Lebanese-Armenian Prisoners of War In Azerbaijan: Two Destinies, One Battle

Maral Najarian returns home to Lebanon (left), while Vicken Euljekjian was given a 20-year sentence by an Azerbaijani court


BY JASMINE H. SEYMOUR
Special to Asbarez

Exactly two years ago on March 10, Lebanese-Armenian civilian hostage Maral Najarian was released from the notorious Gobustan prison in Azerbaijan after four months in captivity.

It took three months for the International Committee of the Red Cross to get access to Armenian POWs and hostages on February 10, 2021, after which their conditions improved exponentially.

For Maral and everyone else, there was a glimpse of hope that their release was close. One month after the Red Cross visit, Maral Najarian was woken up by prison guards, ordered to dress and was told she was free.

“I did not believe it was happening, that I was going to see the sky,” Maral said afterward from Beirut. She was escorted by two agents to the Baku airport with a handbag and no money, put on a flight to Istanbul, and another flight to Beirut, where her children and family reside.

On that unforgettable morning on March 10, 2021, I was woken up by a call from Maral’s sister Annie from Yerevan. “Wake up, I have good news!” she screamed on the phone. The family was informed only that morning about her liberation, only when Maral was on the plane from Baku to Istanbul and then a connecting flight to Beirut.

The rest of the day was a long and joyful anticipation until she landed in Beirut airport, where her son whisked her away to avoid the press that had been tipped by a family friend from France to everyone’s disappointment. And the rest, as they say, is history.

The second Lebanese-Armenian hostage, Vicken Euljekjian, moved to Armenia in April 2018, when he received his Armenian passport.

“My father wanted to take us to Armenia afterward,” said Vicken’s daughter, Christine on the phone from her Beirut apartment. “He wanted to start a business and get a house for all of us, and then the war started.”

Vicken went back to Armenia in 2019, trying to start a new life with Maral, now his fiancée. He joined the program of relocation of Lebanese and Syrian Armenians in Artsakh. Maral and her sister Annie were in a hotel in Berdzor in September 2020, where they were promised accommodation from the Diaspora Ministry.

On September 27, 2020 when the war broke, Vicken was in the hotel across the street from the Ghazanchetsots Cathedral, waiting for an apartment. In a hurry, leaving three suitcases behind, he left Shushi and went back to Yerevan with the two sisters. Days later he volunteered to go back to Artsakh to defend his country but returned three days later without joining the front line. During his trial in Baku, he said the Armenian forces were dis-organized and he felt he was not needed. Vicken was in his hotel room, when Azerbaijanis began bombing the Ghazachetsots Cathedral, an act Human Rights Watch characterized as a “possible war crime.”

The Surp Ghazanchetsosts Cathedral was bombed by Azerbaijani forces in 2020

Following the ceasefire, on November 9, 2020, Maral and Vicken were traveling in their car from Goris to Shushi in Vichen’s 7-seater Honda to fetch the suitcases he had left in the Shushi hotel. Before they reached Shushi, they were captured by two Azerbaijani soldiers, and after being interrogated, they were transferred to a Baku prison with other Armenian hostages.

“Many Armenian civilians were captured on November 10 and 11, as there were no signs and no soldiers on the Armenian side of the Lachin corridor,” Maral said with slight anger in her tone.

Four months later Maral was released on March 10, 2021, whereas Vicken was sentenced to 20 years to prison following sham trials without adequate legal assistance in Baku.

Currently Vicken Euljekjian is spending his illegal sentence in solitary confinement in one of the world’s most infamous prison. His physical and mental health are causing much concern to his elderly mother, grown-up children and Lebanese wife Linda.

“I am not sure why my father was not released with Maral,” Vicken’s 18-year-old daughter, Christine said during our first telephone call. “They were arrested together, they should have been released together. If Maral is innocent, so is my dad, he has not done anything against Azerbaijan.”

Like other hostages, Vicken was hopeful he would be freed soon after Maral. Even though they were kept apart, the news reached him through his family in Beirut. He even told his brother, that they have gathered paperwork, and he would be released within three months.

Vicken Euljekjian’s wife Linda (right) and daughter, Christine

However, three months after Maral’s release, Vicken was in a Baku Court for Grave Crimes, with an Azerbaijani lawyer and interpreter, who could not understand him properly.

His long sentence has brought the family closer together with his Lebanese wife Linda fighting for his release.

Vicken and Linda were married at the Holy Cross Armenian Church in Bourdj Hammoud

“He is the love of my life,” Linda said from Beirut, “I forgive him for leaving us and going with Maral to Armenia, but he is the kindest man I know, and I have forgiven him. All I want now is that he comes back to our family soon.”

Linda and the family are allowed to communicate with Vicken almost every month, via Red Cross officials who visit them in their remote flat in the outskirts of Beirut and deliver written messages from prison and sometimes video recordings, which are particularly painful.

“Vicken has lost half of his weight. He is 41 but he looks 80,” Linda said, sobbing on the phone. “It is heartbreaking to watch him, we try to cheer him and give him hope, but it is very hard for him and for us.”

To the family and to anyone who knows Vicken, he is an innocent person who was at the wrong place at the wrong time. There has been no evidence supporting the Baku court order, except some photos of Vicken in uniform holding a gun, found in his mobile phone confiscated on the day of his capture.

