working against Turkish
and US military forces rather than Georgia, it was incredibly,
astoundingly stupid to keep a group of professional intelligence
agents without reliable cover in a country which is striving to join
NATO and quarreling with Russia. Just like in the Qatar incident,
our leaders failed their own officers and Russia as a whole. As a
result, the situation is heading for war.

Since the start of this year, Russia has imposed one round of economic
sanctions after another on Georgia: import bans on wine, mineral
water, agricultural produce. In January, a major gas pipeline and
a high-voltage electricity power-line leading to the Trans-Caucasus
were blown up. The Russian authorities declared this to be "sabotage
by international terrorists and Chechen guerrillas."

The Georgians didn’t believe that story – and they were right to
disbelieve it, since our investigators haven’t managed to track
down a single perpetrator or name any names. But at the site of the
electricity power-line bombing, investigators did find part of a
device using plastic explosives – which the guerrillas don’t have,
but which is used by GRU special assignment teams.

In response, Tbilisi took measures to reduce its dependence on Russian
energy resources. Georgia is no longer buying electricty from Russia –
and shutting off gas supplies to Georgia would also affect Armenia,
our ally. Moreover, Tbilisi could temporarily cover its needs by
buying gas from Azerbaijan and Iran.

Now our leaders are threatening to deport Georgians who are living
and working in Russia, while forbidding them to send money to
their families in Georgia. This will lead to nothing but harm and
additional embarrassment. The ruble is now fully convertible, so
there are no restrictions on foreigners sending money abroad, and
post office transfers can always be routed via other countries –
via friends in Armenia, for example. Deporting Georgians en masse
would be logicstically difficult, criminal, and completely unethical.

Since no other forms of leverage remain, Russia announced on September
28 that it is recalling its ambassador from Georgia, and evacuated
almost all diplomatic personnel on September 30: only two Russian
diplomats and some security staff remain at the Russian Embassy
in Tbilisi. In effect, diplomatic relations with Georgia have been
broken off; all that remains is to take the final step – launching
aggression by sea, air, and land.

Georgian Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili told a press conference
that in the near future, under the guise of a military exercise,
substantial forces from Russia’s 58th Army would move toward the
Rok Tunnel on the border between North Ossetia and South Ossetia,
while Black Sea Fleet ships would be deployed off the coast of Georgia.

Georgia’s security and law enforcement leaders – Merabishvili and
Defense Minister Iraklii Okruashvili – say they’re not afraid of
further escalation in relations with Russia, since they don’t believe
that the decrepit Russian Armed Forces are capable of fighting
a successful offensive war in the Trans-Caucasus. And even if they
could – how much glory would there be in crushing Georgia? A "victory"
would mean destabilization in Georgia and throughout the Caucasus,
international isolation for Russia, and general contempt.

An unsuccessful operation would be an even bigger disgrace, with
Russian troops and peacekeepers driven out.

President Putin could still salvage the situation if he were to
visit Tbilisi in person, right now – fortunately, he’s currently
at his Sochi residence, not far away. He could lift the absurd
trade embargo, take the arrested officers home aboard his own jet,
and promise to support Georgia’s territorial integrity in deeds as
well as words. A friendly Georgia, peacefully reintegrated, would be
far more advantageous and useful for Russia than frozen conflicts,
semi-criminal unrecognized regims, and the inevitable end result –
a chaotic bloodbath in the Caucasus.

OSCE Mediators, Armenian Leadership Discuss NK Settlement

OSCE MEDIATORS, ARMENIAN LEADERSHIP DISCUSS NK SETTLEMENT

Public Television of Armenia, Yerevan,
29 Sep 06

The co-chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group have arrived in Yerevan
from Baku. They met Armenian President Robert Kocharyan and Armenian
Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan today.

The co-chairmen will visit Stepanakert [Xankandi] tomorrow to meet the
Artsakh [Karabakh] leader. The US co-chairman of the OSCE Minsk Group,
Matthew Bryza, said in Baku that the main goal of the current visit
to the region is to resume direct contacts between the conflicting
parties to the Karabakh conflict.

But the Russian co-chairman [Yuriy Merzlyakov] said that if the
negotiations continued, the document that was submitted to the
presidents in Rambouillet and re-edited in Bucharest would be offered
to the conflicting sides for discussion. But now it will be offered
at the next meeting with some changes.

BAKU: Very Interesting And Useful Talks Held At Azerbaijani Ministry

VERY INTERESTING AND USEFUL TALKS HELD AT AZERBAIJANI MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS – RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR AT OSCE MINSK GROUP
Author: E. Huseynov, A. Mammadova

TREND, Azerbaijan
Oct 2 2006

Russian Ambassador Yuriy Merzlyakov, the OSCE Minsk Group co-chair,
informed journalists that very interesting and useful talks on the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict resolution took place at the Azerbaijani
Ministry of Foreign Affairs today [on 2 October]. He was commenting
on the results of consultations held in Baku with the Azerbaijani
Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov, the Deputy Foreign Minister as
well as Araz Azimov, the Special Envoy to the Azerbaijani President.

"The talks dealt with the resumption of direct contacts between both
parties in the near future. Merzlyakov stated.

In turn the U.S. Ambassador Matthew Bryza, the OSCE Minsk Group
co-chair, said that during the talks he viewed the meeting to be
very constructive.

The OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs will also hold consultations with the
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev.

Putin: Actions Of Georgian Authorities Are State Terrorism Act With

PUTIN: ACTIONS OF GEORGIAN AUTHORITIES ARE STATE TERRORISM ACT WITH SEIZURE OF HOSTAGES

PanARMENIAN.Net
02.10.2006 13:15 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Yesterday Russian President Vladimir Putin held a
conferred with permanent members of the Russian Security Council,
during which much attention was paid to latest developments in
the Russian-Georgian relations. "In spite of Russian consistently
fulfilling all agreements that we have over withdrawal of our military
units from the territory of the Republic, as it is known, our military
are caught and thrown into prisons. This is a sign of succession of
Laurenty Beria’s policy both within the country and the international
arena. It is obvious that they are trying to provoke Russia and those,
who do it, probably believe it fits the interests of the Georgian
people. I do not think it is so. These people believe that under the
roof of foreign sponsors they will feel comfortable and secure. Is
it true indeed? There are, perhaps, forces creating new crises,
believing it will divert attention from old problems. In the short
run it may have an effect. However, it will not help solving old and
rather serious crises in the world," Putin said.

Owing to the actions of the Georgian leaders, the Russian President
intends to hold consultations with political parties, represented in
the State Duma, and leaders of the Council of the Federation next week.

Putin ordered the Defense Ministry, in spite of the situation,
continue withdrawal of Russian Armed Forces from Georgia according
to the schedule, Kremlin Press Office reports.

President Chirac Calls On Turkey To Recognize Genocide Of Armenians

PRESIDENT CHIRAC CALLS ON TURKEY TO RECOGNIZE GENOCIDE OF ARMENIANS

Focus News, Bulgaria
Sept 30 2006

Yerevan. The French President Jacques Chirac call on Turkey to
"acknowledge its past" while he was speaking about the mass murders
of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, Macedonian TV A1 reports.

"Turkey should acknowledge its mistakes from the past. I believe
that each country should recognize its tragic moments and mistakes
from the past", the French head of state announced at a joint press
conference with the Armenian President Robert Kocharian.

According to President Chirac who is on a two days’ visit in Yerevan,
Turkey should declare the killing of Armenians as genocide.

The Armenian community claims that some 1.5 million Armenians were
killed between 1915 and 1923.