The Unthinkable

December 1,  2020



The author’s Iranian passport

In the kitchenette of our hotel room, I prepared a little something for my daughter to eat and, after playing with her for a while, I returned to bed and left her to play. At that early hour there was nothing on TV, so I turned on the radio to hear some music. What I heard was a total shock…

The news was from Tehran; a mob had defied the existing curfew. A reporter said that overnight masses of people had gone into the streets, dressed in long, white robes. They were in defiance of the existing martial law and chanting slogans against the monarchy.

“Down with the Shah,” they shouted. “Azadi, Istiglal, Jomhuri-ye Eslami,” which means Independence, Freedom and an Islamic Republic.

In Islamic tradition, the dead are wrapped in white shrouds before they are buried, so wearing those long, white robes symbolized the protestors’ willingness to be martyred.

The author’s passport

I could hardly believe my ears. I was stunned to hear so much detailed news on the radio. I realized there must be a very serious problem back home.

I cautiously stirred my husband and with a calm voice I said, “Please wake up. Come listen to the radio. He quipped, “I’m too tired. Not now.”

My voice quivered. Holding back emotions, I said, “Havaah passé,” which in colloquial Farsi means the situation is out of control. I continued, “The news on the radio says that a mob has defied the curfew in Tehran and has taken to the streets.”

He bolted up… Now both of us sat on the edge of the bed, listening to the radio and looking at each other in dismay. We were deeply distressed by the news. As I glanced at my daughter playing on the floor, I had no idea yet that we would never return to our home. My heart pounded in my chest. I can still feel the desolation and the fear that settled in. It was an out of body experience.

The situation in Iran had literally changed overnight. My husband called his parents who told us we should extend our stay in London because the civil unrest continued to worsen minute by minute.

Let me step back a little and tell you that many years later I learned that the BBC radio (British Broadcasting Corporation) had helped the Ayatollah Khomeini to gain power by giving him Persian-language broadcasts. The BBC had been called a loudspeaker for Khomeini, providing him with a platform to launch the Islamic Revolution. On that day, I had no idea about that arrangement.

In our comfortable life in Iran, we didn’t have a clue and couldn’t imagine that the Shah and his family would be forced to leave the country. My family and the people we knew didn’t have anything against the Shah. We thought he was a decent ruler. We lived a good and carefree life. Oil money, the “petro-dollars,” as they said, gushed into the country and trickled down to every home. Iran seemed to be in an upward swing, gaining respect on the international stage. We vacationed in Europe, drove luxury cars and wore designer clothing. We spent summers by the pool or the Caspian Sea. We had a wonderful life, and we considered the Shah a friend.

As an ethnic group Armenians had thrived in a Muslim country for over 500 years. We had lived peacefully under the succession of Persian rulers. We enjoyed religious freedom and, by having our own schools, kept our language and culture. No caste system, no roadblocks or prejudice impeded us. We enjoyed social mobility with plenty of opportunities.

Growing up I had heard a story about a distant uncle, named Qazar, who was a communist. His brother owned a printing shop where, without his brother’s knowledge, Uncle Qazar had printed literature about their group’s communist activities — it was around 1936 or 38. At the time, there were only one or two printing shops in Tehran, so it was not difficult for the authorities to find out where the flyers came from. The Shah’s men came and closed the shop, cutting off the brother’s livelihood, and imprisoned the communist uncle for a few years. While in prison, Uncle Qazar studied English literature. He already was well-versed in the Russian, Armenian and Farsi languages; when he got out of prison, he became one of the most prolific translators in Iran. Uncle Qazar translated Anna Karenina from Russian and had his hand in many other translations and in the making of dictionaries. Ironically, one of his nephews became a Minister of Urban Planning in Iran and another nephew was a journalist working at the American Embassy in Tehran.

Growing up, within my six degrees of separation, I had never heard of someone being tortured, whipped or hanged. On the contrary, it was the Islamic Revolution that brought all of that to the foreground for those I knew in Iran.

