Guests from PACE

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| 17:10:24 | 10-05-2005 | Politics |

GUESTS FROM PACE

PACE co-rapporteurs on Armenia Georges Colombier (France) and Jerzy
Jaskiernia (Poland) are in Armenia to take part in the discussions on the
constitutional amendments May 9-13.

During the visit the guests are scheduled to meet with the Ambassadors of
the EU member-states in Armenia, head of the OSCE Yerevan Office,
representatives of international and public organizations dealing with the
human rights issues, journalists as well as with the representatives of
religious and national minorities.

May 11 Georges Colombier and Jerzy Jaskiernia will meet with Armenian
Speaker Arthur Baghdasaryan, members of the Temporary Commission for
Integration into European Structures, the parliamentary delegation to the
PACE, as well as Police Chief Hayk Harutyunyan.

May 12 meetings with Armenian Defense Minister Serge Sargsyan, Minister of
Justice David Harutyunyan, Prosecutor General Aghvan Hovsepyan, Foreign
Minister Vardan Oskanyan, Minister of Territorial Administration, Mayor of
Yerevan Yervand Zakhryan, Chairman of the Central Election Committee Gagik
Azaryan and members of the National Committee on Television and Radio are
planned.

May 13 Armenian President Robert Kocharyan and Prime Minister Andranik
Margaryan will receive the members of the PACE delegation, who will also
meet Ombudsman Larisa Alaverdyan, Constitutional Court Chairman Gagik
Harutyunyan.

Activist recalls losses to genocide

Oregon Daily Emerald, OR
May 9 2005

Activist recalls losses to genocide

Feminist writer Margaret Randall discussed the effects of the Cold
War on other countries and the impact of hatred and violence on
societies

Emily Smith
News Reporter

May 09, 2005

Author, activist, feminist and poet Margaret Randall spoke Friday
evening about genocide, failed activism efforts and continuous social
inequalities in Central America over the past century.
Her lecture, “We Don’t Mean You … Well Yes We Do,” took place in
the EMU Ballroom and was part of a three-day symposium about Central
America during the Cold War. It honored the late Bishop Oscar Romero
and Ben Linder, an activist from Portland who was killed in
Nicaragua, said Cultural Forum Contemporary Lecture Coordinator
Alicia Parter.

“Margaret Randall has lived incredible experiences in Latin America,
Mexico, Cuba and Nicaragua,” University Spanish instructor Bryan
Moore said. He added that she lived in these places during unique
historical moments, which enables her to “provide reflection and
insight.” He said she has published works of some of the greatest
Latin American authors and has written about 80 books.

“Fifty years ago the modern Cold War manifested itself in Central
America with the CIA overthrow of the democratically elected
government in Guatemala, which led to nothing less than decades-long
genocide and murder,” Moore said during his introduction.

After Randall took the stage she spoke about the social
responsibility people should feel for those less fortunate.

“If one of us is made invisible, or ignored, or abused, or enslaved,
no one is free,” she said. The title of her speech reflects a famous
quote uttered by a Lutheran minister after he narrowly escaped death
at a concentration camp. She shared the quote with her audience:
“First they came for the communists and I didn’t speak up because I
wasn’t a communist. Then they came for the Jews and I didn’t speak up
because I wasn’t a Jew. Then they came for the Catholics and I didn’t
speak up because I was a Protestant. Then they came for me, and by
that time, there was no one left to speak up.”

Randall then listed numerous genocides throughout history, including
the 1915-16 Armenian genocide that killed 1.5 million people, the
Nazi Holocaust that ended with more than six million dead and the
genocide in Cambodia led by the Khmer Rouge that resulted in two
million deaths. She also mentioned the Iraqi attack on the Kurds in
1987-88 and criticized the U.S. government for continuing to sell
wheat and rice and send aid to the country until 1991, when the
United States’ interests changed.