“Dad, you are a hero, you are the bravest person I know. You will be released soon, as you have not done anything wrong, there is nothing in your phone. I miss you so much, just remember there is a family waiting for you here”, Vicken’s son, Serj said in an emotional video message to his dad.

Vicken Euljekjian is currently serving his sentence near Baku, in one of the most notorious prisons in the world, nobody visits him except the Red Cross representative once a month. Vicken’s physical and mental health are of serious concern, as is the case with many others currently in illegal captivity. He is not the only one who has changed in the past two years. Photos of his family members then and now say it all, but the fight of this incredibly brave family for his release continues…

Azerbaijan continues to illegally hold Armenian civilian hostages and POWs captured during the 44-day war, in gross violation of The Third Geneva Convention on the Treatment of POWs. More hostages were taken in 2021 and 2022 after the military aggressions on the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia. Azerbaijan claims there are 33 Armenian captives in its prisons, but human rights lawyers working with families believe the number is close to 113, unless the 80 Armenian hostages have been murdered in captivity.

Around 68 Armenian civilian hostages and POWs were sentenced to prison terms during sham Baku trials. Meanwhile, in the course of 2021 and 2022, half of the Armenian hostages sentenced in Baku trials, were returned to Armenia, following high-level interventions from the United States, France and the European Union.

Vicken’s son, Serjo

Three important deductions can be made:

  • the verdicts of the Baku courts are not even observed by the Azerbaijani authorities themselves, therefore, are not worth the paper they are written on;
  • the release of other Armenian hostages and POWs is achievable;
  • it seems that the only path for the release of remaining Armenian hostages is via diplomatic negotiations, political and economic pressure on the Azerbaijani government.

While the International Court of Justice announced a decision on the re-opening of the Lachin corridor, very few have paid attention on other points of the Court’s Order published on February 22, 2023.

The Court did not instruct the release of Armenian hostages and Prisoners of War held illegally after the Ceasefire of November 2020, instead, it announced:
“Protect from violence and bodily harm all persons captured in relation to the 2020 Conflict who remain in detention, and ensure their security and equality before the law”(p.2, 3 a).

The ICJ Order did not mention the brutal cases of torture and murder of several Armenian hostages were tortured to death after being captured and disarmed, perhaps these grave cases were not raised by the Armenian side. Among the tortured were five Armenian females, who were brutally abused, raped, and beheaded by Azerbaijani soldiers on camera last September during the military invasion, that was widely covered by the Armenian press and social media.

The British Armenian humanitarian group launched a petition on change.org in January 2021 with Maral Najarian’s case. The campaign is still ongoing so many years later. Continue sharing the Petition to raise awareness on Armenian POWs and hostages held illegally in Azerbaijan.

Let’s hope that other families will be able to welcome their brave sons, brothers and husbands in coming days and months, and that there will be merely tears of happiness in the future.

Jasmine H. Seymour is an activist based in Britain who started and runs the advocacy organization British Armenian, which has been spearheading efforts to release Armenian POWs who are illegally being held in Azerbaijan.




In Artsakh, Virtue Signalling but No Action

Wales –

Anna Cervi discusses the humanitarian crisis in Artsakh from the point of view of the Armenian community in Wales.

Since December 12th 2022, Azerbaijani state-backed groups disguised as ‘environmental activists have been blocking the Lachin Corridor of Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh).

Russia, the traditional dominant power in the region, has chosen to sacrifice the Armenian-populated democratic country to Azerbaijan and Turkey.  This is only a small price for Putin to pay to gain control of strategic crossroads linking the west to the east and the north to the south, and the use of a military base in Artsakh (and from the perspective of Moscow, in Azerbaijan). 

The Lachin Corridor is the only road linking Artsakh with Armenia and the rest of the world. Its closure means that citizens cannot get essential items like food and medical supplies. Vital hospital services are not able to function, and the region’s 22,000 children are unable to go to school due to a lack of heating. Gas and electricity supplies are periodically disrupted by Azerbaijan to bring the people of Artsakh to its knees. Patients requiring urgent treatments are heavily reliant on the Red Cross for ensuring their safe passage to Armenia. 

What Armenians in Artsakh need from Wales and the international community is not money or weapons, but condemnation of the criminal activities led by Azerbaijan.

Azerbaijan is an authoritarian country that has not had any environmental activist initiatives for the past decade. They have included special forces among civilians camouflaged as activists to employ fear, compulsion and terror. Armenian mothers separated from their children were offered a chance to reunite with them only through a one-off outbound trip from Artsakh – ethnic cleansing at work. When a children’s bus, accompanied by Russian peacekeepers, was to cross the Lachin Corridor, the fake activists burst into the bus and filmed the children in utter terror with one of them fainting. The filmed material was triumphantly shown on Azeri television. 