Opposition to the Shah was nothing new – it was part of the fabric of our society. When the riots got more frequent, we thought the agitation would fade away as it always did. Nobody believed the government would not be able to handle the situation, and that we would end up with a revolution.

Now allow me to take you 25 days before our departure, to Sunday November 5, when the most violent riot broke out. The day came to be called “Black Sunday.” On that Sunday, the opposition gathered momentum and the unrest spread throughout Tehran. Mobs burned, looted and vandalized cinemas, banks and public buildings.

On that day we had gathered at my parents’ home at the outskirts of the city for a late lunch, as we did every Sunday. (Sunday is not a “weekend” in Iran but a regular workday.) A few hours earlier, when I left home around noon to pick up my young daughter from her nursery school, I didn’t notice anything unusual in the streets of Tehran. However, by the time I arrived at my parents’ home, the news announced that thousands of people had taken to the streets demanding the Shah to step down from power.

Although my parents resided away from the center of the city, in the distance we could see the sky turning black with fires set by protestors. Black Sunday marked a turning point in the history of Iran. It was the beginning of the end for the Shah. For us, it was a surprise.

That day, we realized the implications of what was happening around us. We had witnessed a few previews of opposition to the Shah, however, the big picture still looked to be in favor of the status quo.

Our anxiety was high, but even then, we didn’t realize that we were on the cusp of a revolution. The evening of “Black Sunday,” martial law was imposed and, in an effort to stave off disaster, the Shah addressed the nation. I can still remember his words coming from the car radio.

“I, too, have heard the voice of your revolution,” the Shah proclaimed. sounding contrite. “As the Shah of Iran and as an Iranian, I will support the revolution of my people. I promise that the previous mistakes, unlawful acts and injustice will not be repeated.”

He wanted to find a way to dialogue with people and work out a solution, but it was too late. The king was checkmated. The West, including America, wanted the Shah to leave and to hand the country over to Ayatollah Khomeini and the religious fanatics.

How had the Shah, who was such an important ally to the West, suddenly become so unpopular? In those days we looked to the Shah as a tower of strength in the Middle East. He had created a strong economic growth. He had established great relationships with both East and West, and he was in the process of modernizing and Westernizing Iran. And he had many more dreams to implement for the betterment of the country. Why? Why did he have to leave his job unfinished? I think fate was unkind to him.

Queen Farah Pahlavi in her biography, “An Enduring Love,” writes: “Western journalists, who were so punctilious about respecting freedoms, seemed to see Ayatollah Khomeini as the incarnation of the spiritual…” Yes, it was the West who stood shoulder to shoulder with Khomeini to bring about the Islamic Revolution. Even President Reagan later said, “What we did to the Shah is a black page in American history.”

I can’t recall much between Black Sunday and the day we left for London. How exactly did we go on with our daily routines? What was in our thoughts? Did we send our daughter to her nursery school? I wonder how such an important period of time has escaped my memory.

However, I do recall the celebration of my husband’s 30th birthday on November 15, ten days after the riot. We had over 40 guests, but they dispersed early because of the curfew. Otherwise, it was like any other party – a good spread of food, drinks and dancing to European music. At the party there was a lot of talk about the riots and the general unrest in the country, however the consensus was that things would return to normal. We were blindsided.

A few factors prompted our trip to London. First, it was the imposed government curfew. Second, we were heading into the Muslim mourning month of Muharram, during which there was no regular TV programs or music. We felt that the coming weeks would be cheerless and gloomy, and we also thought: “We could spend Christmas in London and return to Tehran when Muharram was over and everything had settled down.” We held active passports and visas, which made it easy for us to travel on the spur of the moment.

I remember I was standing in our bedroom when my husband called to tell me that he had secured tickets for London. He said, “I’ve got three airplane tickets. We’re going to London in two days. Start packing.”