Randall said the United States “labeled Saddam a terrorist, invaded
his country, toppled his government and made him a prisoner, leaving
chaos and death where there had been a secular government amidst a
fundamentalist regime, a society with excellent public education and
health, and a position of women that was progressive for the Middle
East.” She added that there is solid evidence the CIA has been
directly involved in torture sessions from Central America to the
Middle East.

Randall said it is her belief that all groups of people must be
included in the struggle for a just society, and if they are not, it
paves the way for the marginalization that makes genocide possible.

“Muslims, whose history is ripe with oppression and marginalization,
are today engaged in some of the worst acts of violence against
others,” Randall said. “Genocide is happening now in Sudan.”

Randall also claims that domestic violence against women and children
by someone more powerful is directly related to the “invasion or
occupation of a small country by someone more powerful.”

She said three things can be learned from the failures of 20th
century revolutionists: Everyone counts, social inequities are
reflected in the home, community and world, and future activists must
find ways to ensure that power is distributed among all people and
exercised fairly.

“When (democracy) becomes nothing more than majority rule and that
majority turns out to be a powerful minority, then an analysis of
representation may be overdue,” Randall said. With hatred of “the
other” becoming a virtue in the United States, Randall said people
should “hold onto and teach values of true honesty, thoughtfulness,
intellectual curiosity, fairness, inclusion, respect and solidarity.”

VE Day highlights both Russian historical glory and current troubles

VE Day highlights both Russia’s historical glory and current troubles

AP Worldstream
May 09, 2005

JIM HEINTZ

The Russian capital’s massive ceremonies commemorating the defeat of
Nazi Germany shine a spotlight on one of the Soviet Union’s great
successes, but they also illuminate many of the problems now plaguing
post-Soviet Russia.

Amid their words of praise for the Red Army’s bravery and sacrifice,
officials have appeared defensive in scrabbling to preserve Russia’s
declining regional influence, deflect criticism of Russia’s commitment
to democracy and protest Western support for pro-democracy uprisings
in ex-Soviet states.

Intense security measures for the Moscow ceremonies, which are crowded
with foreign dignitaries, echoed the capital’s fears of terror attacks
by Chechen separatists, whom the Kremlin has been unable to wipe out
in a decade of fighting.

With security so tight that Muscovites had little chance of seeing
Monday’s ceremonies firsthand, officials advised residents to get out
of town, which some felt demonstrated how Russian authorities had
little concern for the common man.

Soviet-era emblems and images of Josef Stalin abounded _ historically
correct, but unsettling amid fears that President Vladimir Putin wants
to lead the country back into heavy-handed authoritarian rule.

As Putin addressed WWII veterans at the Bolshoi Theater, he struck a
defiant and defensive tone.

“Double standards with regard to terrorists are as unacceptable as
attempts to rehabilitate Nazi accomplices,” Putin said. The statement
referred both to the Kremlin’s frequent complaint that calls for
Russia to negotiate with Chechen rebels are tantamount to capitulating
to terrorism and to Russia’s resentment of moves in some ex-Soviet
Baltic countries and Ukraine to honor partisans who fought against the
Red Army in WWII.

Leaders of two Baltic countries _ Estonia and Lithuania _ declined to
come to Moscow for the celebrations, a demonstration of the widespread
dismay over the nearly five decades of postwar Soviet occupation.

Also absent were leaders of two member nations of the Commonwealth of
Independent States, the loose grouping of ex-Soviet republics other
than the Baltics.

Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliev declined to come because of the
presence of Armenian President Robert Kocharian: tensions are high
between the countries over the unresolved status of the
Nagorno-Karabakh region.

The absence of Georgian leader Mikhail Saakashvili was a direct slap
at Russia _ he stayed home to protest Russia’s resistance to
withdrawing two military bases that remain in the country as
Soviet-era hangovers.

Saakashvili also is preparing for a visit by U.S. President George
W. Bush, who goes there Monday directly from Moscow. Bush’s visit to
Georgia is being seen as a strong endorsement of pro-democracy
movements in the former Soviet Union. Georgia’s 2003 Rose Revolution
scored a first, dramatic victory that drove out longtime leader Eduard
Shevardnadze.

Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko, who came to power after his
country’s Orange Revolution forced an election in which he defeated a
Kremlin-backed candidate, came to Moscow for the ceremonies, but used
the occasion to downplay the CIS, saying there was “little use” for
the organization that Russia sees as a key element in retaining
regional influence.

Russia has sharply criticized the backing that pro-democracy groups in
Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan received from Western countries, and
apparently is concerned that those countries’ uprisings could be
repeated in close Russian allies, such as Belarus and Kazakhstan.

Russian Security Council chief Igor Ivanov, in an interview published
last week, criticized the uprisings as unconstitutional changes of
power. That brought a cold rejection from the Ukrainian Foreign
Ministry, which said Sunday that “the international community has
highly assessed the degree of conformity of last year’s presidential
elections with democratic standards.”

The protests in post-Soviet countries raised the prospect of similar
outpourings in Russia, where Putin is under increasing criticism for
apparent authoritarian leanings. The WWII ceremonies’ respect for
Stalin could be seen as reinforcing that tendency, and Putin himself
has given mixed signals, claiming Russia is reforming but speaking
with respect and even nostalgia for the Soviet Union.

Putin also has been the target of an unprecedented wave of protests
this year over changes in welfare benefits for veterans and the
elderly.

“We hoped that things would be better today,” an 80-year-old veteran,
Vera Minayeva, said Sunday. “This is not what we fought for.”

___

Jim Heintz, The Associated Press’ news editor in Moscow, has covered
the post-Soviet region since 1999.

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Agence France Presse
3 mai 2005 mardi 5:05 PM GMT

Génocide arménien: Washington se félicite des contacts entre Ankara et Erevan

ANKARA 3 mai — Les Etats-Unis ont salué et soutenu les contacts
récents entre la Turquie et l’Arménie sur la question du génocide
arménien, a indiqué mardi à Ankara une responsable du Département
d’Etat.

“Nous pensons que les échanges entre le (président arménien Robert)
Kotcharian et (le premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip) Erdogan sont
très prometteurs”, a indiqué à la presse Laura Kennedy, secrétaire
d’Etat adjoint pour les affaires européennes et d’Eurasie à l’issue
d’entretiens avec des responsables turcs.

“Nous espérons qu’il y aura une suite” à ces contatcs, a-t-elle ajouté
affirmant que Washington “a un très grand intérêt à un rapprochement
et une réconciliation entre l’Arménie et la Turquie”.

M. Erdogan avait adressé récemment une lettre au président arménien
Robert Kotcharian, proposant la création d’une commission conjointe
afin d’enquêter sur les massacres des Arméniens de 1915, selon le
ministre des affaires étrangères Abdullah Gul.

La mise en place de cette commission constituera un premier pas vers
la normalisation des relations avec l’Arménie, a-t-il dit.

La Turquie rejette catégoriquement la thèse d’un génocide, estimant
qu’il s’agissait d’une répression dans un contexte de guerre civile où
les Arméniens s’étaient alliés aux troupes russes qui avaient envahi
l’empire ottoman.

Ankara évalue à 300.000 le nombre d’Arméniens morts de maladie, de
fatigue ou victimes d’attaques lors de leur périple et affirme qu’au
moins autant de Turcs ont été tués par les nationalistes Arméniens.

La Turquie a reconnu l’Arménie à son indépendance en 1991 mais sans
établir de relations diplomatiques en raison du profond différend
sur le génocide.

Pour sa part, le président arménien Robert Kotcharian a répondu mardi
dernier par un oui conditionnel à cette proposition d’Ankara de créer
une commission d’experts, déclarant qu’il fallait au préalable établir
“des relations normales” entre les deux pays.

