EU says ‘no Armenian military buildup’ on Azerbaijan border

Aug 15 2023
 

The EU monitoring mission in Armenia. Image via Twitter.

The European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) has denied Azerbaijani claims of an Armenian military buildup on their border.

EUMA’s statement came after Baku accused Yerevan and Stepanakert of ramping up their military presence along their borders with Azerbaijan, as well as of building of Armenian military infrastructure within Nagorno-Karabakh.

EUMA is a civilian monitoring mission deployed on the Armenian side of the Armenia–Azerbaijan border.

‘In recent days, there has been a large concentration of weapons, military equipment and personnel along the state border in order to carry out another military adventure’, Azerbaijan’s foreign ministry claimed.

On Monday, Armenia’s Foreign Ministry dismissed Azerbaijan’s statements as ‘fake’ and accused it of attempting to drive attention away from its blockade of the Lachin Corridor.

‘It is also evident that one of the objectives of Azerbaijan’s disinformation campaign is to divert the international community’s attention from the escalating humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh, which is intensifying day by day, and from its steps to implement ethnic cleansing in Nagorno-Karabakh through provoking a humanitarian catastrophe’, read the statement.

While Nagorno-Karabakh has been under Azerbaijani blockade since December, the humanitarian crisis in the region deepened further in mid-June when Azerbaijan barred the Russian peacekeeping forces stationed in Nagorno-Karabakh from using the Lachin Corridor to supply the region.

Tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan have also been growing, with the two countries continuously accusing each other of ceasefire violations.

Upon Armenia’s request, the UN Security Council has scheduled an emergency meeting for Wedesday to discuss the humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Azerbaijan has criticised Armenia’s appeal to the Security Council, accusing it of ‘deliberately and intentionally [obstructing] all the efforts made through international partners to find a balanced, law-based, and reasonable solution on the ground’.

In an Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry statement, Baku argued that ‘what Armenia cynically seeks’ from the UN Security Council was within reach had it and Stepanakert agreed to supplying Nagorno-Karabakh from Azerbaijani-held territory in Aghdam in late July.

Last week, former International Criminal Court prosecutor Luis Ocampo has called on the Security Council to adopt a resolution on the situation in the blockaded region to allow the tribunal to investigate Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev for genocidal intentions.

[Read more: Former ICC prosecutor accuses Azerbaijan of ‘genocide’ in Nagorno-Karabakh]

However, despite international condemnation, Azerbaijan continues to deny that Nagorno-Karabakh is under blockade, and maintains that the region is not facing a humanitarian crisis.

 For ease of reading, we choose not to use qualifiers such as ‘de facto’, ‘unrecognised’, or ‘partially recognised’ when discussing institutions or political positions within Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and South Ossetia. This does not imply a position on their status.


Asbarez: Pashinyan Warns of Azerbaijani Territorial Claims from Armenia

A military post along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Thursday warned that Azerbaijan is planning to lay claim on more sovereign Armenian territory, saying Baku is dragging its feet on recognizing Armenia’s territorial integrity.

Speaking at a cabinet meeting on Thursday, Pashinyan referred to remarks made by President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan who told Euronews this week that borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan have not been determined.

“The borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan were decided in 1991 by the Almaty Declaration and that was reaffirmed on October 6, 2022 as a result of the quadrilateral meeting in Prague during which the Almaty Declaration was adopted as the basis for the delimitation and demarcation of the borders between the two countries,” Pashinyan said.

“It is evident that Azerbaijan is planning to sign a peace treaty with clauses that leave room for disputing the Armenian-Azerbaijani border fixed by the Almaty Declaration and to make territorial claims from Armenia later on, during the delimitation and demarcation process,” added Pashinyan.

“The delimitation and demarcation of borders attests not to the absence of borders, but on the contrary, to their definition, meaning, the reiteration of the administrative borders between Soviet Armenia and Soviet Azerbaijan at the time of the Soviet Union’s collapse, and its reflection on the ground as a state border,” Pashinyan said. 

The prime minister said that he believes there is a chance for sustainable peace and called on Baku to end its efforts to undermine the process, including urging Azerbaijan to allow the delivery of 400 tons of humanitarian assistance provided by Armenia to Artsakh.

“Despite all difficulties, we really do have a chance of achieving long-term, sustainable and lasting peace. And I call on Azerbaijan to refrain from taking steps aimed at decreasing this chance, for example the continuous torpedoing of Stepanakert-Baku dialogue within the framework of an international mechanism, the illegal blockade of Lachin Corridor and the kidnapping of Vagif Khachatryan, who was being transported by the ICRC to Yerevan, from Lachin Corridor earlier this week,” Pashinyan said, adding that releasing Khachatryan and other Armenian prisoners of war would signal Azerbaijan’s commitment to the peace process.

He again accused Azerbaijan of violating the November 9, 2020 agreement and urged Baku to stop blocking the delivery of humanitarian assistance, currently stranded at the Hakari Bridge for more than a week.

“I call on Baku to unblock the access of the humanitarian goods sent by Armenia through the Lachin Corridor, as a step toward its commitment to the peace agenda, moreover because obstructing the passage of the goods is a gross violation of the 9 November 2020 trilateral statement and the decisions of the International Court of Justice,” Pashinyan said.

Pashinyan pointed to Aliyev’s recent recent statement in an interview with Euronews, where he again falsely claimed that the Lachin Corridor is open. Pashinyan said that the Russian peacekeepers deployed in Nagorno-Karabakh ought to comment on this statement, as to why the Russian peacekeepers are failing to ensure the humanitarian convoy’s access to Nagorno-Karabakh if Azerbaijan insists the corridor to be open.