When I hung up, after that short call, I didn’t know what to do, so I called my mother-in-law. “We’re leaving for London in two days!” I said those words, almost panicking. My mind filled with everything I needed to do to get ready.

“Oh, do you want me to come and help you pack?” she asked. “Yes, I do!” I said, relieved.

As I was packing, I was overwhelmed by a strange feeling. I sensed that this departure was different from all others. I kept asking myself, “Should I empty the refrigerator, should I take a few pieces of jewelry with me?” I was at a loss. In the end, we left carrying only two suitcases, thinking we would return in a month. We never did.

Catherine Yesayan is a regular contributor to Asbarez, with her columns appearing under the “Community Links”  heading. She can be reached at .



http://asbarez.com/198873/the-unthinkable/?fbclid=IwAR3RtlAdq9k3asVYRbWG8IF4ClcDC6uzdHZF_frs3RHu-tWJns1wqCfOUuw

‘This is our life’: Armenians flee before Azerbaijan arrives

Yahoo! News
Nov 30 2020
Emmanuel PEUCHOT

, 2:12 pm


Prodding her cows forward with a long stick, Asya Petrosyan drives the herd along the snow-covered Lachin corridor, the last road out of Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia.

With Azerbaijani forces preparing to take back this district on Tuesday, the 67-year-old is rushing to bring 30 animals more than 55 kilometres (35 miles) to the town of Goris across the border in Armenia.

"We used to live here but it is being returned to (the Azerbaijanis) so we are leaving," says Petrosyan, wrapped in a fluorescent green down jacket against the cold.

"This is our life," she says, trudging along the road while an accompanying Lada SUV carries goods and two calves too young to make the long journey.

Lachin is the last of three districts — after Aghdam and Kalbajar — that Armenia is surrendering to Azerbaijan under a Russian-brokered peace deal that ended weeks of heavy fighting over Nagorno-Karabakh.

The agreement, signed on November 9, sees Armenia handing back seven districts that it seized around Karabakh when the separatist region broke away from Azerbaijan's control during a war in the early 1990s.

Lachin runs from north to south along the eastern border of Armenia down to Iran and will be under Azerbaijani control except for a few areas bordering the corridor.

– Abandoned –

Travelling north from the town of Lachin (called Berdzor by the Armenians) the next village is Qarega, set on a mountainside overlooking a deep valley.

Here residents wasted no time in leaving. The few dozen houses scattered around the village have already been abandoned, partly destroyed or burnt down.

On Sunday, a thin plume of smoke was still escaping from a building with blackened walls.

Outside another partly burnt building, 56-year-old Seryozha Ordyan of Goris is busy retrieving black plastic water pipes while his son collects firewood.

The building's owners and their two children — relatives of Ordyan — left everything behind a few days ago. The children are now in Goris while their parents went on to the Armenian capital Yerevan to look for housing.

"We are taking this wood to heat us and their children, and I'm also collecting this pipe. It is theirs; they might need it," says Ordyan.

– 'We'll stay with the Russians' –

Along the edge of a small road leading to the village, men use chainsaws to harvest snow-covered logs and load them into a dozen vans and large trucks.

Despite the frantic efforts to clear out, there is some relief in the district.

In his office, Lachin district head Mushegh Alaverdyan says he has learned that Armenians living in some settlements will be allowed to stay.

"We have received official information that Berdzor, Aghavno and Sus will remain Armenian," he says, referring to three towns along the roadside of the Lachin corridor.

"There will be no Azerbaijani authorities here. That is clear," he insists, before adding more cautiously: "At this moment I cannot tell you what will happen over the next few hours."

In the centre of town, at an intersection with the strategic road that goes to Karabakh's main city Stepanakert, Russian peacekeepers are stationed with two light armoured vehicles.

Moscow has deployed some 2,000 soldiers between the two sides including at checkpoints along the five-kilometre-wide (three-mile-wide) Lachin corridor.