In a distorted way, as members of the Welsh Armenian community, this crisis has given us even more appreciation for the safety, security, and respect for human rights we experience in Wales and the UK. However, we also feel disbelief and consternation about the lack of consolidated international efforts at curbing Azerbaijan’s criminal actions through punitive measures. The Welsh Government has committed to providing £4 million financial and humanitarian aid for people in Ukraine. Media, charities and other international organisations are broadcasting, criticising and taking strong measures against Russian aggression towards Ukraine. Armenia is a hostage in the hands of the Russians, terrorised by Azerbaijan, and yet all the powers chose to turn a blind eye to the ongoing situation. What Armenians in Artsakh need from Wales and the international community is not money or weapons, but condemnation of the criminal activities led by Azerbaijan. This is a matter of taking a moral stance. 

Llyr Gruffydd MS/AS submitted a statement of opinion to the Welsh Parliament, aimed at ‘recognising the long standing historical ties between Wales and Armenia’ and calling on the UK Government to ‘provide aid to avert a humanitarian crisis’ that has the potential to occur if nothing more is done. 

So far only a few other MSs have signed it. The Armenian community of Wales cannot explain such indifference. They were sure that Wales would understand the pain of Armenians, as Wales knows only too well from its own history the pain and torture of invasion.   

The conflict in the area has been known for a century now. The autonomous republics of Nakhichevan and Nagorno-Karabakh have never been a full part of Azerbaijan: the annexation of both places echoes Stalin’s foreign policy of divide and rule. This made Armenia’s secession from the Soviet Union next to impossible due to the risk of leaving Armenians in those two regions hostage to the Soviet Union and Azerbaijan. 

Meanwhile the West has taken an ambivalent approach to Azerbaijan’s crimes because of its reliance on gas.

The first ethnic cleansing of Armenians by the Azeris took place during the Soviet years (1921-1975) in Nakhichevan. By the end of the 1970s, all Armenians had been driven out of the region and any monuments and cultural features of Armenian heritage in Nakhichevan were destroyed between 1997 and 2006. The Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, however, managed to resist the constant pressure from Azerbaijan. After the collapse of the USSR, they seized the opportunity and used their constitutional right to vote and decided to reunite with Armenia. However, Russia and the rest of the world did not accept the vote and their right to self-determination, and the conflict has been ongoing ever since.  

Giving Nakhichevan and Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan was the beginning of the far-reaching project of pan-Turkism. Today, there are no more Armenians in Nakhichevan. In Karabakh, intensive depopulation is continuing to take place through military force and terrorist acts.

In September 2020, Azerbaijan launched an invasion of Nagorno Karabakh, killing thousands and expelling tens of thousands of Armenians from their homes. Armenian civilians caught behind the enemy lines were systematically killed or kidnapped. According to OpenDemocracy: ‘Unlike the Russian-Ukrainian war, the international community is not rushing to directly support one side or another in the conflict. The exception here is Turkey, which supplies Azerbaijan with weapons, training its army and striking lucrative contracts with Aliyev. During the Second Karabakh War, Ankara is reported to have sent mercenaries to Azerbaijan recruited from Turkish-controlled Islamist groups in Syria, through Turkey.’

Meanwhile the West has taken an ambivalent approach to Azerbaijan’s crimes because of its reliance on gas. The impending catastrophe has garnered international attention. The European Court of Human Rights applied interim measures against Azerbaijan over this blockade; the President of the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers called for the blockade’s urgent lifting; and Amnesty International, the European Union, Brazil, France, Germany, Greece, the Helsinki Commission, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Switzerland, the United States and USAID have each separately called for the immediate lifting of the siege. 

Yet, the European Union has signed billions of dollars’ worth of gas and investment deals with Azerbaijan since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022. Azerbaijan’s sense of impunity and ongoing hostilities, as recorded by the UN International Court of Justice, are potential precursors of far worse. The dangers are heightened by the absence of international eyes and ears in Artsakh. The Genocide Prevention Network has warned that it is an attempt to ‘ethnically cleanse and drive Armenians out of Artsakh.’

The question today is whether members of our Senedd, and the Welsh Government led by Mark Drakeford, will draw the same conclusions.

On 22 February,  the International Court of Justice ordered Azerbaijan to end the blockade of the Lachin corridor. Yet, Azerbaijani special forces acting with impunity, while ignoring the order, attacked a police car in Artsakh, killing three and injuring one. This happens 10 days after the court’s decision, immediately after the visit of Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov to Baku.

And yet no concrete international intervention is on the horizon. 

While the whole world stands together in condemnation of these acts – Russia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey are pressing ahead to implement the 100-year plan drawn by Lenin and the Young Turks: to carry out the cleansing of native Armenians from region piece by piece; first from Karabakh, then Syunik, then the rest of Armenia.

 As Dr. Michael Rubin, a contributing editor at international politics publication 1945writes: ‘History does not always repeat, but patterns emerge.’ The Ukraine crisis did not begin with Russian tanks rolling into the country, but months earlier, when Putin began laying down the intellectual and diplomatic justification for his aggression. The West may not have listened until it was too late, but Aliyev did. The question today is whether members of our Senedd, and the Welsh Government led by Mark Drakeford, will draw the same conclusions. Or will they take action, instead of passive virtue signalling, before it is too late?


All articles published on the welsh agenda are subject to IWA’s disclaimer.

This article was commissioned by Maisie Allen and co-edited by Kaja Brown, thanks to the Book Council of Wales’ New Audiences Fund.