“I believe that an explanation of this issue is important and our relevant bodies must work to receive explanations about this matter this matter,” Pashinyan said.

Azerbaijan happy with EU, unhappy with Russia

Heydar Isayev Jul 24, 2023

Azerbaijan's government is sounding more and more positive about the U.S.- and EU-brokered negotiations with Armenia and increasingly negative about Russia's mediation efforts. 

Those talks are taking place on a separate track, not coordinated with the Western mediators. Russia maintains a 2,000-strong peacekeeping contingent in Azerbaijan's Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh.

The latest meeting between Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders on July 15 in Brussels, mediated by European Council President Charles Michel, didn't seem to advance the process too much, but it did introduce one new idea. 

Michel welcomed Azerbaijan's "willingness to provide humanitarian supplies" to the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh, via the Azerbaijani city of Aghdam. 

The initiative was not received well by Armenians. Many interpreted it as a step toward normalizing and legitimizing Azerbaijan's seven-month blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh. Some residents of Askeran, an Armenian town close to Aghdam, reportedly vowed to install barriers on the Askeran-Aghdam road "in order to counter the so-called humanitarian aid predetermined by the Azerbaijani authorities."

(Michel also "emphasized the need to open the Lachin road" connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia. Toivo Klaar, the EU's special envoy to the South Caucasus, told Armenian media that the Aghdam offer is "not an alternative but a complement to the Lachin road".)

Azerbaijanis largely welcomed the Aghdam proposal, seeing it as an opportunity to advance the integration of the Karabakh Armenians into the Azerbaijani state. 

"In case humanitarian aid will be accepted by the Armenian community, it could create a precedent (not massive) for them accepting the Azerbaijani citizenship in the near future," political analyst Fuad Shahbaz tweeted in English. 

Vasif Huseynov, of the state-run Analysis of International Relations Center, wrote for the Jamestown Foundation that Michel's support for the Aghdam proposal was "another affirmation of Azerbaijan's territorial integrity by the EU and Armenia – to the dismay of some ultra-nationalist groups in Armenia and on the Russian side."

Azerbaijan's reaction to a statement from the Russian Foreign Ministry on the same day, July 15, similarly highlighted its growing preference for the European track of talks.

The Russian statement opened by saying that "by recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijani territory," Yerevan had "cardinally changed the fundamental conditions" under which the Russian-brokered cease-fire that ended the 2020 Second Karabakh War was signed.

The Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry soon released its own statement objecting to this line: "Russian MFA commenting on and setting conditions for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Azerbaijan in the context of the recognition of Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, a country that occupied the territories of Azerbaijan for nearly 30 years, is unacceptable."  

(Both the Russian and Azerbaijani foreign ministries asserted that Armenia already recognized Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan while in fact it has only stated its willingness to do so)

This sort of verbal sparring between Russia and Azerbaijan isn't new since the 2020 Second Karabakh War. Azerbaijan has long accused Russia of failing to secure the withdrawal of what it calls "illegal armed Armenian groups" in Nagorno-Karabakh. (This refers to Karabakh's armed force, the Artsakh Defense Army.)

In nearly every official utterance Azerbaijan is at pains to refer to the Russian peacekeepers in Karabakh as "temporarily stationed there." The peacekeepers' 5-year term of deployment expires in 2025.

Russia's war against Ukraine provided Baku with yet another platform to reproach Russia. Though Azerbaijan has never officially condemned Russia's invasion, nor voted for UN resolutions against Russia (in accordance with a strategic partnership agreement signed two days before Russia's invasion), Azerbaijani state media has clearly been taking the Ukrainian side. And Azerbaijan has regularly been providing humanitarian aid to Ukraine since the start of the war. 

Baku has been taking advantage of Russia's preoccupation with Ukraine, seizing additional territories in Nagorno-Karabakh and placing the region under blockade. 

This is widely seen as an attempt to change the situation on the ground in such a way to ensure that the peacekeepers leave Karabakh when their mandate expires. 

Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the president of Azerbaijan's strategic partner Turkey, recently threw his weight behind Azerbaijan's demand for the Russian peacekeeper's timely exit and expressed confidence that they would leave by 2025. 

The existing discourse and latest statements suggest that Azerbaijan is working to secure Russia's exit from Karabakh, says Shujaat Ahmadzada, an analyst at the Topchubashov Center, a Baku-based think tank. He says Baku has two key levers it can use to make this happen. 

"First, there is a need for rapid integration into the non-Western economic space for Russia. In this direction, the intensification of trade contacts with India, the Middle East and other actors is more relevant than ever. The full realization of the North-South Corridor passing through Azerbaijan is more relevant than ever for Moscow. For Azerbaijan, the North-South Corridor is not only an economic project, but also a political lever." Ahmadzada wrote on Facebook. 

"Second, it is important for Russia that states do not join the anti-Russian front. Azerbaijan supports Ukraine and provides humanitarian aid, but does not join the anti-Russian front. In this case, Azerbaijan's 'neutrality' is more important than ever to Moscow."

Both these things are more important to Russia than maintaining peacekeepers in Karabakh, Ahmadzada said.

Heydar Isayev is a journalist from Baku.

Armenian Ombudsperson releases ad hoc report on human rights violations resulting from Azerbaijani aggression in Yeraskh

 11:14,

YEREVAN, 18 JULY, ARMENPRESS։ The Human Rights Defender of Armenia (Ombudsperson) has published an extraordinary report on human right violations as a result of shelling by the Azerbaijani armed forces in the direction of Yeraskh village in Armenia’s Ararat Province.  