"We will stay here with the Russians… until the next bad news. My house is right next door; I'll stay if I'm allowed," the owner of a grocery store at the crossing says on condition of anonymity.

Asked about the possibility of Azerbaijanis using this road, the man says he is "not afraid of Azerbaijanis if they come".

"In Russia I met a lot of them. People live on both sides of borders after wars, and things are fine."

epe-emg/mm/tgb



Iran’s Rouhani accuses Israel of killing nuclear scientist

Panorama, Armenia
Nov 28 2020

Iran’s president on Saturday accused Israel of killing a prominent Iranian scientist long suspected by the West of masterminding a secret nuclear bomb programme, Reuters reported, citing state TV.

Iran’s clerical and military rulers have threatened revenge for Friday’s killing of Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, who Iranian media said died in hospital after assassins gunned him down in his car near Tehran.

“Once again, the evil hands of global arrogance were stained with the blood of the mercenary usurper Zionist regime,” a term for Israel, President Hassan Rouhani said in a statement, according to state TV.

“The assassination of martyr Fakhrizadeh shows our enemies’ despair and the depth of their hatred… His martyrdom will not slow down our achievements.”

The death of Fakhrizadeh could provoke confrontation between Iran and its foes in the last weeks of Donald Trump’s U.S. presidency while complicating any effort by President-elect Joe Biden to revive the detente of Barack Obama’s presidency.


Armenian PM believes Russian peacekeepers will stay in Karabakh for over five years

Save

Share

 10:59,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 25, ARMENPRESS. Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan believes that Russian peacekeepers will stay in Nagorno Karabakh for more than five years.

“True, five years may be enough to create guarantees of security and stability in the region. But the Karabakh conflict is a prolonged one, so I do not believe that the presence of Russian peacekeepers will be confined to one five-year period. The five-year period is the beginning of the process, there is a possibility of automatic extension. I think that at this stage the most important issue is to ensure stability in Nagorno Karabakh and the region, as well as the security of the NK citizens. I believe and hope that the Russian peacekeepers will act successfully and will really be able to fulfill that mission”, Pashinyan told TASS in an interview.

On November 9, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a joint statement on a complete ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh starting from November 10. The Russian peacekeeping contingent has been deployed to the region.




Bill Belichick wants US to ‘take action’ in Armenia-Azerbaijan dispute

NY Post
Nov 18 2020

This may be Bill Belichick’s most unexpected play call ever.

The New England Patriots head coach stepped off the gridiron and into the political field Wednesday, as he demanded the US take action in the recent dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

The comments came as he was asked about how Acting Secretary of Defense Christopher Miller recently quoted his mantra, “Do your job,” in a letter to Department of Defense employees.

“Well, I really appreciate the kind words from Secretary Miller,” the Pats coach said in a video conference with Patriots reporters, according to CBS Boston. “When you consider the type of leadership that he’s shown throughout his career serving our country, it really means a lot. I’m flattered by the reference that he made.”

The Super Bowl-winning NFL strategist then tried his hand at a little global strategic thinking.

“I’ll just say, while while we’re on the subject, I read his point about combating traditional threats,” he said. “And I couldn’t help but think and hope that we’ve seen from other countries around the world, and I hope that our country will take action against Turkey and Azerbaijan for their unprovoked and deadly attacks on Armenians.

“We’ve seen that when a humanitarian crisis and things like that, like ethnic cleaning, go unpunished, that they just continue to happen. I hope that we can put a stop to that.”

The Boston area is home to some 30,000 to 50,000 Armenians, The Hill reported, citing the Armenian Diaspora Survey.

Belichick made similar comments in support of Armenians earlier this month amid the Nagorno-Karabakh war.

“To Armenians around the world, I just want to give a quick message and let you know that I stand with you during these difficult times,” he said in a video on Instagram. “I have learned that throughout Armenian history, regardless of any adversity or tragedy, the Armenian people have continued to thrive and persevere.”