Baku and Yerevan must strictly observe all provisions of the trilateral agreement, including those on Lachin Corridor

Save

Share

 20:52, 9 March 2023

YEREVAN, MARCH 9, ARMENPRESS. Russia emphasizes the need for Baku and Yerevan to observe all the provisions of the trilateral agreements, including the provisions on the operation of the Lachin Corridor, ARMENPRESS reports the official representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova, said.

Referring to the question regarding the new threats addressed to Artsakh by Azerbaijan, Zakharova said. "Any hostile rhetoric from any side is ineffective, it does not help advance the peace agenda. We assume that Baku and Yerevan must strictly observe all provisions of the trilateral agreements at the highest level, including on security in Nagorno-Karabakh and the operation of the Lachin Corridor."

She added that they also believe that the active participation of official Yerevan in the search for mutually acceptable solutions will contribute to easing the current tension.

AW: Vasag’s Wish

Dikran Gamsaragan

Original text by Dikran Gamsaragan (1866-1941)
Translation by Kegham Balian and Nanar Nakashian

The prince of Syunik with his colossal frame, laid there in his dungeon, inertly adhered to the ground on a mere stretcher. Above his pillow, the candle light shimmered in the shadows, akin to a lantern casting its gaze upon a tomb. His cell resembled the entrance to a grave.

With a banal glance into the darkness of his prison chamber, a deathly Vasag seemed in search of his lost glory; plowing and foraging in thought for a glory that had sunk into the void of this very dungeon, this hole, which was the remaining estate of the lord of Syunik, whose immolated soul was once impassioned for a greater Armenia.

Kourken, the disavowed Armenian, the guard to his cell, who had since come to regret his emancipation, sorrowfully looked upon Vasag. Behold the prince, the grandest of Armenian princes, chained and curled up, abandoned to his death bed; perhaps the eventuality of his own fate as well. Kourken stood petrified, with a turmoiled mind. He eventually approached Vasag’s bedside, and with a crackled voice, spoke in his Armenian dialect.

-Your highness, my prince, allow me to be your hostage. Tell me what it is that you wish for; tell me what you yearn for. O which heart could bear distrusting your pain… 

Vasag, as if awakened from a deep slumber, with aching slowness, turned his head toward Kourken, casted a perplexed look upon him with a surprised invigoration that hinted at an inkling of life within him. Soon after, he murmured.

— Boy, are you Armenian?

Kourken bowed in agreement, that he was indeed Armenian, from Vartked Province in the state of Abar, son of Mushegh the camel herder. He continued in quick succession with an incongruous amalgamation of words, in order to explain how dark forces and the devil had conspired to seduce his soul, and on an even darker day, how he had succumbed, unbeknownst to him. Disgraced. Perhaps even more so than Vasag. 

Vasag’s head dropped to his chest, seemingly silently, entranced by sorrowful ruminations. He had just heard his own tale, albeit different, yet eerily and pitiably the same, a humanity recognized.

— Armenian! You, Armenian…

His eyes glinted with bliss as he made an effort to extend a brotherly hand toward Kourken, a clasping that sent reverberations throughout his nation.

From the depths of his heart, he, too, had missed the countryman, the builder, the Armenian Christian, whom he had never doubted having loved; the Armenian who recognizes himself?

— Armenian…

Alas, Kourken perched his head on Vasag and beseeched:

— Do it! Command me, Sir, my prince! Ask whatever it is that you wish! I will do the impossible! Speak my prince, speak!

A faint smile appeared on Vasag’s face, but he kept quiet.

— Are you in need of medication? Would you want me to secretly fetch the night warden’s cabalist? Please, Sir, do not refrain! Do not worry about me. I do not fear danger, for my life isn’t worth much anymore.

An emotional Vasag denied Kourken with a tilt of his head.

— If you wish it so, l will bring forth your child so you may embrace him one last time…

Kourken stopped, taken aback by the thoughtless word that had nearly escaped his lips.

Remembering his son, Vasag teared up. His heart palpitations grew stronger. Alas, he knew it was an impossible endeavor, the idea of seeing his son. He knew very well that Persian law decreed that any attempt to make contact with prisoners in solitary confinement would have resulted in the gouging of their eye [the person trying to contact the prisoner] and would have led to the decapitation of Kourken. To make matters more dreadful, he even doubted that his son would have wanted to see him. He had renounced his own father.

Vasag rejected the offer.

— O dear Prince, said Kourken, perhaps you’d like to send a letter back to the motherland. I would whisk away from this place, cross mountains and valleys and bestow your parchment personally. Perhaps with that I might find salvation. And if they wish to stone me to death, at least I shall perish on my soil in the bosom of my dear mother.

Vasag laid in astoundment. And when Kourken insisted with candor, Vasag gazed yearningly whence a wish materialized, fluttering from his visage, yet hesitant to divulge.

Kourken appeared uneasy, and in that moment, holding Vasag’s hands in his palms, tightly, declared with temerity in his voice.

— O dear Prince of Syunik, an offering for your soul. You guard a wish, fearing its release. I demand earnestly, O dear Prince, release it, may it enslave me. Release it, my dear Prince! Release it!

And then, in that moment, with elation bursting from his cadaverous face, Vasag murmured:

— Holy Communion.

ՎԱՍԱԿԻՆ ԻՂՁԸ

ՏԻԳՐԱՆ ԿԱՄՍԱՐԱԿԱՆ 

Սիւնեաց իշխանը իր յաղթ Հասակին բոլոր տարածութեամբ փռուած էր հոն, իր զնտանին մէջ, ու կը մնար անշարժ ու գետնամած՝ պատգարակի մը վրայ։ Իր սնարին վերեւ պատրոյգի մը տմոյն լոյսը ստուերներու մէջ կը դողդղար, իբր թէ շիրիմի մը վրայ կախուած առկայծ կանթեղ մը եղած ըլլար։ Այդ խուցն իսկ գերեզմանի մը նախագաւիթն ըլլըլ կը թուէր մանաւանդ։

Ակնարկը միապաղաղ, այլ հեռասոյզ ու սեւեռուն, Վասակ՝ մահամերձ՝ կարծես պարապին մէջ իր կորսուած փառքը կը յամառէր փնտռել ու հետապնդել տակաւին։ Ընկլուզեր էր այդ փառքը հոս, այս զնտանին մէջ, ու այս խցիկն էր հիմա կալուածը Սիւնեաց տիրոջ, որ «Հայոց Աշխարհ»ին թագն էր երազեր՝ փառատենչութեամբ ճենճերող իր հոգիին բռնաշունչ դրդումովը։

Գուրգէն, — բանտապահը, որ ուրացող հայ մըն էր եւ հիմա կը զղջար իր ուրացութեան համար, — զարհուրախառն յուզմունքով դիտեց Վասակը։ Կը մեռնէր ահա հայ իշխանը, հայոց աւագ իշխանը, շղթաներու տակ գալարատանջ, իր որհասին մէջ իսկ լքուած ու անոք, ինչպէս որ մը պիտի ըլլար գուցէ ինքն ալ. ու Գուրգէն սոսկաց, արձանացած մնաց հոն մտածկոտ, խելամոլար. յետոյ աւելի եւս մօտենալով Վասակի սնարին, ըսաւ անոր գգուոտ, աղու ձայնով մը, իր հայ բնիկ բարբառով.

—Տէ՛ր իմ իշխան, գերիդ ըլլամ, ըսէ ինծի ինչ որ կը փափաքիս։ Ըսէ՛, Սիգնեաց տէր, փափաքդ. փափաքդ ըսէ։ Ի՞նչ սիրտ ըլլայ, որ չարչարանքիդ չխղճայ…։

Վասակ, իբր խոր երազէ մը սթափած, դէպի Գուրգէնը դարձուց իր գլուխը տաժանքոտ դանդաղութեամբ եւ անոր վրայ ձգեց տարտամ նայուածք մը, ուր զարմանքի սաստկութիւնը միայն կեանքի յետին ցոլք մը դրած էր. քիչ յետոյ մրմնջեց.

—Հա՞յ ես, տղա՛յ…

Գուրգէն գլուխը խոնարհեցուց ըսելու համար, թէ հայ էր, Ապար նահանգին Վարդգետ գաւառէն, ուղտապան Մուշէի որդին՝ Գուրգէն։ Ու պատմեց, քանի մը կցկտուր, առագ բառերով, թէ ի՛նչպէս մոգ ու սատանան դաւակցեր էին իրեն դէմ՝ հրապուրելու համար զինգը, ու սեւ օր մը ուրացեր էր — ինքն ալ չէր գիտեր ի՛նչպէս—ու հիմա շատ դժբախտ էր, իրեն չափ դժբախտ գուցէ…

Վասակ գլուխը կուրծքին վրայ ծռեց ու անմռունչ խորասուզուած ըլլալ կը թուէր չարաշուք յուշերու ու խոհանքներու մէջ. իր պատմութունն էր, որ լսած էր այդ րոպէին, անոր մանրավէպը, դերակատարներով այնքան տարբեր, բայց խղճալիութեամբ այնքան նման ու այնքան մարդկային նաեւ։

—Հայ, — կրկնեց Վասակ,— դուն հայ…

Ու, երանութեամբ խուսափուկ նշոյլ մը աչքերուն մէջ, ճիգ մը ըրաւ եղղբայրական գորովով Գուրգէնին երկնցնելու իր ձեռքը, ուրկէ սասաներ էր երբեմն իր ամբողջ երկիրը։ Ինքն ալ կարօտցեր էր հիմա, սրտին խորէն, երկրի մարդը, նոյնիսկ յետին շինականը կայ քրիստոնեան, զոր մինչեւ հիմա չէր կասկածեր երբեք, թէ կը սիրէր այդքան. ո՞վ ինքզինք կը ճանչնայ։

—Հայ…

Բայց Գուրգէն, գլուխը հակելով Վասակին վրայ, ըսաւ, աղերսեց.

—Օ՛ն, հրամայէ՛, տէ՛ր իմ իշխան, հրամայէ՛ ինչ որ ուզես. պատրաստ եմ քեզի համար անկարելին ընելու։ Օհ, խօսէ, տէր իմ, խօսէ՛։

Վասակ տրտում ժպիտ մը ունեցաւ. լուռ կը մնար միշտ։

—Դեղ ու դարմա՞ն կ՛ուզես արդեօք, —հարցուց Գուրգէն,—կ՛ուզե՞ս որ գիշերանց մարզպետին կապալագէտը բերեմ քեզի գաղտնի։ Կը խնդրեմ, տէ՛ր իմ, մի քաշուիր, ըսէ՛. ու դուն մի խորհիր իմ մասիս, ա՛լ վտանքէ չեմ վախնար ես, ու իմ կեանքս արդէն շատ բան չ՛արժեր այսուհետեւ։

Վասակ, զգացուած, գլխով նշան ըրաւ, թէ դեղի, դարմանի չէր ցանկար, ո՛չ։

—Եթէ փափաքիս, — աւելցուց Գուրգէն, — երթամ, հանդերձապետին մարդիկը կաշառելով, զաւակդ բերեմ քեզի ծպտուած, որ համբուրես զինք անգամ մը, վերջին անգ…

Ու Գուրգէն չաւարտեց, շփոթած՝ այն անխորհուրդ բառին համար, որ սպրդեր, փախեր էր բերնէն։

Ի յուշ իր զաւկին՝ Վասակի աչքերը պղտորեցան արցունքով. կուրծքը աւելի արագ կը հեւար հիմա։ Աւա՛ղ, չէր կրնար համամտիլ տեսնելու իր զաւակը. պարսից օրէնքը, քաջ գիտէր ինք, կը հրամայէր մէկ աչքը փորել անոր, որ յանդգնած ըլլար գաղտնի տեսակցելու հաղորդակցութենէ արգիլուած բանտարկեալին հետ. իսկ Գուրգէն կը գլխատուէր գուցէ։ Մնաց որ ան կը տարակուսէր, թէ որդին զիջանէր գալ տեսնելու զինք. ան նոյնիսկ ուրացեր էր իր հայրը…

Վասակ մերժեց։

— Բայց, տէ՛ր իշխան, — յարեց Գուրգէն, — ուզես թերեւս գիր մը ղրկել հայրենիք. ես կը սպրդիմ, կը փախչիմ իսկոյն ասկէ, լեռ ու ձոր կը կտրեմ եւ անձամբ քու թուղթդ կը տանիմ իր տեղը կը հասցնեմ, ատով քաւութիւն գտնեմ թերեւս. իսկ եթէ քարկոծելով սպաննել ուզեն զիս հոն, թող երկրի հողին վրայ մեռնիմ, մօրս գրկին մէջ մեռնիմ…

Վասակ փղձկեցաւ ու կը մնար յակճիռ։ Ու երբ Գուրգէն խանդաղատանքով պնդեց նորէն ու թախանձեց, որպէս զի անոր յետին կամքն իմանայ, Վասակ աղերսաւոր ու կարօտաբաղձ ակնարկ մը ուղղեց Գուրգէնին, ակնա՛րկ մը, ուր ջերմ ու թագուն իղձ մը կը բաբախէր, զոր ան կը վարանէր յայտնելու։

Գուրգէն վրդովուեցաւ ատկէ ու նոյն պահուն Վասակին ձեռքը իր ափերուն մէջ սեղմելով, ըսաւ անոր՝ իր ամբողջ սիրտը դնելով ձայնին մէջ.

— Ա՛հ, Սիւնեա՛ց տէր, հոգւոյդ մատաղ, բաղձանք մը ունիս դուն, զոր չես ուզեր յայտնել ինծի։ Կը պաղատիմ, Սիւնեա՛ց տէր, յայտնէ ինծի քու բաղձանքդ, կը պաղատիմ, գերիդ ըլլամ։ Յայտնէ՛, տէր իմ իշխան, յայտնէ՛…

Ու այն ատեն, բերկրանքի գերերկրային ճառագայթումով մը իր մեռելատիպ դէմքին վրայ, Վասակ հծծեց.

—Սուրբ հաղորդութի՛ւն…

Kegham Balian is the production and marketing manager at Balian – Armenian Ceramics of Jerusalem, more than a century old family-business. He also writes for This Week in Palestine and additionally translates Armenian literature into English, hoping to extract and display pertinent lores that seek to highlight the depth of our 5000 year old culture.


Quake Diplomacy: Will Turkey, Greece, and Armenia let bygones be bygones?

TFI Global
Feb 2 2023

Quake Diplomacy: Catastrophic disasters make one realize their vulnerability and teach humility. They make one aware of the transience of life and the significance of accepting accountability for our deeds and making wise decisions. Has this lesson been learnt by Turkey though?

Southeast Turkey and northwest Syria were devastated by a strong 7.8 magnitude earthquake on February 6, 2023, and a series of powerful aftershocks then followed causing tremendous losses to life and property. In a region already rocked by unrest brought on by the ongoing refugee crisis and a nearly 12-year old conflict in Syria, tens of thousands have been injured and hundreds of thousands have been displaced.

Talking specifically of Turkey, it is estimated that more than 50,000 people have died and more than a 100,000 people have succumbed to serious injuries. Families are shattered and homes are broken today. A tragedy never seen in centuries had struck Turkey.

Perhaps now everyone who reside in Turkey have come to their senses that Erdogan and his government have somehow failed to adequately aid and assist Turkish nationals. The anger against Erdogan is so intense that the aspiring Khalifa had to apologize to people. Resultantly, he has realized that staying animus to the world will not work out, especially at a time when elections are round the corner. So, he has a damage control plan, known as ‘Quake Diplomacy’

 In what is slated to be termed as a historic shift, Turkey appears to be resetting its foreign policy post the earthquake. Yes, Ankara and Athens are now coming on the same page after decades of animosity. Prior to the disaster, tensions between the two nations were escalating, with fears of a military confrontation looming at large.

However, in the wake of this natural disaster, Greece took the first steps to offer aid and support to their neighbors, sending tents, beds, and blankets, and deploying fully equipped teams of rescue professionals, doctors, and paramedics to the region. This act of solidarity and compassion from Greece did not go unnoticed in Ankara. Turkey responded with genuine gratitude. The Greek Foreign Minister’s visit to the earthquake-stricken Hatay province was seen as a positive shift in relations between the two nations. Citizens in Greece have also shown their support by donating to charities and sharing messages of solidarity on social media.

Even Armenia came to Turkey’s rescue in its the harshest of times. the Armenian government delivered food, medicine, drinking water and other emergency supplies to devastated cities and towns soon after the quakes. The Armenian research and rescue crews were also on the ground to hasten the rescue operation.

More importantly, the aid from Armenia crossed into Turkey through the land border which has been sealed since the early 1990s. On the back of these goodwill gestures, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan also visited Ankara on February 15 to discuss the ongoing efforts to normalize ties between Armenia and Turkey.

Folks, this is the same Armenia that was pounded by Turkish Bayraktar drones during the Armenia-Azerbaijan war. This serves as a reminder that even in times of conflict and tension, disasters can bring people together and highlight the importance of compassion and empathy towards one another.

Read More: Even a devastating earthquake could not bring Erdogan and humanity on the same page

 In recent years, Turkey has concentrated on resetting its foreign policy and mending ties with nations with which it has long-standing disagreements, including the UAE, Egypt, and Israel. In an effort to foster regional stability, President Erdogan has even stated that he would be open to meet the Syrian government.

This is truly a big change of heart on Turkey’s part. The brewing tensions among countries in this region has always kept the area burning to the detriment of common people. Turkey personally, didn’t appreciate Greece’s move to beef up its military presence on the Aegean Islands and Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’s promises to strengthen the fence along the Greek-Turkish border to prevent asylum seekers from pouring in. Infact, Erdogan  has often lambasted Greek PM over the security buildup in the Aegean sea.

Division of Cyprus has also been another bone of contention, where Greece and Turkey have been at loggerheads for decades. Sharing the same sentiment as Turkey, Armenia too has a sense of realization that normalizing relations with Turkey are necessary if it intends to solve the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis.

Read More: What has US offered for getting Turkey’s support

But why this sudden change of heart? Is it genuine or has a longer ploy in place?

Evidently, more than Greece and Armenia, Turkey is eyeing for normalization of relations as Erdogan seeks to win the upcoming elections at any cost. Even after a massive disaster, Turkish President Tayyip Recep Erdogan has stressed that whatever happens, elections will be held on May 14 2023. Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the president of Turkey, frequently uses nationalistic rhetoric to sway voters during elections. Ever since he assumed office in 2002, his political party, the AKP, has been known for its conservative, often extremist, and nationalist policies.

Turkish voters have responded favorably to his nationalist messaging because they view him as a strong leader who prioritizes Turkey. But, in recent times, Erdogan has come under fire for his attempts to consolidate power and showing authoritarian tendencies. Even before the earthquake, his popularity had tanked to sorry levels.

Nationalism has failed to fill the bellies of Turkish nationals. In midst of a political, economical, and now, natural crisis, it is unclear how Erdogan’s nationalist rhetoric will continue to influence Turkey’s political landscape as the country faces numerous difficulties, including geopolitical tensions.

Read More: No Aid, No Support 1100 Canadians in Turkey gets backstabbed by Trudeau

 Erdogan has therefore adopted “quake diplomacy” as a strategy to heal old wounds and create long-lasting relationships with neighbors after coming to terms with the fact that  the nationalism card cannot be encashed upon anymore to sway the elections in his favour. And so, Greece-Armenia and Turkey are back together. Demonstrating a willingness to put aside long-running disagreements and work towards a common objective by accepting assistance and support from nations who were earlier not friendly. Erdogan appears to be playing a smart game today and it needs to be seen how successful he is in his endeavours on the foes to friend strategy.

It’s unclear whether Erdogan’s new strategy will be effective in terms of electoral politics or not. Seeing such a 180 degree turn in geo politics has indeed made Turkey and Erdogan to watch out for.

https://tfiglobalnews.com/2023/03/02/quake-diplomacy-will-turkey-greece-and-armenia-let-bygones-be-bygones/

PM Pashinyan draws the attention of US Co-Chair of OSCE MG to sabotage attack of Azerbaijan in NK

Save

Share

 19:55, 7 March 2023

YEREVAN, MARCH 7, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan received the Senior Advisօr for the Caucasus negotiations, US Co-Chair of the OSCE Minsk Group Louis Bono, ARMENPRESS was informed from the Office of the Prime Minister.

The Prime Minister drew attention of the American Co-chair to the sabotage attack carried out by Azerbaijani armed forces in Nagorno Karabakh on March 5. Nikol Pashinyan added that Azerbaijan announces about the readiness for dialogue with the NK representatives on the one hand, and on the other hand, carries out terrorist acts, as a result of which three police officers of the Passport and Visa Department of the Police of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Nagorno Karabakh were killed three days ago.

The interlocutors touched upon the humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh resulted by the blockade of the Lachin corridor. Prime Minister Pashinyan stressed the need for Azerbaijan to immediately fulfill the ruling of the International Court of Justice on unblocking the corridor.

Issues related to the normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the Nagorno Karabakh issue were also discussed.

On the occasion of March 8 Karen Vardanyan donated 113 million drams to 562 mothers of many children in Lori

Save

Share

 10:04, 7 March 2023

YEREVAN, MARCH 7, ARMENPRESS. There are 562 beneficiary families in Lori region with 4 and more children under the age of 18. Benefactor Karen Vardanyan implemented another charitable program in Lori region and on the occasion of March 8, International Women's Day, he donated 200,000 drams of financial assistance to each of the mothers of many children. The total budget of the program amounted to 113 million drams.



At least 3 police officers killed in Nagorno-Karabakh clash (AP)

ABC News
March 5 2023

A shootout between Azerbaijani soldiers and Nagorno-Karabakh region police has killed at least three people

ByThe Associated Press
March 5, 2023, 5:19 PM

MOSCOW – A shootout between Azerbaijani soldiers and police of Nagorno-Karabakh, a separatist ethnic Armenian region, killed at least three people Sunday, according to Armenia's Interior Ministry.

The two sides gave differing accounts of what happened. Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry said the shootout occurred when soldiers went to check vehicles suspected of transporting weapons along an auxiliary dirt road that leads from Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh's capital, Stepanakert.

Armenia’s Interior Ministry described the shooting as an “ambush” and said three officers from the region’s passport division were killed.

Azerbaijan said its forces “suffered losses” but did not give specific numbers.

The clash adds to already high tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which fought a war over Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020 that killed more than 6,000 people. The war ended in a Russia-brokered armistice under which Armenia relinquished territories surrounding the region.

Nagorno-Karabakh lies within Azerbaijan, but ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia had controlled the region and surrounding territories since 1994.

The agreement to end the 2020 war left a winding road called the Lachin Corridor as the only authorized connection between Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia, a lifeline for supplies to the region's approximately 120,000 people.

However, traffic on that road has been mostly blocked since December by protesters believed to be backed by Azerbaijani authorities.

https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/3-police-officers-killed-nagorno-karabakh-clash-97640801

ALSO READ
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/nagornokarabakh-armenia-azerbaijan-killed/2023/03/05/2bbbe04c-bb69-11ed-9350-7c5fccd598ad_story.html
https://ktvz.com/news/ap-national-news/2023/03/05/at-least-3-police-officers-killed-in-nagorno-karabakh-clash/

Aliyev tries to mislead IAEA chief on Armenian NPP apparently unaware of IAEA’s recent praise for safety improvements

Save

Share

 14:52, 3 March 2023

YEREVAN, MARCH 3, ARMENPRESS. President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev made fake statements about Armenia’s nuclear power plant during a meeting with the IAEA chief who himself visited the facility a few months ago and praised it’s safety and security conditions.

During a meeting on March 2, Azerbaijani leader Ilham Aliyev complained to Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Rafael Mariano Grossi about Armenia’s Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant, making fake claims that it “poses a big nuclear threat” to the entire region and even making fake accusations over what he described as “illegal trade of some nuclear materials”, apparently unaware that Grossi himself visited the plant a few months ago and praised its safety improvements.

In October 2022, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Rafael Grossi said he was pleased to see the safety and security improvements made to the Metsamor Armenian Nuclear Power Plant after conducting a visit.

“Armenia's economy relies on Metsamor NPP, and IAEA will continue to offer support, to help the plant provide low-carbon energy safely and securely. Pleased to see the safety and security improvements made to Metsamor and impressed with the commitment of its dedicated staff,” Grossi tweeted after visiting the plant on October 4.

Armenian Defense Minister visits the southwestern border zone

Save

Share

 19:19,

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 28, ARMENPRESS. Defense Minister of Armenia Suren Papikyan visited the southwestern border zone of the country on February 28.

Minister Papikyan toured the position, observed the organization of combat duty, talked with the military personnel.

As ARMENPRESS was informed from the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia, the commanders of the military corps and the military unit reported to the Minister of Defense on the situation in the border zone. The command staff presented to Minister the progress of large-scale engineering works carried out on the front line, furnishing of combat positions, implementation of new infrastructures, adding that they will be continuous.

Suren Papikyan inquired about the combat training of the personnel, accommodation conditions, ammunition and food supplies, heard reports about the work carried out in the direction of observing security rules.

At a military position, at the tea table, Minister Papikyan listened to the contract servicemen and talked about the advantages expected as a result of the certification. Suren Papikyan urged the post-duty personnel to use the two weeks following the duty to increase the level of physical training, improve their fire skills, and increase their professional knowledge, which will allow them to receive high marks in order to organize the future service more efficiently.

During the visit, Suren Papikyan also observed the construction works of roads leading to combat positions.

It is noted that on the way back from combat positions, the Minister of Defense also met with the residents of Angeghakot community.