Les Arméniens ont commémoré dimanche les 90 ans des massacres, qui
ont été officiellement reconnus comme génocide par plusieurs pays et
dont ils estiment le bilan humain à 1,5 million de morts.

Par ailleurs, Laura Kennedy a indiqué avoir évoqué avec ses
interlocuteurs turcs le futur de Chypre où elle doit se rendre ainsi
qu’en Grèce après son séjour en Turquie.

Mme Kennedy a précisé qu’elle rencontrerait le nouveau dirigeant de la
République turque de Chypre nord (RTCN, reconnue par la seule Turquie),
Mehmet Ali Talat ainis que le président chypriote Tassos Papadopoulos.

–Boundary_(ID_zb9NERsh1ZGs+ThZZwg4ag)–

MOSCOW: Kyrgyz, Armenian leaders follow Kazakh counterpart to Moscow

Kyrgyz, Armenian leaders follow Kazakh counterpart to Moscow

Interfax news agency
7 May 05

Moscow, 7 May: Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev was the first
of CIS leaders to come to Moscow to take part in the celebrations of
the 60th anniversary of [World War II] victory. [Passage omitted]

The acting president of Kyrgyzstan, Kurmanbek Bakiyev, likewise arrived
in Moscow late on Saturday [7 May]. The visit became Bakiyev’s first
in the capacity of Kyrgyz head of state.

Around 1945 [Moscow time, 1545 gmt], Armenian President Robert
Kocharyan arrived in Moscow to take part in festivities on the occasion
of the 60th anniversary of the Great Victory.

Kocharyan will take part in the CIS summit, which is due to take place
on 8 May, while on 9 May he will take part in festivities dedicated
to Victory Day. [Passage omitted]

On the eve of Victory in Europe Day

Open Democracy, UK
May 6 2005

On the eve of Victory in Europe Day, Matthias Matussek demands the
British give up their obsession with Second World War triumphalism

It seems to be an act of public suicide for a post-war German to
criticise the British view of history on a day like VE day. To do so
is to be cursed as a Nazi nostalgic or an irredeemable loser.

But several British colleagues have asked me for an strongly worded
polemic about the British obsession with Germany and the war.

So, here goes: we Germans consider VE day the day when the Hitler
terror was finally vanquished.

We have learnt the meaning of mourning and have a determination never
to allow another genocide.

In contrast, our British neighbours have not learnt much more than
the triumphalist trumpeting of the victor.

We Germans confront the guilt and shame of our past daily, and more
thoroughly and obsessively than probably any other nation on earth
has done. Even 60 years after the end of the horrors, we are still
preoccupied, perhaps even more so now than before. In the heart of
the capital a holocaust memorial in the shape of a forest of grey
cement posts has just been inaugurated.

Every German schoolchild knows the tales of German atrocities. But in
England Prince Harry parties with a swastika arm band. Eighty per
cent of youngsters don’t know what Auschwitz was about, but each one
will be familiar with the heroic films about the “Battle of Britain”
as if they personally had kicked the Hun up the backside.

Where does this giddy pride come from – and the lack of sensitivity
toward the victims?

The Russians in the meantime consider us friends, even though they
lost 25 million people in the fight against the Nazi horde. They
respect us as a hard-working, peace-loving people who have emerged
renewed from the devastation.

The British, who only survived thanks to the Russians and Americans,
behave as if they had conquered Hitler’s hordes single-handedly. And
they continue to see us as Nazis, as if they had to refight the
battles every evening. They are positively enchanted by this Nazi
dimension.

The British love to hate us Germans. So much so that my ten year old
son was chased by English school kids chanting “Nazi, Nazi”. In fact,
the hunt for Nazis has become a neurotic English parlour game. The
British really enjoy raking over the German past instead of devoting
themselves to their own. In psychoanalysis this is called a
“substitute act”.

Perhaps VE day is, as my friend Anthony Barnett from openDemocracy
wrote to me, the perfect point in time for the British to grow up and
say goodbye to their subterfuges. For example, the delusion that war
was declared on Germany in solidarity with the persecuted Jews, as
Tony Blair claimed not so long ago in an Observer interview.

This is far from the truth, as is well known outside the island. The
British policy of appeasement handed Hitler a victory over
Czechoslovakia. By delaying the war it made it worse. Nazi Germany
enjoyed great sympathy, above all from the British aristocracy.
Israel’s prime minister Kazav rightly pointed this out during the
recent Auschwitz ceremonies: the British did nothing to stop the
holocaust.

The English history books say nothing about the passivity of the
Allies towards the holocaust. They also ignore, as recently
demonstrated in the Independent, other dark sides to the empire. A
new revisionism is afoot. Gordon Brown has just declared that there
is nothing about the Empire of which the British need be ashamed.
Instead, New Labour increasingly philosophises about the blessings of
being British, with no sense of their being a dark side, as with all
other peoples.

Back to the war. The Churchill government had evidence from Polish
resistance forces about the Nazi camps as early as 1940. And by 1944
there were precise aerial photographs of the Auschwitz concentration
camp. A few bombs targeting the railway lines would have stopped the
death transports. Nothing like this happened. Instead of saving Jews,
the British preferred bombing Dresden and other German towns in order
to destroy the cultural face of their hated neighbour once and for
all.

Of course this is terrible.

Even when the horrors of the Nazis were laid bare, the British
colonial powers did not exactly treat the Jews with great care. I
have never understood how the British colonial masters could send the
starved survivors of the concentration camps who hoped to emigrate to
Palestine straight back, often to the very camps from which they had
been released.

This is not talked about. Instead the British peruse the third
post-war German generation carefully for signs of Nazi contamination.

This was evident again recently. I had been asked to a panel
discussion about Oliver Hirschbiegel’s film The Downfall.

The panellists, chaired by Max Hastings, insisted on seeing the film,
which showed Hitler’s last dark days in the bunker, as evidence of a
new German Hitler nostalgia.

This was supported by the daftest arguments. For example: the music
had been very tragic. What is one supposed to expect in a film about
murder and suicide, about senseless soldierly loyalty and the
sinister swallowing of cyanide capsules? The Beatles?

The film showed youngsters abandoning their loyalty to Hitler in the
final days of the war. Didn’t happen, the panellists pronounced. They
were all enthusiastic Hitler youths, right to the end. And that makes
the foundations of the new Germany highly suspect, even today.

Some thought Hitler had been portrayed as too human, others felt he
was shown to be too inhuman. It was his inhumanity that made the
German people look like victims. And so on. You can twirl these
pirouettes of interpretation endlessly. But the intention is always
the same: to show the barbaric nature of Germans, that they are still
not civilised. The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung recently, and
rightly, called this “moral arrogance”.

Meanwhile the British have no shortage of good subjects for debate. I
suggested to the panel that my British friends should occupy
themselves with the problems of Britain’s past, with the massacres of
the Boer war, with the infamous Opium wars, with the concentration
camps of Kenya in the 50s.

There was a fluster of excitement about this in the press. But that
evening I received applause for these remarks. Applause from a
thoughtful British public.

I believe the official British triumphalism has to do with the Iraq
war. If you continuously inflate your self importance with memories
of grandeur in the Second World War, if you endlessly replay your
“finest hour”, you will have a distorted view of the moral problems
of today.

A Britain which assumes itself too much in possession of all virtue
has dangerously self-aggrandising features. Through deception and
manoeuvrings you can find yourself going into a war that breaks
international law and costs thousands of innocent civilian lives –
simply because of an uncritical faith in a historic mission. For Tony
Blair, it seems to me, “Rule Britannia” applies to the moral sphere
as well.

I have learnt from history that Germany did not lose on VE Day, but
on the day when Hitler took power. On the day, when a leader and
manipulator appeared, who was convinced of his own historic mission
and trampled on right and humanity.

On this day the losers were German culture, spirit, decency. The
losers were Luther, Goethe and Bach. VE day also is the day on which
they won again, with the help of the Russians, the Americans and the
British.

And incidentally, if it had not been for VE Day I would not be here
today. My father, who as a Catholic had a mistrust of the regime
(though he had been dazzled in the early days) told me how he had
longed for this VE Day. Not least because he did not want to die in a
senseless war that had already been lost two years earlier in the
battle for Stalingrad.

For me VE Day is an occasion for joy and gratitude, but also for soul
searching. Like so many of my generation I have visited Buchenwald
concentration camp – near Weimar, where Goethe and Schiller shaped
the pinnacle of German classic culture, and I was stunned to the core
at what man can do to man. And sad. Sadder than I ever could tell.
And helpless.

And the worst of it: I knew that this continues. Man continues to do
this to man. War, massacres, holocaust, these are – sadly – not
German specialities. They are universal. Perhaps that is one of the
lessons we should all learn from VE day: that those too are guilty
who look the other way and don’t interfere when a people is
decimated, whether Jews, Tutsi, Armenian, Cambodian, Russian or
Chinese.

We all must learn, losers as well as victors, British and Germans
together. Only then will this VE day be one for mankind.

Parliaments of Azerbaijan and Turkey to begin joint struggle….

AZG Armenian Daily #082, 06/05/2005

Neighbors

PARLIAMENTS OF AZERBAIJAN AND TURKEY TO BEGIN JOINT STRUGGLE AGAINST
‘ARMENIAN PROPAGANDA’

The parliaments of Azerbaijan and Turkey are going to unfold
joint struggle directed against “the statements on the Armenian
genocide.” Mediamax informed that Arif Rahimzade, deputy speaker of
the Azeri parliament, said this during the meeting with Emin Serin
and Hussein Mumtazi, Turkish parliamentarians.

“The parliament of Azerbaijan has discovered many facts that reveal
the policy of the Armenians. Uniting our efforts, we shall fight and
reveal the policy of the Armenians, ” Serin said. He stated that when
they return to Turkey, they will submit this issue to the discussion
at the parliament.

System plays blistering test-market set

System plays blistering test-market set
BY JIM DEROGATIS Pop Music Critic Advertisement

Chicago Sun-Times, IL
May 5 2005

“Ladies and gentlemen, this is not a test,” guitarist Daron Malakian
said.

With a vocoder transforming his words into a robotic drone, Malakian’s
announcement opened and closed the ferocious 75-minute set that System
of a Down played Tuesday night at Metro. But a test is exactly what
this rare small-club gig was.

Since its self-titled debut in 1998, the Los Angeles progressive-metal
quartet has risen to the level of an arena headliner while maintaining
its position as one of the strangest and most inventive bands in
hard rock. The Metro show was one of 10 club gigs intended to prime
the promotional pump — or test the market, if you prefer — as the
group gears up for the May 17 release of its third album. (Coldplay
is doing the same thing at Metro on Friday.)

System of a Down hasn’t been prolific on the recorded front.
“Mezmerize/Hypnotize” — which is considered a double album, though
the second disc won’t be issued until the fall — is its first release
since 2001’s “Toxicity.” Yet while its fans are hungry for new music,
and the whole purpose of this club tour is to generate excitement
for it, the group played hardly any fresh material at Metro.

Whether the band thought its fans would be unfamiliar with the new
songs — unlikely, since many have already downloaded the disc —
or it’s paranoid about its music leaking in advance of the release —
a lost cause, since it already has — System of a Down played it safe
and stuck to old favorites such as “Chop Suey,” “Spiders,” “Mr. Jack”
and “Sugar,” which we’ve been hearing in concert for years now.

Of course, “playing it safe” is a relative term for a group as
idiosyncratic as this one. Malakian, vocalist Serj Tankian, bassist
Shavo Odadjian and drummer John Dolmayan first came together at
an Armenian Christian school a decade ago. They remain dedicated to
informing the world about the Turkish genocide of 1.5 million Armenians
in 1915 — the first gig of this club tour was at California’s annual
Sunday’s Souls benefit for that cause last week — and their music
is peppered with radical political philosophizing somewhere to the
left of Noam Chomsky and Rage Against the Machine.

System of a Down is capable of bursts of pile-driver thrash as intense
as any hard-core band and eruptions of shred guitar and double-bass
drumming as punishing as the best death metal bands. But these are
interspersed with beautiful, pseudopsychedelic arena-rock hooks,
passages of traditional Middle Eastern folk music and flourishes of
progressive-rock virtuosity that could be lifted from the weirdest
pages of the Frank Zappa songbook.

Through it all, Tankian conjured a rock ‘n’ roll version of the
turn-of-the-century anarchist standing on a soapbox advocating
revolution as the rhythm section shifted gears faster than the winning
driver at the Indy 500.

Malakian is the group’s secret weapon, however. The least attractive of
an already ugly bunch, the diminutive, balding but still long-haired
guitarist often sounded as if he were playing three parts at once —
delivering rhythm, lead and outer space noise — while simultaneously
adding the sweeter harmonies to the choruses (Tankian can’t actually
sing, but Malakian can) and the occasional “Voice of Satan” deep
bass growl.

Arena rock doesn’t get any more inspired than this. “Mezmerize/
Hypnotize” is certain to keep the band in that forum — the group has
announced a coming tour with fellow new-wave prog-rockers the Mars
Volta — and despite a fiasco with ticket sales that shut many of the
faithful out of the show, the Metro gig was a special intimate treat.

Kerkorian Seeking 9% Stake in G.M.

Kerkorian Seeking 9% Stake in G.M.
By DANNY HAKIM

New York Times, NY
May 5 2005

DETROIT, May 4 – Kirk Kerkorian, the multi-billionaire casino operator
and financier, said today that he was making a offer that would give
him a stake worth nearly 9 percent in General Motors, the struggling
Detroit auto giant whose stock recently hit a 12-year low. Coming from
Mr. Kerkorian, an 87-year-old with a history of taking big stakes and
exerting varying degrees of control over airlines, casinos, automakers
and movie studios, the news surprised Detroit and Wall Street.

G.M. has attracted the financial attention of Kirk Kerkorian,
who has made fortunes investing in casinos and Hollywood studios.
G.M. shares surged 18 percent, closing at $32.80, up $5.03.

Mr. Kerkorian’s investment firm, Tracinda, said in a statement today
that its acquisition was “solely for investment purposes.” But Mr.
Kerkorian has been known as an investor who rarely sits on the
sidelines, asserting his will on the often struggling companies he
buys in hopes of turning them around. He previously was Chrysler’s
largest shareholder and tried unsuccessfully in the 1990’s to take
over the company with the aid of its former chairman, Lee A. Iacocca.
He is now in the midst of a legal battle with DaimlerChrysler over
the terms of the 1998 merger between DaimlerBenz and Chrysler.

In an interview Wednesday morning, Mr. Kerkorian’s personal lawyer,
Terry Christensen, said the investment would be a passive one and
added that Mr. Kerkorian would not seek a board seat or control over
management. He also said that Mr. Kerkorian aimed for an investment
of roughly 9 percent and was not looking for a larger stake at present.

And he said that Mr. Kerkorian had confidence in G.M.’s management,
including the chairman and chief executive, Rick Wagoner.

“He’s not really trying to judge management,” Mr. Christensen said.
“He’s trying to judge the assets of the company, the ability of the
company to right itself and get going strong again. He sees no reason
why this management team can’t do that. He believes they will do it.”

But people on Wall Street and in Detroit say they are skeptical
that Mr. Kerkorian would make a passive investment. Analysts floated
several possibilities: Mr. Kerkorian would press G.M. to sell some
of its lucrative non-automotive business, like its mortgage lending
business; he would eventually try for various degrees of management
control; or he would make himself enough of a nuisance that G.M.
would buy his shares for a quick profit, a tactic he has used with
companies like Columbia Pictures.

“Our expectation is that the Tracinda/G.M. story will take many
twists and turns over many quarters,” said John Casesa, an analyst
at Merrill Lynch, who upgraded his rating on G.M. shares to neutral
from sell after the announcement. “We expect G.M. to react vigorously
and defiantly to Tracinda’s actions. Given G.M.’s still considerable
economic and political clout, we expect this to be a long, drawn-out
battle.”

“Given Kerkorian’s successful track record of unlocking shareholder
value, we feel we cannot continue to be a seller of G.M.,” he said,
adding that he thought Mr. Kerkorian might be interested in having
G.M. sell or consider other options for the nonautomotive businesses,
like its mortgage lending unit, that are part of the General Motors
Acceptance Corporation, G.M.’s financing division.

Tracinda, which is owned by Mr. Kerkorian, said Wednesday that it
had bought 22 million shares, or 3.9 percent of G.M., in the last
few weeks. Tracinda said it was also offering $868 million, or $31
a share, for 28 million more G.M. shares. The offer represented a
premium of 11.6 percent over G.M.’s closing price of $27.77 on Tuesday.

Mr. Christensen said Mr. Kerkorian thought G.M. had been oversold by
the market and saw the investment as “a value investing play.”

“Mr. Kerkorian’s focus has always been, what are the assets of the
company and what is the ability of the company to generate cash flow
and to strengthen its position in the marketplace?” he said. “General
Motors, he believes, has the assets and the cash flow, and the ability
to generate more cash flow. Over time they have proven themselves to
be an extremely strong competitor and he believes they will continue
to prove that to be the case.”

In a statement. G.M. said it learned about the offer today and would
“not express a view on specific investor activity.”

Born in Fresno, Calif., Mr. Kerkorian is the son of Armenian
immigrants. He spent his youth boxing, among other things, and during
World War II was a pilot who trained other pilots for the military.
He built the charter airline Trans International in the 1960’s, then
sold it, bought it back and sold it again, and went on to develop
hotels and casinos in Las Vegas.

Over the last half century, he has bought and sold Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer,
the movie studio, three times, most recently last year, for a handsome
profit. Shares of his MGM Mirage casino group have risen more than
50 percent in the last year, driven in part by its acquisition of
the Mandalay Resort Group.

A less successful investment has been his stake in Chrysler, which
depreciated considerably after the merger with DaimlerBenz. Mr.
Kerkorian is suing DaimlerChrysler on the grounds that he was misled
about the terms of the merger, but a federal judge rejected that
argument this year. Mr. Kerkorian is appealing.

Mr. Christensen, the lawyer, declined to offer specifics about what
particular assets attracted Mr. Kerkorian to G.M.

“This is an endorsement of the American automobile industry and General
Motors specifically,” he added. “It is an endorsement of the industry
and its future.”

Gerald Meyers, a professor at the University of Michigan who was the
chief executive of American Motors before it was sold to Renault in
the 1980’s, said the likely outcome would be for Mr. Kerkorian to
force G.M. to buy out his shares.

“He’s not going after the company,” he said. “G.M. is not going to
be well anytime soon and he knows that.”

“The only thing I can make out of it is that he hopes he’ll be bought
out or that he truly will be patient and will wait for the stock to
go up, which I can’t imagine he can find on the horizon.”

Certainly, G.M. is in rough shape. Last month, the company reported
a $1.1 billion first-quarter loss, its largest quarterly loss in
more than a decade, and the company has been pummeled this year by
falling sales in the United States, particularly for large sport
utility vehicles. Rising health care costs have also hurt; G.M. is
the nation’s largest private health care provider, giving coverage to
1.1 million American workers, retirees and their families. The array
of problems have raised questions about G.M.’s long-term viability,
though most analysts say it has adequate cash reserves to stave off
a bankruptcy filing.