In a statement, the Office of the Human Rights Defender said that the document presents human rights violations as a result of the shelling in the direction of Yeraskh from Azerbaijani military positions in June 2023, as well as a set of recommendations is presented to solve the problems related to the protection of human rights.

On July 13-14, 2023 Azerbaijani armed forces opened fire in the vicinity of Yeraskh, specifically targeting the factory under construction with foreign investments. As a result of the shelling, two Indian citizens (workers at the construction site) were injured and hospitalized. 

As a result of the actions by Azerbaijani armed forces, the civilian population's life, mental and physical integrity, property, education, work, entrepreneurship and a number of other fundamental rights were violated.

The report will be sent to organizations and actors with an international mandate, as well as competent state authorities, for the protection of human rights.

Austria’s FM Schallenberg and his Armenian counterpart Mirzoyan discussed migration and regional security

European Interest

Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg welcomed the Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan in Vienna on . The occasion of the meeting was the signing of the implementation protocol on the readmission agreement between Armenia and the EU. Additionally, the regional security situation in the South Caucasus was at the center of their discussions.

The signing of the implementation protocol on the readmission agreement is an important step that further underscores the already strong relations between the two countries. The changing migration routes and countries of origin in recent years have demonstrated the importance of establishing a solid framework for readmissions before issues arise.

“With this implementation protocol, we have a clear roadmap, clear guidelines, and standards for how we proceed. Not that there is a problem between Armenia and Austria, but it is a topic of great importance to us. Austria receives a high number of asylum seekers, and without readmissions, there can be no functioning European migration system,” explained FM Schallenberg, emphasizing the significance of the agreement.

During the working meeting, the two foreign ministers also exchanged views on regional security, particularly the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. Recently, there have been talks mediated by the EU and the United States between Armenia and Azerbaijan that have raised hopes for an easing of tensions. Austria has previously advocated strongly for a civilian EU mission in Armenia to support the path towards stability and security. Despite the rightful focus on Ukraine, other potential hotspots must not be overlooked.

“I am grateful for the strong commitment of the EU and the talks in Washington. It is going in the right direction and I hope that one day there will be a sustainable peace agreement. However, there are still many open questions that need to be discussed. Among them, there is a humanitarian concern that greatly worries us – the blockade of the Lachin corridor. This blockade must end!”, stated FM Schallenberg after the meeting.

Furthermore, the relations between Armenia and other neighbouring countries, particularly Russia and Turkey, were also addressed. Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg expressed significant concern regarding Russia’s growing influence in Armenia. He also emphasized that Vienna is of course available as a venue for talks on the normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkey. Vienna has proven itself in the past as a center for dialogue and diplomacy. Additionally, Foreign Minister Schallenberg highlighted the important role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), based in Vienna, in relation to security in the Caucasus and beyond.

https://www.europeaninterest.eu/article/austrias-fm-schallenberg-and-his-armenian-counterpart-mirzoyan-discussed-migration-and-regional-security/

Sports: Judo – FEDERATION FRIDAY: ARMENIA

Armenia is a landlocked country of Transcaucasia, positioned just south of the great mountain range of the Caucasus and fronting the north-western edge of Asia. Armenia is bounded by Georgia, Azerbaijan, Iran and Türkiye. The capital city is Yerevan. Modern Armenia embraces only a small portion of ancient Armenia, one of the world’s oldest centres civilization. The population sums to a little over 2.7 million (2021) spread across 29,743 km². 

The National Judo Federation of Armenia was established in 1972 and today, there are over 3000 judoka practicing on the weekly basis. Although their Olympic medal moment yet to be met, their Olympic representation has been completed on several occasions with the latest attendee being Ferdinand KARAPETIAN, who competed in the -73kg category at the Tokyo Games.

Olympic Games Tokyo 2020, ROUND 2 KAZ SMAGULOV vs ARM KARAPETIAN, -73 kg.
© (c) Di Feliciantonio Emanuele

Still, the value of judo in this country is way beyond any shiny rounded hardware.  Watch the video below to have a better understanding on how judo is represented through this heartwarming content.

Creating a Better Armenia with Judo. © Zartonk Media

There is always a story behind every achievement… with his city in debris, Hovhannes DAVTYAN arrived to the Rio 2016 Olympic Games as the sole Armenian judoka. The International Olympic Committee via their Olympic Channel featured Davtyan in their Original Fuel series to truly display the obstacles some of the athletes having to go through to accomplish their dreams. Press on to see the full video.

Moving onto the world championships stage, one of Armenia’s fuelled youth clamped a historical cadet world title last year. This memorable moment was delivered by Gor KARAPETYAN who seized the -81kg category. It might have been the first yet, undoubtedly, not the last…

Gor KARAPETYAN © Carlos Ferreira

Armenia celebrated a few European medals throughout history. However, two European Championships titles were obtained by Nazaryan ARMEN in 2005 and Ferdinand KARAPETIAN in 2018. Armenia, a small delegation with tremendous spirit.

Off the mat…did you know? 

  • Yerevan is one of the oldest cities in the world. Yerevan is 29 years older than Rome. 
  • The Armenian alphabet is one of the most advanced in the world.
  • Armenia is considered to be the homeland of apricot. 
  • Armenian bread is in the list of UNESCO world Heritage. 
  • The oldest shoes: In September 2008, in the village of Areni, the oldest shoe in the world was discovered. It ages over 5500 years. 

Author: Szandra Szogedi


https://www.eju.net/federation-friday-armenia/

Rift widens between Armenian Church, government

Arshaluis Mgdesyan Jun 30, 2023

The Armenian Apostolic Church and the Armenian government don't get along. They practically don't even speak to each other.

The rift between the country's key institutions has been widening since Armenia's defeat in the Second Karabakh War in 2020. 