Enlarge Image Bill BelichickGetty Images

Belichick also wore an Armenian flag pin during a visit to the White House in 2015, Boston.com reported.

Berj Najarian, the Pats’ director of football/head coach administration and Belichick’s right-hand man, is Armenian.

The six-week conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region ended on Nov. 10 with a peace deal brokered between Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia.

The disputed area sits within Azerbaijan but has been under the control of ethnic Armenians since 1994.

Armen Dzhigarkhanyan dead at 85

Save

Share

 10:45,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. Prominent Russian-Armenian actor Armen Dzhigarkhanyan has died at the age of 85, his representative told RIA Novosti. 

The cause of death wasn’t immediately available.

Dzhigarkhanyan’s filmography includes a record of 300 appearances in films.

In March 1996, Dzhigarkhanyan founded his own theater named "D, which is currently named Moscow Drama Theater headed by Armen Dzhigarkhanyan.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

TURKISH press: Is there any hope for Turkey-US ties to get back on track?

Joe Biden, by any credible measure, has become the president-elect of the United States. Though it looks like President Donald Trump will not concede easily and will surely attempt some form of legal or constitutional acrobatics to challenge the result, the margin is far too great for any real prospect of another Trump presidency.

The world has already heralded Biden as the next U.S. president, as congratulations have been made to the president-elect from numerous American allies in Europe and the Middle East.

The latest addition to the list of congratulations comes from President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who in two separate messages thanked incumbent President Trump for his contributions to Turkish-U.S. ties and commended President-elect Biden for his success.

Erdoğan’s message comes at a time when some have anticipated that Biden’s presidency could adversely impact Turkish-American ties. This is largely due to comments by Biden that surfaced this summer, in which he used eerie language on supporting Erdoğan’s adversaries by possibly intervening in Turkish politics. I too had argued in an earlier piece that what I saw was the consolidation of anti-Turkish sentiment among the Democratic Party and Biden’s flawed view on Turkey’s regional role.

Now, however, the cards have been dealt, and Biden will almost certainly become the next president. The conciliatory tone of Erdoğan’s congratulatory message to Biden, in which the Turkish president remarks on the strategic nature of Turkish-American ties and the time he spent with Biden as vice president, suggests that he has allowed for politics to simply be politics.

Erdoğan in this instance has chosen to disregard whatever Biden might have said on the campaign trail. American presidential candidates have a history of talking big in the heat of electoral politics, and relations with Turkey have largely transformed into a point of political contention in the U.S., exacerbated by the fact that Erdoğan and Trump are friendly with one another.

Biden’s earlier gaffes on Turkey thus appear to have been put aside for now, as Erdoğan has highlighted the institutional links that bring the two countries together.

A similar sentiment was expressed earlier by one of Biden’s foreign policy aides, signaling that there is an impetus on both sides to engage in meaningful dialogue. Biden’s actions will now be more important than his words, as Washington and Ankara carefully steer one of the most vital relationships in the transatlantic world.

President-elect Biden is a rational and predictable man who is a veteran of statecraft. He has worked with Turkish officials from his earliest days in Senate. Before his absurd comments on Turkey, he also enjoyed a good relationship with Erdoğan.

Surely, if common sense is to prevail, he’ll work to reengage with Turkey as an ally and in doing so address Turkey’s concerns regarding certain U.S. policies in the region.

The sanctions issue

The president-elect faces several key issues with regard to Turkey. Most pressing at the moment is the possibility of the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) sanctions coming Turkey’s way.

Trump has long evaded congressional pressure to sanction Turkey regarding the purchase of the S-400 missile system from Russia. As the system is en route to becoming fully operational in Turkey, Biden, once president, will likely face similar pressure.

