Tajik minister says military drills not linked with Kyrgyz events

Tajik minister says military drills not linked with Kyrgyz events

Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Mashhad
2 Apr 05

Tajik Defence Minister Sherali Khayrulloyev has refuted reports that
the holding of exercises of the Collective Security Treaty
Organization member states in Tajikistan is connected with the recent
events in Kyrgyzstan, Iranian radio said. The decision on holding the
exercises was made back in November 2004, it said. The radio said that
Russian troops in Tajikistan would also hold military exercises from 1
to 6 April this year. The following is an excerpt from report by
Iranian radio from Mashhad on 2 April:

The Tajik defence minister has said that the reports circulated by
some media sources saying that Tajikistan has been chosen as the venue
for the Rubezh-2005 military exercises of the Collective Security
Treaty Organization [CSTO; members are Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Russia] member states because of the recent
events in Kyrgyzstan are ungrounded.

Our colleague, Ziyoratshoh Ahmadshoh, reports from Dushanbe.

[Ahmadshoh] Tajik Defence Minister Sherali Khayrulloyev said the joint
CSTO exercises had no relation with the recent events in Kyrgyzstan as
the decision on this was made back in November 2004. Gen Sherali
Khayrulloyev said this at an official ceremony held to open the
Rubezh-2005 joint [command and staff] exercises of the CSTO member
states in Dushanbe on 2 April.

[Passage omitted: known facts on the exercises]

It has to be said that over 2,000 Russian troops and 350 military
hardware and fighter aircraft, over 1,200 Tajik officers and soldiers
together with all their military hardware, weapons and ammunition, 70
Kazakh servicemen and 25 servicemen from the Kyrgyz Defence Ministry’s
task force group with two military helicopters are expected to
participate in the exercises.

It should be noted that military units of the Russian military base in
Tajikistan will conduct military exercises in the country’s three
military ranges, namely Lohur, Mumirak and Sunbula, from 1 to 6 April.

Journalist’s Car Burnt

A1 Plus | 13:31:49 | 01-04-2005 | Regions |

JOURNALIST’S CAR BURNT

On April 1 at about 3:30 a.m. the “Niva” brand car of Samvel Alexanyan,
chief editor of the newspaper “Syunats Yerkir” was burnt in the yard of
his house in Goris. The policemen and the firefighters who arrived at
the place of incident were not able to save the car.

The press club “Asparez” of Gyumri considers this the following
expression of the terrorist act of the Syunik region governor towards
the newspaper “Syunats Yerkir”. According to Levon Barsegyan, head of
the club, the reason for what happened was Samvel Alexanyan’s interview
to the newspaper “Novoye Vremya” on March 12, after which the editor
received many messages from the governor of the region by means of other
people and anonymous night calls.

According to Samvel Alexanyan, there is not a second person in Goris who
were able to burn a car. Only the ignorant Sourik Khachatryan is able to
do such a thing. The chief editor of the newspaper refuses to give any
explanation to the Syunik region police announcing more than once that
the RA Constitution does not work in the region and in case of being
objective any policeman can appear in the same situation as he.

It was still last week when S. Alexanyan sent a letter to RA President
Robert Kocharyan about the anti-constitutional situation created in
Syunik. We again address the question raised in the letter to Mr.
Kocharyan: why do you punish the Syunik region? Should a whole region be
sacrificed to satisfying the appetite of a bandit?

ANKARA: A sobering speculation

A sobering speculation

01.04.2005 Hurriyet Prime Minister, reacting to a speculated link
between the US quest for permission from Turkey for widened use of the
military base at Incirlik and US Congressional action on the Armenian
genocide bill, said “this saddens us.” In a press conference held in
Rabat, the capital of Morocco, Erdogan repeated his assertion that
permission for widened use of Incirlik will only be made within the
framework of NATO and UN humanitarian programs. Erdogan went on to
say: “Every request that is made cannot always be met…..there is a
certain level of support that we are already giving and will continue
to give….But developments in the direction of equating the Incirlik
and the Armenian issues sadden us. The American congress has not done
anything like this, and I do not think that will in the future.”

Stressing that Turkey has opened its historical archives to everyone,
Erdogan went on: “We have no animosity towards the Armenians….A
nation should not be slandered like this, and the accusations should
not be accepted, because there are documents and information which
deny the truth of these accusations. We wish to step away from these
accusers.”

On another matter, Erdogan responded to the words of Army Chief
Commander Yasar Buyukanit, who said last week that “Turkey has no
political stance on Iraq.” Stressing that this was not in fact
correct, and that the administration working closely with the military
was responsible for forming this policy, Erdogan said “Clearly Turkey
has a policy on Iraq, and who is forming it is clear.”

A Prospero for our time

Guardian, UK

Arts and entertainment

A Prospero for our time

Michael Kustow’s biography charts Peter Brook’s transformation from
precocious master to itinerant sage. Simon Callow pays homage

Saturday April 2, 2005
The Guardian

Buy Peter Brook at the Guardian bookshop

Peter Brook: A Biography
by Michael Kustow
352pp, Bloomsbury, £25

In the spring of 1970, from my peep-hole in the box office of the Aldwych, I
glimpsed the thoughtful faces of the associate directors of the RSC as they
returned to London from Stratford for one of their regular meetings. They
had just seen the first night of Peter Brook’s production of A Midsummer
Night’s Dream . As they filed past on their way to the office upstairs, they
were uncharacteristically quiet. They knew that Brook had done it again:
moved the goal-posts for Shakespearean production, in the process redefining
himself as a director, the Royal Shakespeare Company, and to some extent the
theatre itself. In his work with the actors he had set out to discover what
he called “the secret play”, ignoring any realistic pointers in the text,
banishing every traditional context in which the play had ever been
performed, rejoicing in circus skills and crude music-hall gags while, at
the same time, sounding the soaring lyricism of the verse at full throttle.
Mendelssohn’s wedding march blasted out of the loudspeakers and the nature
of Titania’s attraction to her donkey lover was made absolutely clear. In
its white box of a set, all the play’s lewd energy, its beauty, its darkness
and its light, and, unforgettably, its power to heal, were released.

It was the last piece of theatre Brook created as a resident of this
country. For the subsequent 35 years of his life, he has roamed the globe
from his base in Paris, seeking to redefine theatrical truth, aiming for a
form of story-telling that transcends national cultures to tap into the
universal. In the course of these often far-flung journeys – both
geographical and artistic – he has delivered some of the key productions of
the late 20th century, providing a continuous challenge to theatrical
practice. He is widely acknowledged as the greatest theatre director in the
world today, though there are those who feel that his supreme talent, his
genius, has been misapplied, leading the theatre not closer to its true
function but in the opposite direction, into aestheticism and mysticism.

There are also those who feel that he has betrayed, or at least walked away
from, his particular talent. Kenneth Tynan, in his diary (not quoted in
Michael Kustow’s authorised biography), cries: “How I wish Peter would stop
tackling huge philosophical issues and return to the thing he can do better
than any other English director: startle us with stage magic.” He has been
at the heart of the often furious debate about the purpose of the theatre.
It is Kustow’s aim in this indispensable book to trace the trajectory of
Brook’s crucial contribution to the discussion, both in his writings and in
his productions. He succeeds brilliantly, and I defy anyone to read the book
and not come away thinking better of the theatre, its scope, its passion,
its contribution.

Kustow has had access first of all to Brook himself, an elusive interviewee,
and to a fascinating correspondence with his childhood friend Stephen Facey,
both of which illuminate the narrative. The book is chastely free of gossip
and often omits some of the human mess that accompanies experiment of any
sort, including some of the crises that Brook himself records in his
autobiography Threads of Time .

The Brook whom Kustow presents to us, though altogether exceptional, is not
especially complex. His early life was one of material comfort, intellectual
stimulation and constant encouragement, although as the son of Russian Jews,
he was conscious of being different from his fellow students at public
school. He was blessed with a relationship with his father that was wholly
positive, as a result of which, he says, he knew nothing “of the rejection
of the father figure that is so much part of our time”. His intellectual
precocity was encouraged (he read War and Peace at the age of nine) but not
unduly spotlit; he knew his worth.

There is no hint of neurosis about him. Wholly lacking in the Englishman’s
habitual instinct of apologising for his very existence, he took to the
theatre with easy and instant mastery. While at Oxford, he directed Doctor
Faustus , tracking down the aged Aleister Crowley to advise on the magic,
thinking nothing of consorting with “the wickedest man in England”. In the
absence of women he plunged with comfortable sensuality into “every
homosexual affair I could”, until finally deciding, as he character
istically puts it, that female genitals were more congenial to him than
male. No sooner had he come down from Oxford than he directed a production
of Cocteau’s Infernal Machine , hopping over to Paris for a chat with the
author. He was swiftly taken up by Willie Armstrong of the Liverpool Rep and
Barry Jackson of Birmingham, where he first worked with Paul Scofield. He
was not yet 21. He then went to Stratford with Jackson and Scofield with a
striking Watteau-inspired Love’s Labours Lost; he became ballet
correspondent for the Observer, and – at his own suggestion – director of
productions at the Royal Opera House, directing a fine Boris Godunov , (in
the repertory until the 1980s), and a Salomé designed by Salvador Dalí
(which proved one provocation too many). He was now 23. And so it went on,
an unrelenting crescendo of success in the West End, at Stratford, in
France, on Broadway, at the Metropolitan Opera House, across the whole
spectrum of the theatre of the 1950s; he was unstoppable.

“For my first 30 years,” Brook says, “I had nothing to connect with the
phrase ‘inner life’. What was ‘inner life’? There was life. Everything was
100% extrovert.” At some point during this period, he came upon the writings
of Peter Damian Ouspensky and, through him, the teaching of the Armenian
avatar Gurdjieff, finding in it a view of the universe which accorded with
his own understanding of himself, one based on a concept of life as the
constant interplay of energies in which human personality often stood as an
obstacle to experience of the real world. He absorbed this teaching into his
life, submitting to its exercises and to the tough challenges of a teacher
who persuaded him of “my own essen tial ordinariness”. Kustow says of this
commitment: “Brook was seeking to master the maelstrom of his life.
Gurdjieff promised him a way through his hothouse of emotions. He gave him a
map of his desires.”

By his mid-30s he started to want to break out of the theatre of which he
himself had been such a supreme exponent. He had always held himself
separate from his contemporaries, standing outside the mainstream post-war
British tradition of his generation – the rep, the university (he had
fastidiously refrained from joining the Oxford University Dramatic Society),
the socialist movement, and he regarded the Royal Court revolution as narrow
and insular. He now permanently renounced the boulevard, joining Peter
Hall’s new Royal Shakespeare Company, though not without misgivings that it
was merely intending “to do good things very well, the traditional target of
liberal England”. If he was to be part of it, he must have his own
experimental studio. His work there, inspired by Antonin Artaud’s notion of
the Theatre of Cruelty, pushed and probed into the extremes of experience
and expression, culminating in his overwhelming account of Peter Weiss’
Marat/Sade, a tour-de-force of staging as well as perhaps the most advanced
instance of company work ever seen in England. A Midsummer Night’s Dream was
like an enormous whoop of joy after this sustained exploration of the dark.

Aged 40, he suddenly told his friend Facey that he now wanted “to face
inwards rather than outwards”. It is of the subsequent years that Kustow
writes most brilliantly. The book warms up enormously as it goes on – as if
the early Brook, the bobby dazzler, was a little alien to Kustow, who
documents his young stardom conscientiously but without enthusiasm. It is
the later search that grips Kustow, the quest for new forms, new language,
new relationships with unimagined audiences: the company at the Bouffes du
Nord; the treks to Africa; the engagement with epic texts from ancient
cultures. Sometimes Brook would assert his genius for staging – would for a
moment become again, as Richard Findlater put it after Orghast at
Persepolis, “the arch-magician, a self-renewing Prospero, with enough of
Puck in him to change his staff in time before it is snapped by theory” –
but much of his work was directed towards defining a new kind of acting:
“effortless transparency, an organic presence beyond self, mind or body such
as great musicians attain when they pass beyond virtuosity”. The work he
produced under this dispensation has been often ravishing, illuminating,
provocative; it has also often been somewhat mild in its effect. There would
have been no place for an Olivier or a Scofield in these productions.

The “hell of night and darkness” that Kustow discerns in Brook’s early and
middle work seems to have dissolved, along with the “deeply rooted
aggression and anguish” in his psyche. Perhaps it is not so much that they
were within him, as that he had an exceptional ability to be the conduit of
what was around him. Now, in his 80s, he seems less engaged, quite
understandably, with the world about him, and more concerned with distilling
the essentials of what he conceives theatre – and man – to be.

In the 1960s, Brook had demanded a neo-Elizabethan theatre “which passes
from the world of action to the world of thought, from down-to-earth reality
to the extreme of metaphysical enquiry without effort and without
self-consciousness”. This is what we all long for; alas, Brook’s own work
since he formulated the demand has not been able to satisfy it. He has gone
for something quite different. But his has been a unique and a necessary
voice, reminding us that the price of a theatre that is truly alive is
perpetual vigilance.

· Simon Callow’s Shooting the Actor is published by Vintage.

BAKU: `Azeri captives will come home in three days’

`Azeri captives will come home in three days’

Baku, March 30, AssA-Irada

The three Azeri soldiers currently in Armenian captivity will be returned in
three days. The soldiers were expected to come home a few days ago, but this
did not happen due to poor weather conditions, Defense Minister Safar Abiyev
visiting Poland said.
The Azeri soldiers were taken captive after they lost their way in the Terter
District and accidentally passed to the Armenian side of the frontline on
February 15.*

“We take saboteurs in by the dozen”

Agency WPS
DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
March 30, 2005, Wednesday

“WE TAKE SABOTEURS IN BY THE DOZENS”

SOURCE: Voyenno-Promyshlenny Kurier, No 10, March 23 – 29, 2005, p. 2

by Andrei Moskovsky

HARRY SAMANBA, CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY COMMITTEE OF THE
PARLIAMENT OF ABKHAZIA, ON THE GEORGIAN-ABKHAZIAN CONFLICT

Georgian secret services moved the gang of Chechen field commander
Ruslan Gelayev from the Panki Gorge of Georgia to the Kodor Gorge in
Abkhazia in late summer 2001. Abkhazian troops repelled the attack.
Some terrorists were wiped out, others taken prisoner. Here is an
interview with Harry Samanba, Chairman of the National Security
Committee of the parliament of Abkhazia who fought the Chechens in
the Kodor Gorge then as second-in-command of the Northern Army Group
of the Abkhazian Defense Ministry.

Question: Pressure applied to Abkhazia greatly increased with the
triumph of the Revolution of Roses in Georgia. Military experts even
assumed that it was a propagandistic campaign against Abkhazia,
usually a predecessor of outright hostilities. What does Abkhazian
society think of the possibility of renewal of the conflict with
Georgia?

Harry Samanba: The end of the war in Abkhazia in September 1993 gave
us a respite, a month long or so. After that Georgia renewed pressure
and has not eased off even now. Tbilisi openly admits that it plans
to re-conquer our territory. The Georgian military is training with
the help from American and NATO instructors. The new battalions of
the Georgian army are drilled in American tactics. Yes, we do have
this information.

Certain personnel changes await the Abkhazian security structures. A
recent meeting of the Political Council of the Amtsakhara Movement
resolved for example to make an emphasis on the men who held actual
posts of importance during the war.

Question: Georgian secret services dealing with Abkhazia are
extremely active nowadays. Among other things, they “run” the so
called guerrillas operating in the Gal district.

Harry Samanba: We know. As for the guerrillas from the so called
Forest Brothers and other units, they were under Georgian secret
services’ total control once. In the past, however, they were
financed via structures of the so called “Autonomous Republic of
Abkhazia in exile”. These days, they are officially sponsored by
Tbilisi.

Question: Tbilisi is contemplating various scenarios of the use of
force as a solution to the problem of Abkhazia.

Harry Samanba: Georgian secret services and the military had a lot of
plans to conquer Abkhazia after 1993. Key objects and targets are to
be overrun from the coast where a force is to be landed. These days,
the Georgians chart their plans with help from the Americans. Their
objective is clear: conquest of Abkhazia from the sea and by land.
The Kodor Gorge remains a danger because of the Georgians in it. On
the other hand, attacks backed by armored vehicles from this
direction are impossible. Mountains are not the best terrain for
tanks, artillery pieces, and battle infantry vehicles, you know.
Georgia deployed battalions of mountaineers in Kodori. All locals
there are armed to the last man. They know the paths, they are
experts in mountainous warfare. At the same time, the Svans do not
want to fight. We hope that our relations with Svanetia will develop
normally.

Another plan the Georgians came up with stipulates annexation of the
Gal and Ochamchira districts as geographically the closest to
Georgia. Secret services of Georgia never abandon attempts to drive a
wedge between western and eastern Abkhazia. They even tried these
methods during the election. In fact, the use of these dirty tricks
dates back to the Soviet era. No wonder the Georgians set up Georgian
settlements between Abkhazian villages in the hope to assimilate
residents of the Ochamchira and Gudauta areas. They failed. Tbilisi
cannot understand that the Abkhazian are consolidated now, that they
have never been so consolidated. Yes, there were plans in Yeltsin’s
era to divide Abkhazia along the Gumista, and even Moscow accepted
these plans once. The river was supposed to provide a natural buffer
between the warring sides, and the capital, Sukhumi, was to be a zone
open for everyone including peacekeepers. The plan failed. And
annexation of two districts looks all the more absurd now.

Question: What forms and methods do foreign intelligence services
prefer?

Harry Samanba: Provocations, that’s the only word that leaps to mind
when I try to appraise their actions in Abkhazia. They tried to drive
a wedge between the Abkhazians and Armenians once. It’s the latest
election that showed all futility of these provocations. By the way,
the brigade I commanded in the war included an Armenian battalion.
They are good fighters. We do not have any problems with the Armenian
diaspora nowadays.

Question: What is the numerical strength of the Georgian forces
concentrated in the conflict area and in the vicinity?

Harry Samba: Our estimates put its numerical strength at over 10,000
men. Their quality and prowess is a different matter. Underestimating
them will be a mistake. Tbilisi became elated and euphoric with the
overthrow of Aslan Abashidze in Adjaria, and this euphoria has not
worn off even now. Perhaps, the death of Zhvania will bring some
changes, but we expect everything from these revenge-mongers. They
may feign an attack on South Ossetia, for example, and try to
accomplish something in Abkhazia in the meantime. We should face it.
It is Abkhazia that Tbilisi is particularly mad at. Myself as an
officer, I expect aggression any moment.

But Georgia has other problems as well. Its leaders desperately want
membership in the European Union and NATO and that has its time
limits. Had it been possible to conquer Abkhazia inside of a week,
Tbilisi would not have hesitated. But that’s a sheer impossibility,
and everyone in Georgia knows it.

So, time is not on Georgia’s side. I talked to representatives of the
authorities of Georgia in Germany; I met with Khaindrava and deputies
of the parliament of Georgia. That’s what I noticed: young men
considered democrats are dangerous because unlike us, they have not
seen wars. They may prove stupid enough to launch an invasion. It is
whoever has never fought in a war that usually aspires for a
blitzkrieg.

Question: Explosions regularly rocked Sukhumi and other cities barely
years ago – thanks to saboteurs sent in by your restive neighbor…

Harry Samanba: They were taken in by the dozens. There was the so
called Six-Day War in the Gal district several years ago, when we
were fighting extremists. Georgian saboteurs had tried to destabilize
the situation in other districts of Abkhazia before that. There were
9 of them in the Gal district, and 5 remained there forever.

I repeat: we are ready for everything. Whenever needed, I’d say that
we will draft 20,000 fighters. They are reservists with combat
experience. That’s our advantage. But we have a new generation in
Abkhazia now, and Georgia itself is keeping us honed – it was so in
1998, it was so in the Kodor Gorge in 2001. We are not permitted the
luxury of relaxing or taking it easy.

Translated by A. Ignatkin

ANKARA: Anti-Turkish French Groups Based Their Opp on Turkey-Morocco

Journal of Turkish Daily
March 30 2005

Anti-Turkish French Groups Based Their Opposition on Turkey-Morocco
Comparison

* `Turkey’s possible membership doesn’t depend at all on the
acceptance or rejection of the treaty,’ say French churches in a bid
to prompt a `yes’ vote in a referendum for the European Constitution
* Anti-Turkish groups used the Armenian issue to prevent Turkey’s
membership. Now they use orocco to stop the Turks

ANKARA – While Nicolas Sarkozy, leader of the ruling French Union for
Popular Movement (UMP), has been insisting on suggesting to Turkey `a
privileged partnership’ instead of full European Union membership,
France’s Christian churches, speaking up for the European
Constitution yesterday, urged voters not to turn a referendum on the
treaty into a plebiscite of Turkey’s entry bid or of local political
issues.
During a visit to Morocco, Sarkozy said Europe’s definition should
first of all be determined according to geographical criteria, French
daily Le Figaro yesterday reported. `If Turkey is European, why
wouldn’t Morocco be European as well?’ Anatolia quoted Sarkozy’s
remarks as reported by the daily. `When I was a student, I was taught
that Ankara is in Asia. It’s certainly not an insult to note this,’
Sarkozy said.
Turkey is located between Asia and Europe and has territories on both
continents. Turkey’s European territories are larger than the Greek
Cyprus, Luxembourg and many other EU members. Turkey’s largest city,
Istanbul is based on Europe and Asia and the population on `European
Turkey’ is bigger than many EU members.
The UMP has been making an effort to convince the French public that
by supporting the European Constitution it would also help decrease
Turkey’s chances of gaining full EU membership. Sarkozy, who is
expecting to come to power in 2007, has repeatedly voiced the
sentiment that the European Constitution actually foresees a
`privileged partnership’ for Turkey instead of full EU membership.
Yet, certain elected officials estimate that anxiety on the right
wing will reinforce a `no’ vote in the referendum slated for May 29.
In a bid to convince French public on a `yes’ vote, Roman Catholic,
Protestant and Orthodox leaders yesterday said in a joint letter that
the purpose of the referendum is `to decide on the treaty itself,
without being distracted by purely national issues or side debates.’
`Turkey’s possible membership doesn’t depend at all on the acceptance
or rejection of the treaty,’ the French churches’ letter said.
The latest opinion poll on the French referendum, published in
yesterday’s edition of Le Figaro, said 54 percent of voters opposed
the treaty.

The French groups who oppose Turkey’s membership cannot publicly base
their opposition on anti-Turkish or anti-Muslim `principles’.
Therefore they use Armenian issue or Morocco to prevent Turkey’s
membership.

For many French politicians Turkey cannot be a EU member, because of
Turkey’s religion. The rightist and racist groups in many EU
countries are against Turkey’s membership and they see no place for
the Muslims in `European civilisation’. Many European countries are
Muslim populated, but none of them EU member, including Turkey,
Albania, Bosnia, Turkish Cyprus and Azerbaijan.

Compiled and prepared by the JTW staff. Includes some info from
Turkish daily News and news agencies.

30 March 2005

BAKU: Azeri TV reports Armenian truce violation, no casualties

Azeri TV reports Armenian truce violation, no casualties

ANS TV, Baku
29 Mar 05

Azerbaijani positions in Goranboy, Agdam, Fuzuli, Tartar Districts
came under fire from the Armenian armed forces on 29 March,
Azerbaijani ANS TV has quoted the Defence Ministry as saying.

It said that over the past 24 hours, the “Armenian army opened
intensive fire several times”, adding that no casualties are reported.

Japan to give $150m credit for upgrading thermal power plant

ArmenPress
March 29 2005

JAPAN TO GIVE $150 MILLION CREDIT FOR UPGRADING THERMAL POWER PLANT
AND $2 MILLION HEALTH GRANT

YEREVAN, MARCH 29, ARMENPRESS: The government of Japan will issue
a $150 million privileged loan to the government of Armenia which it
wants to modernize the Yerevan Thermal Power Plant. The agreement to
this effect was signed today in Yerevan by Armenian energy minister
Armen Movsisian and Tetsuo Ito, a senior official of the Japanese
embassy in Armenia.
Speaking afterwards to reporters Tetsuo Ito said the credit will
help Armenia to enhance its energy generating facilities which in
turn will boost economic development.
He also said the agreement will promote further development of
Armenian-Japanese cooperation.
The government of Japan has pledged also a $2 aid to Armenian
health ministry to help it improve delivering of services to newly
born babies and their mothers. The agreement was signed today in
Yerevan by Armenian health minister Norayr Davidian and Tetsuto Ito.
Davidian said the Japanese grant will be instrumental in shifting
the attention from the capital city Yerevan to Armenian regions, to
supply new equipment to hospitals and clinics and improve the quality
of training programs designed for medical personnel.
He said this will be the third joint program implemented in
concert with Japan. The previous two programs, costing $8 million,
were used to establish a state-of- the- art diagnostic center at
Armenian Medical Center and upgrade hospitals in Abovyan and Yerevan.

Armenian singers refused to appear on same stage with Kirkorov

PanArmenian News
March 28 2005

ARMENIAN SINGERS REFUSED TO APPEAR AT THE SAME STAGE WITH PHILIP
KIRKOROV

28.03.2005 04:09

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The protestors against the upcoming concert of
Russian star Philip Kirkorov are ready to take drastic steps in case
the arrangers do not reverse the decision on conduction the concerts,
head of Nikol Abgalian students’ union of the ARFD Youth branch
Ishkhan Saghatelian stated in a conversation with PanARMENIAN.Net
reporter. To remind, March 24 about 30 youth organizations sent a
letter to the concert arrangers. The authors of the letter called to
cancel the concerts. They reminded of Kirkorov’s anti-Armenian,
moreover pro-Turkish position. Besides, he has recently outraged an
Armenian journalist and spoke scorn of her origin. In Saghatelian’s
words, if they do not get a response from the Manukian JCSC or if the
response is negative they will immediately proceed to action. When
asked what kind of action it will be, Ishkhan Saghatelian said, `It
will be a surprise.’ He also added that the rate of the ticket sale
has considerably decreased. When commenting on Kirkorov’s statement
that Bulgaria was under the Armenian for a long time he said that it
is one more reason due to which Armenians should prevent the
conduction of the concert. He stressed that not only the youth
organizations but also a number of cultural workers, whom he
preferred not to name, hold the same opinion. It should be noted that
Armenian singers Andre and Shushan Petrosian refused to appear at the
same stage with Philip Kirkorov and expressed readiness to assist the
protesters.