And as Armenia pursues a comprehensive peace agreement with neighbor and rival Azerbaijan, the Church is breaking with past tradition and making bold political demands including for the prime minister's resignation.

Senior Church figures are accusing the government of surrendering the country's national interests in the talks and are openly siding with the opposition. 

The authorities have responded by accusing the clergy of meddling in the governance of the secular state and mused about taxing some of the Church's property. 

Church condemns PM's position on Karabakh

"Currently there is no relationship as such between the church and the government. It simply does not exist. For the church, the approach of the authorities to resolving the conflict, which boils down to recognizing Artsakh [Nagorno-Karabakh] as part of Azerbaijan, is unacceptable," Bishop Bagrat Galstanyan, head of the Tavush Diocese of the Armenian Church, told Eurasianet.

His remark echoed a statement issued by the Supreme Spiritual Council of the Armenian Apostolic Church on May 23, the day after Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said Armenia was ready to recognize Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan in exchange for security guarantees for the region's Armenian population. 

In April the head of the Church, Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II (aka Garegin II), said the government and clergy had had only "protocol relations" for some time. 

And many have noticed that the prime minister and senior members of his government have been absent from major church events, such as the Christmas liturgy, since at least 2021. Earlier, the political elite occupied a prominent place at such ceremonies. 

Seeds of mistrust

The conflict between the Church and government dates back to the beginning, when Pashinyan and his allies came to power following a wave of street protests in 2018. 

The "velvet revolution" swept away the old guard that had ruled the country for two decades and had enjoyed good relations with the Church. 

For a brief moment, it seemed the revolutionary fervor might bring down the country's ecclesiastical elite as well. 

A group of disaffected priests launched a campaign under the slogan "New Armenia – New Patriarch" which demanded the ouster of the head of the church, Catholicos Karekin II, and a number of bishops for their alleged involvement in the former government's corrupt ways. 

At the time the new authorities distanced themselves from the uprising in the Church, which ultimately failed. Many established clerics were convinced that Pashinyan was out to get them, however. 

Political scientist Hrant Mikaelyan agrees. Moving against the church would have been in line with the revolutionary authorities' fight with the broader entrenched establishment in Armenia, he told Eurasianet. 

"He [Pashinyan] consistently subjugated the government, then the parliament, then the courts and wanted to make a revolution against the church, which did not work," Mikaleyan said, citing as evidence the fact that one of the leaders of the would-be Church insurrectionists was appointed as rector of Gyumri University.

Later, Armenia's defeat in the 2020 Second Karabakh War with Pashinyan as commander-in-chief created an opening for his opponents, who include politicians associated with the old regime and distrustful clerics. 

A month after the war's end, the Church joined the opposition's call for Pashinyan's resignation. Relations between the country's leading political and spiritual institutions reached their lowest level in the country's three-decade history. While Armenia is a secular state, its constitution recognizes the "exclusive mission of the Armenian Apostolic Church as the national church in the spiritual life of the Armenian people."

Spat intensifies

The Church and the government have exchanged sharp barbs over the past few months in particular.

In April, Karekin II, the catholicos, took umbrage at Pashinyan's earlier remark that "there are clergymen in our country who do not believe in God."

"A person who does not believe in God cannot be a clergyman," the top cleric said. 

Pashinyan then doubled down, saying, "If the relationship between the Church and the government is not good, then the Church does not have a good relationship with God."

The prime minister also clearly puts little stock in Karekin II's assertion that "the Church is not involved in political processes" and is ready for dialogue with political leaders on "pressing issues."

In May, the prime minister invited the Church to officially enter the political fray. 

"If the church wants to carry out political activities, Armenia is a democratic country, and it is possible to carry out political activities. Nothing is stopping them from creating a party and launching political activities within this party. This would be more honest: they will be on the same plane with voters and political rivals," he said at a meeting with schoolchildren.

He also suggested that the paraffin the Church imports for making candles could be subjected to the customs duties it is currently exempt from because of its status as a charity item.

Also in May, the government removed the teaching of "the History of the Armenian Church" as a separate subject from the public school curriculum. Karekin II called that decision "short-sighted". He invited the authorities to discuss the issue with Chruch representatives but was rebuffed. 

Church authority grows

Political analyst Hrant Mikaelyan believes that the Church currently has the upper hand in the rivalry, particularly since the government explicitly stated its willingness to recognize Azerbaijani rule over Karabakh. 

He cited a recent poll that found a narrow majority of Armenians with a positive view of the Church, contrasted with a 14 percent approval rating for Prime Minister Pashinyan (it should be pointed out in fairness that no individual politician had a higher rating). 

"In this situation, Pashinyan does not have the power to delegitimize the church," Mikaelyan said.

Stepan Danielyan, an analyst and scholar of relations between religious and secular authorities, concurs. 

"Until 2018, I was one of the critics of the church, because it was merged with the authorities. Now the paths of the church and the authorities have diverged, which can be welcomed. This led to the growth of the authority of the church. And this happened for the reason that earlier led to the fall of its authority. Now, the church is perceived as a completely sovereign institution, one that echoes the concerns of the public and one does not share responsibility for the authorities' mistakes," Danielyan told Eurasianet.

Arshaluis Mgdesyan is a journalist based in Yerevan.

https://eurasianet.org/rift-widens-between-armenian-church-government

Reunion with My Armenian DP Camp Playmate

“Armenian grief is a sea…
In that dark expanse drifts my soul…
In the sea of Armenian sorrows—
My soul languishes evermore.”     

Hovhaness Tumanyan, 1903
Armenian poet and writer (1869-1923)

Hans, Knarik and Anusch at the airport upon the author’s arrival

At last, our flight from Chicago to Germany had reached its destination. My daughter Hasmik and I had arrived in Munich, known as the “cosmopolitan city with heart,” and home to the Rathaus-Glockenspiel, a huge, ornate clock that “chimes and re-enacts two stories from the 16th century…”  Munich, which was heavily bombed during World War II, is also known for its Oktoberfest and beer. As we quickly walked through the jet bridge, Hasmik whispered, “Mom, I can’t wait to meet Anusch!” As she said those words, I grew even more excited to at last see Anusch, my DP (Displaced Persons) camp childhood playmate, again. At the terminal gate, a large group of people were waiting for either family, friends or acquaintances. Among them were Anusch and her husband Johannes, Hansi or Hans for short. We hugged each other tightly, again and again. After our greetings and hugs, Anusch being my “senior” by a couple of months, grabbed my hand and squeezed it firmly, as if to say, “We will never lose each other again!” Having collected our luggage, we walked out of the airport with Hans and Anusch pulling our suitcases behind them (they would not allow us to do it) and down the stairs to catch the train to our hotel, only a 20-minute ride away. And from there, it was another 20-minute bus ride to the Bavarian town of Ludwigsfeld at Dachau, located “on the grounds of the largest former Outer-Camp of the Dachau Concentration Camp, then called KZ-Ausenlager (Outer Camp), Allach 1. The outer or subcamps were the outlying detention centers that came under the command of a main concentration camp run by the SS in Nazi Germany and German occupied Europe.”

A view of the partial remains of the Outer Camp of the Dachau Concentration Camp from Anusch’s dining room window. The plaque on the wall reads: “In memory of the many thousand prisoners of the Dachau KZ-Outer Camp of the Dachau Concentration Camp, Allach…who had to work there…”

As we stepped down from the bus, Anusch explained, “The grounds in this wooded area are where countless displaced persons after World War II had been interned.” As we continued walking and chatting, Anusch and Hans announced as one, “Come, our home is just over there!” As we got closer to their apartment building, I noticed sneakers, in a variety of sizes, hanging like ornaments from the limbs of a nearby tree. We all chuckled. No doubt the amusing sight had been playful pranks by some of the kids in the area. As we stopped for a moment to gaze about and at the dangling shoes, Anusch further explained, “After the war, this settlement or estate as it is also called, was built in 1952 as a Displaced Persons camp by the American Marshall Plan, ‘an initiative for foreign aid to Western Europe following World War II.’” 

“This area,” Anusch continued as she pointed here and there, “consists of 32 blocks of apartments on the outer grounds of the Dachau Concentration Camp. My parents moved into our 50-square-meter, three-room apartment, with separate toilet, on 3 January 1953. We felt blessed! Our youngest brother still lives in the apartment where he was born sixty-five years ago. They named the streets here with names such as diamond, ruby, crystal, etc., in order to cover up the grim past. The estate is situated in an isolated area on the outskirts of Munich. One of the reasons for this is because when the DPs were brought to this location, ninety-percent of them were ill. About seventy-percent had tuberculosis, ten-percent suffered from psychological illnesses and venereal disease, and another ten-percent had other problems.” Anusch added, “The ‘Siedlung Ludwigsfeld,’ as it is now called, is a very special place. To this day, former DPs come to visit from all over the world. Also, American relatives of the former slave-workers of the Outer Concentration Camp come regularly on the day of Liberation on 30 April (1945). Recently, our American friend Nick, a 99-year-old survivor from California, came here with his family, and we all had breakfast at our home.”

Anusch and Knarik taking a walk in her neighborhood

From the moment we greeted one another and held hands at the airport, and for the entire week we were there, the two of us, wherever we went, were inseparable—tightly holding hands as we walked about. There were moments that I felt as if we were back at the Waidmannsdorf Lager C, DP Camp, Armenian Section, in Klagenfurt, Austria, exploring our world in our little high-top shoes, hand-made dresses, at times wearing an apron over our dresses to keep them clean. Our world back then was of destruction, homelessness and hopelessness; cruelty, fear and despair; separation and loss; hunger, illness, disease and death—the ugly aftermaths of war. But, in that same world, oftentimes there was also something wonderous to discover—a worm, an insect, a bird, a butterfly, an ant hill, a patch of wild flowers, even an occasional cat or dog. Most importantly, though, wherever our little feet carried us on the campgrounds, we found an abundance of affection in the form of smiles, hugs and kisses from the adults, both male and female, in our camp, whom we addressed in German as either “Onkel” or “Tante” (Uncle or Auntie), as they would reach for us—two little two-year-old toddlers curiously and carefreely roaming about. Joyfully, tenderly, Onkel or Tante would lift us into their arms and carry us, like precious little gems, back to our makeshift shacks. For Anusch, there was an additional discovery she had made during one of our great outdoor adventures, and something she greatly prized—my mother’s metal pail. Whenever it disappeared, my mother Olga knew exactly where to look for it. Grinning as she would step out of our shack, my mother would call out in her Austrian-German, sweet and lilting voice, “Where is my pail?” There, a short distance away, she would find little Anusch busily stirring mud porridge in the pail.

Knarik holding a cat (left), “Uncle” Zorik carrying Anusch on his shoulder and holding a dog

In one of the photos that Anusch showed me, there were the two of us with one of the Armenian DPs in the camp, whose name was Zorik, and a cat and dog. It was a photo I had never seen before, and it reminded me of Hovhaness Tumanyan’s poem titled “The Dog and the Cat.” My father would often read that poem to me in Armenian, one of my favorites growing up. I asked Anusch who the photographer was and she said, “My father loved photography and sometimes he would take the pictures, sometimes it would be someone else. They would develop the photos themselves.”

The people, such as the Hayastantsi (from Armenia) men in the camp, had experienced and survived hell in their Soviet “Haven of Brotherhood.” Some had also lost their families and had no one, while others never had a chance to start a family. Zorik was one of those DPs who had no family. That is why for those men every child in the camp was precious, and it brought them joy to be a part of their lives. For that reason, we little ones of the camp had many eyes dotingly watching over us. My father, Suren Hakopjani Hovhanessian, would not only tell me, but had written about life “Under Stalin’s ‘Happy’ Sun.” One day, as he and I talked about those bleak days in Europe, he pensively described his innermost feelings, which he rarely did—in particular, how he felt nearly every waking moment as a POW.  “Words,” he said, “cannot adequately express the constant terror and anticipation of forced repatriation to the Soviet Union at any moment…and there, immediately shot to death.” This horrific thought was what he and his fellow Armenian POWs, some of whom, among them my father, were also slave laborers, constantly lived with. Unfortunately, the men that trustingly did “repatriate,” against the pleading, the imploring of their fellow POWs, were promptly shot to death as traitors to Stalin’s “Haven of Brotherhood.”  When I had asked my father about camp life, he said, “Life in the camps, though the conditions were dreadful, unimaginable, it was still better than life under Stalin and in his prisons. In the camps there was at least a glimmer of hope, while over there, in Stalin’s ‘Happy Life Country,’ not so.” 

Knarik’s parents (left) holding her at the DP camp in Austria, and Anusch being held by one of the DP camp couples

In a published photo Anusch showed me, the description stated that the POWs, who were also slave laborers, were fenced in a muddy and dirty area in certain places and given the scarcest of food. For their amusement, the commanders would, at times, toss stale and moldy bread at the POWs. Those who were quick enough to grab the bread devoured it as others, with arms pleadingly extended, watched on. In a 1945 photo, the bones of slave laborers had been piled in a high mound to either be burned or buried. And, in an artist’s drawing, the depiction of British soldiers brutalizing and callously forcing the POWs to return to the Soviet Union was heartrending to look at. Some escaped the clutches of the soldiers, while others were driven to their deaths. “After the war,” Anusch then explained, “everyone—the people and the DPs alike—was starving.”

Though Anusch’s birthday was just a couple of months before mine, she was much smaller that I was due to severe malnutrition and poor health. As a result, her growth was stunted and as an adult, she is an extremely petite woman. During the time we lived in the Austrian DP camp, she remained with her parents, while I was often sent away to live with kind strangers who cared for me as their own. In France, and then in the German DP camp called Funkerkaserne, near Stuttgart, Germany, I was again put into the care of kind strangers for a period. The reasons for such arrangements during those days were either because both parents had to work or they would not receive food rations (Hitler’s orders), or one or both parents had tuberculosis. My father had contracted tuberculosis when he and fellow POWs were first brought to Europe and was treated. Later, when my parents married, my mother contracted typhoid. The people in the camp suffered greatly from malnutrition and disease. Everyone, no matter their age, was sprayed from time to time with DDT. Food was so scarce that sometimes children would eat grass to fool their empty little bellies. Anusch, at times, would tell her father, “I am not hungry, so I will go out and play,” and then promptly search for grass to eat. Since my father was a POW and slave laborer, and my mother was a nurse in the nearby hospital, they both had to work and therefore were unable to care or provide for me. There were a great many such cases after World War 2. In Anusch’s case, she and her brothers Arshak and Georg were eventually sent to live elsewhere for periods of time in order to receive proper nutrition and regain their health, to a degree. As a grown woman and mother of five, grandmother of ten, and great-grandmother of four, the soft-spoken and petite Anusch is a natural storyteller with a remarkable memory for details.

As we would sit at her dining room table during our time together, Anusch would tell me of her childhood in Austria, and later in Germany. Her eyes would grow misty as she would speak of her parents, especially her father and some of the other Armenian DPs, along with their non-Armenian wives, who would sometimes stop by their home for a visit. She would describe how after chatting with one another, sparks of nostalgia and longing would spur the men to their feet to sing and dance, just as they had done a lifetime ago in their homes in their beloved Hairenik (Fatherland). The wives would join in the fun by clapping and singing the Armenian songs the best they could, while one of the men would beat on a metal pot, keeping perfect rhythm to the claps and voices that blended as one and reverberated throughout their living quarters.

As I listened to Anusch recollect those early days, I thought, though they all had little, suffered greatly, and lost so much, they had each other and that was enough.

On our first day at Anusch’s home, we sat down to a dinner of dolma, just the way my mother had learned to make it from my father, with delicately spiced meat carefully wrapped in cabbage leaves and cooked in tomato broth. Though Anusch said that she did not think her cooking was good, Hasmik, Hans and I disagreed. It was delicious, and it reminded me of home when I was a child and the times I spent in

Armenia! Anusch and I would spend hours discussing the topic of the Armenian DPs at the camp and after, while Hans would occasionally play Armenian folk music or the music of Gomidas on the record player, while he either read in the living room or sat with us at the dining room table. “From the moment I heard Armenian music in Anusch’s father’s home many, many years ago,” Hans said as he put down his newspaper, “it captured my heart!” and then affectionately glanced at Anusch. (It is the same kind of music that played in my parents’ home when I was growing up, and then in the home my late husband Murad and I had made together.) Though Hans is German, he has learned a little Armenian, knows the history well, and is involved, along with Anusch, in various Armenian activities. Armenian folk music, Han’s favorite, is often played in their home. And once, when we were preparing to visit some of their children and their families in the neighborhood, he smiled as he called out to hurry his wife in the other room, “Haydeh, Anusch!” Truly, the spirit of an Armenian home created under the most difficult circumstances by Anusch’s father, and mother, is continued by his children and grandchildren. 

Hans reading in his living room as he listens to Armenian music

Anusch’s dining room, which overlooks part of the Dachau Outer Camp with its many dreadful stories, and later, the heartbreaking stories about some of the DPs that made their home in the settlement, I was again reminded of our early days in the DP camps my parents and I called home for awhile, and then our early immigrant days in Chicago. Some of the DPs in Chicago would occasionally gather in our small duplex on Saturday evenings to catch up on the latest news from Armenia and play chess or backgammon, while the women congregated in the kitchen over cups of coffee and my mother’s Viennese apple strudel. Over the years, as I listened to my father’s stories, and that of other Armenian DPs, I both admired and was amazed by them for their courage and determination to carry on, despite the horrors and severe deprivations they had suffered and the difficulties that followed for years afterward. And of my mother, and the other non-Armenian wives of the Armenian DPs, I have always had a special place in my heart for them because of the things they too suffered, both growing up in their homelands and during and after the terrible war years, and later the hardships they had to overcome in a new country. I particularly admired and appreciated how my mother, and some of the other wives, had encouraged their children to follow the traditions of their Armenian fathers. 

In Anusch and Hans’ family, their daughter Rebeka is taking Armenian language courses, and granddaughter Hannah Araxie, who attends Catholic University (Faculty of History and Social Sciences) in Germany, has written a research paper titled “Diaspora Armenian’s Collective Memory of the Distant Homeland: Genocide, Diaspora and the Theory of Collective Memory.” One of Anusch and Hans’ sons, Sevan, whose wife is German, has a nine-year-old daughter named Nora. Every evening, before bedtime, Nora asks her mother to read yet another story (in German) by Hovhaness Tumanyan. 

Over another cup of tea and Armenian pastry prepared by Nina, Anusch’s friend and neighbor, who was from Armenia (when Nina and her family moved to Germany several years ago, they learned of Anusch’s special neighborhood, and soon after, Nina, her husband and two children moved to the settlement), Anusch began to talk about her father. “My father, Malchas Krmadjian, was born in Javakhk, Georgia, but his forefathers had been from Garin (Erzerum). Malchas was married at 18, and his bride was 14. They had 10 children. One day, as he was working in his field, he was snatched by soldiers and forced to serve in the Soviet Russian Army, where he was assigned to the Cavalry. In 1941, he was captured by the Germans and given an ultimatum: ‘Join the German Cavalry or be sent to a concentration camp!’ He chose the former. He had served first in the Russian Cavalry for five years and later in the German Cavalry for four years. As a result of his years in the Cavalry, he sustained severe wounds that plagued him throughout his life. Always missing his family in Javakhk, and haunted by the things he saw and experienced during the war and after, he eventually grew extremely depressed. Encouraged to begin a new life in Germany by his Armenian DP friends, since the country was now their home, slowly he did just that, but always there was a longing for the home and family he was forced to leave behind and the realization that he would never see them again. Upon meeting a young German girl, Margarete, who would become his wife, for there were no Armenian girls in Austria or Germany at that time, he started a new family and learned a new language – German – though haltingly, besides the Armenian and Turkish that he knew.” Anusch somberly looked away for a second and then continued, “Before my father’s death of a heart attack, he said to us, ‘Listen my children, I have lived for 60 years, but it feels like 120.’ We all cried and repeated over and over, ‘Papa, don’t die, don’t die!’”

A part of Malchas’s story reminded me of a Hayastantsi who had lost his leg in the war and lived with us in Chicago for a while in our small, three-bedroom duplex that had one bathroom, a living room, dining room and kitchen. Though we were cramped, my parents felt it was their duty to help fellow Hayastantsis, who had even less than we had. And so, my parents, four siblings and I slept in one bedroom; the Armenian who had lost his leg slept in the other; and later, a poverty-stricken family from Armenia – a father, mother and child – who came to live with us, slept in the third bedroom. Though we lived in cramped quarters and had little, we never felt poor because of our parents, who themselves grew up in great hardship. My father, who was from the village of Shvanidzor in Syunik, and located in Armenia’s southern region, was a toddler when his father passed away from pneumonia, and by age nine, his young mother, who, carrying a bucket of water up the hill to their house dropped dead when she heard the frantic and dreaded words, “The Turks are coming! The Turks are coming!” Having to survive on his own since childhood, he knew the value of family, as did my mother. Remarkably, despite their harsh lives, my parents always remained generous, kind, optimistic and thankful. Since we, as a family, were all together, despite our circumstances, we were happy and felt fortunate to live in a country that offered such great freedom. 

One evening, the somber and quiet Armenian who had lost his leg told my father that he was going to end his life. My father immediately told my mother that he was going out for a walk with the man. Both returned late that night. Somehow, my father had convinced the dejected Armenian that he could not do what he was planning to do, that in time life would improve for him. When he eventually moved out of our home, his life had indeed taken a sunnier path, and the family of three had at last also found a better life in their adopted country of America. 

Anusch, Hans and his sister looking at copies of the Armenian Weekly the author brought with her

As Anusch and I talked and talked, stopping occasionally to look at the photos she had, and the ones I had on my phone, I realized how similar the two of us were in several ways, especially when it came to our love for all things Armenian. Perhaps that is why we bonded as toddlers, and now as adults. Having nearly finished with my interview, I asked Anusch what some of the nationalities in Ludwigsfeld were. She replied, “Armenian, Azeri, Belarus, Bosnian, Bulgarian, Chechen, Croatian, Georgian, Greek, Hungarian, Romanian, Russian, Serbian, Slovenian, Tatar, Turkmen, Ukrainian, Uzbek.” And of the religions, she said, “We have Christians, among them Armenian Apostolic, Greek Orthodox, Russian Orthodox, Roman Catholic, Evangelical, Lutheran, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and we have believers in the Jewish and the Muslim faiths.”

As I listened to Anusch describe her neighborhood, my old neighborhood in Chicago where we first settled came to mind. It was a neighborhood of local Americans and immigrants surrounded by factories and dotted with a few apartment buildings, and single homes, two flats and duplexes. Our international neighborhood then consisted of three Armenian families – two Hayastantsi and one from Turkey – several local American families, some of them elderly, a few Appalachian families, a Georgian family from the Caucasus, several German families, a few Italian families, a couple of Mexican families, a Polish family and a Russian family. Many of the men in the neighborhood, as well as a few of the women, worked in factories near and far. My father was more than happy to have his factory job, as did other Armenian immigrants, even though he had been a writer and teacher in Armenia. 

When my family and I moved to another part of Chicago during my teen years, and later, when we five siblings married, all but my late husband Murad and I, and our family, remained in the area that had become home since my family and I arrived in America many years ago. On the other hand, Anusch and Hans, and their children, now all married with families of their own, still live in the same neighborhood where Anusch’s parents first made their home, except for one daughter who lives not too far from her parents and family. A sense of unity and belonging that was a part of their lives growing up continues today, whereas our lives in the Chicagoland area have greatly changed over the years because of distance and relocations. 

Pictured from left to right at the reunion: the author’s daughter Hasmik, Anusch’s daughter Sarah, Knarik and Anusch

As Anusch and I continued our conversation on the DPs and their lives in Ludwigsfeld, it was apparent that Anusch’s life, and that of her family, was tightly woven with the lives of the other Armenian DPs who lived in the area. Over the years, however, many of them moved away to other cities in Germany or to other countries, leaving behind a neighborhood that had once been an example of “man’s Inhumanity to man” and hopelessness, but was eventually transformed into a place of hope with quiet, tree-lined streets, well-maintained buildings and grounds, and where children and youth play in open fields and adults gather regularly to spend time with one another or stroll about. When I asked Anusch if she considered herself to be German or Armenian, she replied with a smile, “I, the eldest of my father’s second marriage, consider myself an Armenian with a German mother, a German husband and a German passport!” Anusch then added, “After much searching, we found members of my father’s first marriage and now keep in touch with them. Though our Armenian is very limited, we are able to pass on our Armenian side as much as we can.”

Knarik, Anusch and Hans

Wanting to know a little of what Anusch and Hans’ adult children thought about the place they call home, Sarah, who moved away from Ludwigsfeld, described how she felt about life in the area that her parents, siblings and their families call home: “I live in a charming old town near the Danube, with my family, and commute to my workplace in Munich, near my childhood home. I frequently see my parents and the rest of the family. It makes me happy there. Although I felt embarrassed in the past to show others where I lived because the blocks of buildings looked a lot uglier in the past, and the area did not have the best reputation, meaning that it was referred to as the ‘foreigner’s place,’ and was viewed with contempt by a still-hostile neighborhood after World War II. I appreciate the close community we grew up in – all the different nationalities, but feeling close as brothers and sisters…As an adult, I have always been proud of the special place I came from…I see it as a treasure that I had a chance to grow up there with so much community life.” To add to community life, in particular the Armenian community, once a month the Armenians rent a church, St. Anne, in the middle of Munich, and an Armenian priest from another area comes to perform church service. Occasionally, the Armenians also gather to socialize with one another, a tradition they have kept since the early days in the settlement.  

Anusch (right) and Knarik going for a walk

My time with Anusch, and her lovely family, had ended. In the morning, Hasmik and I would be returning home. Though it was an evening touched with sadness because our time with one another had ended, the visit had given us a deeper insight into the history of that dark period in the lives of so many. Thankfully, there are pictures and accounts that say much about those days. In addition, the lives of two toddlers in an Austrian DP camp were captured in a few of the photos, along with the faces of some of the DPs. Without those photos, their stories may have been forgotten long ago. 

A few weeks after our return home, Anusch had written to me with additional information about her father and DP life. She ended her note with these words: “Well, dear Knarik, this is the story of only two displaced persons – our fathers. The reprisals that we, the descendants, had to go through, I will tell you another time…”

“…O falling star
Seen once from a bridge—:
Never to forget you. Stay standing! …”

Rainer Maria Rilke, 1915
Austrian poet and writer (1875-1926)

Knarik O. Meneshian was born in Austria. Her father was Armenian and her mother was Austrian. She received her degree in literature and secondary education in Chicago, Ill. In 1988, she served on the Selection Committee of the McDougal, Littell “Young Writers” Collection—Grades 1–8, an anthology of exemplary writing by students across the country.” In 1991, Knarik taught English in the earthquake devastated village of Jrashen (Spitak Region), Armenia. In 2002–2003, she and her late husband (Murad A. Meneshian), lived and worked as volunteers in Armenia for a year teaching English and computer courses in Gyumri and Tsaghgadzor. Meneshian’s works have been published in "Teachers As Writers, American Poetry Anthology" and other American publications, as well as Armenian publications in the U.S. and Armenia. Knarik is the author of A Place Called Gyumri: Life in the Armenian Mountains. She has also authored a book of poems titled Reflections, and translated from Armenian to English Reverend D. Antreassian’s book titled "The Banishment of Zeitoun" and "Suedia’s Revolt" She began writing at the age of 12 and has contributed pieces to The Armenian Weekly since her early teens.