Democrat members of the Senate and Congress are already vehemently opposed to Turkish interests. The likes of Bob Menendez, ranking member of the Senate’s foreign relations committee, have been on a consistent anti-Turkey crusade for several years now.

Most recently, Menendez, among others, proposed that Turkey should be confronted for aiding Azerbaijan in the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh against Armenian occupation. Biden should be wary of surrounding himself with people like Menendez, whose ideas that border idiocy can only harm the relationship between Turkey and the U.S.

In this regard, Biden’s soon-to-be-formed foreign policy team will be one to watch out for. If he opts for hawkish, interventionist elements in the Democratic Party, who will likely want to confront Turkey’s growing regional role, the conflict will continue. On the other hand, picks from the bureaucracy and military establishment would likely work in Turkey’s favor, in the spirit of maintaining institutional links between the two countries.

Obama 2.0?

Another issue of contention will be Syria, and the matter of the U.S. relationship with the YPG – the Syrian branch of the PKK. Biden here runs the risk of repeating the policies of the Obama era, in which the transactional relationship between the YPG and the U.S. military establishment was fostered. Biden has the opportunity to distance himself from this policy, and instead opt to work with Turkey regarding the Syrian debacle.

A re-engagement on Syria would serve U.S. interests as well, as by virtue of Trump’s policies, the U.S. has unilaterally left the region. Turkey’s hand in Syria is strong, with the presence of Turkish forces in the area and by the extent of the popular support that Turkey enjoys among the Syrian population, millions of which now call Turkey home. If the U.S. is serious about engaging with the world again, then there is no better ally than Turkey in the region.

Realistically, the U.S. has two goals in Syria. The first is to eliminate the threat of Daesh, which despite suffering heavy losses may resurge. Turkey is the only country in the region that is willing to provide active support in such a mission, extending even to ground forces, as it has already done in previous cross-border operations in Syria.

The second American goal vis-a-vis Syria will be the urgency of limiting Iranian and Russian influence. By virtue of the Astana process, Turkey already sits as a balancing force in Syria, and by extension represents not simply Turkish interests but the interests of NATO and the U.S. as well.

A silver lining

Even if Biden’s term doesn’t yield favorable results for Turkish-American ties and results in the misgivings that some have speculated, there is a silver lining to his presidency. Trump gave free rein to countries like Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in pursuing their regional aspirations.

The decision to move the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, the Abraham Accords and, most recently, the decision to equip the UAE with F-35 fighters all stem from Trump’s negligence regarding these countries' destabilizing ambitions.

Biden is far more a proponent of orthodox American foreign policy to allow such endeavors to continue, especially since he will likely seek a more assertive role for the U.S. in the Middle East. His campaign has already voiced concern about the Saudi-led offensive in Yemen, and it was no secret that Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did not get along, a legacy that might continue with Biden.

Turkey’s regional adversaries will find it hard to operate under far stricter American scrutiny under Biden’s watch. All the while, Turkey will continue to be able to pursue a proactive regional agenda by virtue of its role in NATO and other institutionalized regional security structures that have come to play in Libya, Syria and the Caucasus.

Irrespective of further speculation, Biden should appreciate Erdoğan’s magnanimity in congratulating him and should work to overcome the challenges that face Turkish-American relations.

*Master of Science comparative politics candidate at the London School of Economics

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
*MSc Comparative Politics Candidate at the London School of Economics

Turkish defense and foreign ministers visit Baku

Save

Share

 17:20, 8 November, 2020

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 8, ARMENPRESS. Turkey’s defense minister Hulusi Akar and foreign minister Mevlut Cavusoglu visited Azerbaijan’s capital Baku, RIA Novosti reports.

The Turkish defense and foreign ministers have already met with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev.

Recently Turkish top officials are frequently visiting Azerbaijan.

The Russian Kommersant has recently published an article, stating that the Turkish defense minister has been in Baku on September 28-30 and personally led the war unleashed against Artsakh.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan