RA NA Speaker Visits Krakow And Oswiecim

RA NA SPEAKER VISITS KRAKOW AND OSWIECIM

NOYAN TAPAN
APRIL 23, 2009
YEREVAN

RA National Assembly Speaker Hovik Abrahamian, who arrived in Krakow
on April 22 within the framework of an official visit to Poland,
had a meeting with Malopolski Governor Jerzy Miller and Krakow
local authorities, during which he said that contacts between RA and
Polish regional government and local self-government bodies should
be encouraged.

The same day the Armenian delegation left for Oswiecim and visited the
Memorial Complex-Museum of Auschwitz-Birkenau Concentration Camp. H.

Abrahamian laid a wreath in token of respect for the memory of victims
of the tragedy at that concentration camp.

After getting acquainted with the history of Auschwitz-Birkenau
Concentration Camp H. Abrahamian said: "I am just shocked. Nearly
one million people were killed at that camp. They were exterminated
by industrial methods. The reason was only that they were people of
another nationality. I condemn the tragedy of the Jewish Holocaust. We
will commemorate the Armenian Genocide victims on April 24. I once
more made sure that if the Armenian Genocide were condemned in the
whole world in its time, maybe that tragedy would not recur in the
years of World War II."

According to the RA NA Public Relations Department, the delegation led
by H. Abrahamian is returning to Yerevan in the evening of April 23.

Justice, Dignity, And Security: The Manifold Reasons Why Reparations

JUSTICE, DIGNITY, AND SECURITY: THE MANIFOLD REASONS WHY REPARATIONS ARE NECESSARY
SEROUJ APRAHAMIAN

Asbarez
/2009_1
Thursday, April 23, 2009

When it comes to discussion of the Armenian Genocide, there is one
topic that has, for far too long, been the proverbial "elephant in
the room." Although the topic is on virtually everyone’s mind, it
tends to be left largely unaddressed or ignored for one reason or
another. This topic is, of course, that of reparations.

For some, the idea of reparations is a radical "dream"; an impossible
and fanatic proposition which takes away from the more feasible
task of achieving recognition. It is taken for granted that the most
Armenians can reasonably hope for is acknowledgment and an apology
from Turkey. Among many such individuals, the cause of reparations
is looked upon with automatic disapproval and disdain. Hence, the
topic itself is barred from any serious consideration.

On the other side of the spectrum, there are those who maintain
that recognition without reparation is meaningless; that the Turkish
government must pay for the crimes it has committed and not be allowed
to walk away scot-free. In this case, also, we find many who consider
the matter so straightforward, that they see no need in discussing
it further or elaborating upon the reasons why reparations are so
fundamentally needed.

We argue that, not only are reparations far from being an unreachable
goal, they are the only practical means for effectively bringing the
Genocide issue to any sort of a just resolution. Given its crucial
importance to healing the wounds created by the Genocide, it is
imperative that the merits and meaning of reparations be properly
explained and expounded upon. This article will attempt to lay out
some of the many reasons why reparations are so essential.

Justice

At the core of why reparations are necessary is the concept of
justice. A colossal crime was committed against the Armenian nation
and our moral instinct demands that we redress this in an adequate
fashion. This major wrongdoing must be compensated for in order to
restore some semblance of balance and normality.

To illustrate, let us imagine for a moment that someone tortures,
rapes, and murders your family; invades and occupies your home; steals
all of your wealth and belongings; desecrates your family heritage
and possessions; and expels you by force from your home. Not only
does the perpetrator refuse to give any compensation to your family,
he aggressively denies that a crime ever even took place. The blame
is deflected, instead, upon you and your offspring–who must struggle
to even mourn or remember their family–while the criminal portrays
himself in public as the victim.

After all of this, would it be enough for the criminal to simply
give you an apology and say he will no longer inflict any further
mistreatment on you? Of course not! It would be perfectly reasonable
for all of us to want some sort of reparations; some form of payment
for the damage that has been done.1

In this vein, the Turkish government has a moral responsibility to
pay the huge debt it owes to the Armenian people. Just because Turkey
has, as of yet, not paid this debt does not mean that the debt itself
disappears.

On the contrary, it is the Armenian people who are continuing to bear
the brunt of this debt through the loss of years of human and material
capital, dispersion in the Diaspora, the compromise of our historic
homeland, a small and landlocked Republic, psychological suffering,
and economic hardship. Indeed, a great deal is already being paid–the
problem is that it is largely the victim rather than the perpetrator
who is doing the paying.

For this reason alone, some form of reparations proportionate to the
suffering caused by the crime is a must for anyone concerned with
upholding justice and repairing the wounds wrought by the Genocide. As
explained by genocide scholar Taner Akcam in a recent commentary about
discussions of the Genocide within Turkey, "The process of healing
a past injustice must take place within the realm of justice, not
[just] freedom . . . Today, however, in many democratic nations in
the West . . . Injustices of the past are freely discussed, but the
wounds from the past continue because justice remains undone. All of
the powerful states’ relationships with former colonies; the massacres
and genocidal episodes from colonial periods; slavery in America, etc.,
all of these remain unresolved in the realm of justice. Therefore,
even if the %u218Armenian problem’ were to be discussed freely in
Turkey it would nevertheless remain unresolved."2

Dignity

Closely related to the issue of justice is the maintenance of human
dignity for the Armenian people.

It is well known that one of the principal features of genocide is
the denigration of the target population’s humanity. Once again,
as Akcam points out:

"Every large-scale massacre begins by removing the targeted group from
humanity. That group’s human dignity is trampled on, and they begin
to be defined by biological terms like %u218bacteria,’ %u218parasite,’
%u218germ,’ or %u218cancerous cell.’ The victims aren’t usually defined
only as something that needs to be removed from a healthy body: they
are socially and culturally demeaned, their humanity removed. . . Our
humane duty is to restore the dignity of these victims and show them
the respect they deserved as human beings. Reparations and other
similar moves to heal past injustice work to restore the victims’
dignity and gain meaning as a way of repairing emotional wounds."3

To ask that the Turkish government merely grant us an apology
without demanding that they do anything significant to rectify our
suffering–or worse, to seek "reconciliation" without addressing
the Genocide at all–is the ultimate form of surrendering our human
dignity. Giving up our rightful claims and simply seeking to have the
perpetrator acknowledge what we already know to be true is equivalent
to forfeiting our rights as a people; and, hence, indirectly accepting
the success of the Genocide itself.4

Pursuing such an outcome will prove to be even more detrimental to
the dignity, self-respect, and self-determination of the Armenian
people than not having the Genocide recognized at all.

Security

Finally, the matter of reparations has profound meaning for the
security and viability of the Armenian Republic.

Let us not forget that the motivation behind the Genocide itself was
to destroy Armenians as an entity in the region. The present borders
of Armenia were purposely designed under pressure from Turkey as a
way of reducing the country into one incapable of surviving on its
own. Such a policy of aggression was fueled by an institutionalized
prejudice against Armenian national self-determination which continues
to manifest itself in Turkish society to this day.

Changing this reality will require more than a mere symbolic apology
or recognition of historical facts. It will require meaningful
compensation and tangible measures which ensure Armenia’s long-term
sustainability, as well as programs to tackle the hostile attitudes
in Turkish society against its neighbors and minorities.

As scholar Henry Theriault has pointed out, recognition alone is no
guarantee of improved relations or a change in Turkey’s adversarial
stance. Indeed, Ankara could stand up tomorrow and admit the historical
reality of the Armenian Genocide, only to retract its statement
or worsen relations the day after. In his words, "The giving of
reparations, especially land reparations, transforms acknowledgment
and apology into concrete, meaningful acts rather than mere rhetoric."5

In addition, reparations are an important deterrent for future
governments in Turkey–and potential perpetrators of genocide around
the world–from repeating similar atrocities in the future. Failure to
implement any sort of punishment for an act as horrific as genocide
sends a signal to despots everywhere that they can commit such acts
with impunity. This is certainly the lesson Turkish leaders have
drawn as they have gone on to suppress and carry out massive ethnic
cleansing operations against their own Kurdish minority.

As Armenians, we have a moral responsibility to prevent future
atrocities and end the cycle of genocide. To give up our demands
for reparations and simply seek an apology for the Genocide would be
worst than not having it recognized at all. This is because we would
be helping Turkey tell the world that a state can commit genocide,
admit to it, and subsequently face no consequences whatsoever.

Resolution through Reparations

For these, and a host of other reasons, it seems clear that a lasting
solution to the pain, loss, and enmity created by the Armenian Genocide
will necessarily require large-scale reparations on behalf of the
Turkish government. Otherwise, any hope of genuine reconciliation
and regional stability will remain a hollow illusion.

To those who would still argue that, despite the merits, forcing
reparations from Turkey is a hopeless and impossible dream, we would
remind them that a mere twenty years ago, the same would have been said
about those seeking the independence of Armenia. It would have been
equally "unrealistic" to imagine then that a Turkish Nobel laureate
and countless dissident intellectuals would be openly questioning
Ankara’s narrative on the Armenian Genocide.

Today, the world is more aware than it has ever been about the facts of
the Armenian Genocide, and we see the Turkish government increasingly
on the defensive when it comes to this issue. The momentum towards
moving beyond recognition and securing compensation for the countless
losses incurred during the Genocide is also increasingly gathering
pace. Thus, rather than being an impossible dream, the attainment of
reparations appears, in many ways, the most probable in recent memory.

Furthermore, as we have shown, seeking recognition without reparation
is potentially more harmful than not attaining recognition at all. As
such, achieving reparations remains the most critical means for
securing a just and lasting resolution. Concurrently, to turn away
from reparations would be a disservice to all those who have suffered
from the Genocide and those who continue to struggle to overcome it.

www.asbarez.com/index.html?showarticle=41810_4/23

Senator Boxer`s Statement on the 94th Anniversary of The Genocide

PRESS RELEASE
Senator Barbara Boxer
Washington D.C.
112 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
(202) 224-3553

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U.S. Senator Barbara Boxers Statement on the 94th Anniversary of the
Armenian Genocide

Mr. President, I rise today to recognize the 94th Anniversary of the
Armenian Genocide.

Ninety-four years ago today, the Ottoman Empire — now modern-day
Turkey — began the systematic destruction of the Armenian
people. Armenians were driven from their homes and villages, marched
to their deaths in the deserts of the Middle East, and slaughtered in
cold blood. Before it was over, approximately 1.5 million Armenians
lost their lives in the first genocide of the 20th century.

Recently, the Armenian and Turkish governments announced important
progress toward achieving the full normalization of relations between
their two countries. I support this effort, and am hopeful that this
process will lead the Turkish government to finally acknowledge the
irrefutable truth of the Armenian Genocide, and also to greater peace
and prosperity for the people of Armenia.

As President Barack Obama has said, `The Armenian Genocide is not an
allegation, a personal opinion, or a point of view, but rather a
widely documented fact supported by an overwhelming body of historical
evidence. The facts are undeniable.’ There is no need for further
study or debate, because we must never legitimize the views of those
who deny the very worst of crimes against humanity.

On this solemn anniversary, we remember those who were lost in the
Armenian Genocide, while honoring the survivors and their descendants
who have done so much to make America and the world a better place. I
am personally grateful that so many of those individuals have chosen
to call California home.  

We also take pause to acknowledge that such crimes are continuing
today. There is perhaps no more fitting example than the genocide that
is raging in the Darfur region of Sudan. 

Since 2002, the Sudanese government has attempted to exterminate the
African Muslim population of Darfur with horrific acts of
brutality. Villages have been burned to the ground, innocent women and
children slaughtered by helicopter gunships, and rape has been used as
a tool of genocide. What happened to the Armenians is genocide. What
is happening today in Darfur is genocide, even though the government
of Sudan denies this.

Genocide is only possible when people avert their eyes. Any effort to
deal with genocide — in the past, present or future — must begin
with the truth. By acknowledging the truth of the Armenian Genocide,
we can end the phony debates and strengthen our ability to stand up
against mass killing today.

—————————————-

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Armenia And Turkey: Lobby Groups Opposing Confirmation Of Assistant

ARMENIA AND TURKEY: LOBBY GROUPS OPPOSING CONFIRMATION OF ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR CENTRAL ASIA AND CAUCASUS
Joshua Kucera

Eurasianet

April 23, 2009

The nomination of a key State Department official responsible for
Central Asia and the Caucasus is being held up because of concerns
about his views on Turkish-Armenian relations.

At the heart of the simmering controversy surrounding Philip Gordon’s
confirmation as assistant secretary of state for Europe and Eurasia is
his comments on the mass killings and deportations of ethnic Armenians
in Ottoman Turkey that occurred during the second decade of the 20th
century. Since gaining independence in 1991, Armenia has pressed for
international recognition of the tragedy as genocide. [For background
see the Eurasia Insight archive].

Gordon, a scholar at the Brookings Institution, had a confirmation
hearing before a Senate committee on March 27. During that hearing,
he declined to characterize the events of 1915, when an estimated 1.5
million Armenians perished, as "genocide." Instead, he used the term
"tragedy." He also said that he was concerned that a congressional
resolution recognizing the Armenian genocide would "provoke a
nationalistic backlash in Turkey."

The Senate committee proceeded to endorse Gordon’s nomination. But his
responses did not sit well with Armenian-American lobby groups, which
subsequently mobilized opposition among their allies in Congress. One
senator has placed a hold on the nomination, and until the hold is
removed, the full Senate will not be able to vote on the nomination.

Senators do not have to identity themselves on a hold, but a Senate
source told EurasiaNet that the member was John Ensign, a Republican
from Nevada who has co-sponsored a congressional resolution on the
genocide in the past. A spokesman from Ensign’s office did not return
calls and emails seeking comment.

Prospects that the United States would officially recognize the 1915
events as genocide have risen with the election of Barack Obama. Obama,
during his presidential campaign, pledged to recognize the genocide
if elected, although in a recent visit to Turkey he declined to use
the word "genocide." [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

That disappointed Armenian lobby groups. Aram Hamparian, the executive
director of the Armenian National Committee of America, said Obama’s
comments in Turkey represented "a missed opportunity." But he said
that he was hoping for Obama to use the word "genocide" on April 24 —
the day that Armenians traditionally remember the tragedy. "He has
an opportunity to honor his pledge on [April 24]," Hamparian said.

Representatives of Armenian lobby groups contend that Gordon’s
nomination was troubling and not in line with Obama’s stated
views. "Our concern is that his remarks, his writings and his responses
to Senate questions during his confirmation process were markedly
at odds with the president’s record on the Armenian genocide,"
Hamparian said "The president has said that the Armenian genocide
should be recognized."

The Armenian Assembly of America also urged Gordon to get his views
in line with other members of the administration: "With President
Obama, Vice President Biden and Secretary of State Clinton’s clear
and consistent record with respect to US affirmation of the Armenian
Genocide, the Assembly expects that, if confirmed, Philip Gordon
will fully embrace this important human rights policy position,"
said Bryan Ardouny, executive director of the assembly.

Gordon previously served in government in the administration of
former president Bill Clinton, as director for European affairs at the
National Security Council. During the presidential campaign, he served
as head of the Europe team in Obama’s group of foreign policy advisers.

Recently, however, he has been a scholar at the Brookings Institution,
and has written extensively on Turkey. As part of the confirmation
process, Sen. Robert Menendez, a New Jersey Democrat, asked for
details on foreign funding to Brookings. According to figures released
by the think tank, since 2006 Brookings has received $200,000 from
the Turkish Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association, $200,000
from Sabanci University, $150,000 from the Eksiogullari Group (a
construction company in Turkey), and $100,000 from the Dogan Yayin
Holding Company, a media-entertainment conglomerate.

Brookings, in a note attached to the spreadsheet listing the donations,
said that the "primary funding for the work of Philip H. Gordon
in 2006-2007 was provided by the Smith Richardson Foundation. From
2007-2009 primary funding was provided to Mr. Gordon by the Norwegian
Foreign Ministry, the Carnegie Foundation, the Rockefeller Brothers
Fund, and the Brookings Endowment."

Hamparian, of the ANCA, said the funding suggests that writings by
Brookings scholars, including Gordon and Mark Parris, a former US
ambassador to Turkey who also works at Brookings, are compromised.

Melissa Skolfield, the vice president for communications at Brookings,
responding to a EurasiaNet query via email, offered a spirited
defense of the independence of the institution’s analysis. "Brookings
is committed to high-quality, independent research, and all of our
scholars share that commitment," Skolfield said. "Our donors respect
our independence to pose questions, search for answers and present
our findings based on the facts."

Menendez, a Democrat from New Jersey, posed a series of written
questions about Armenian issues to Gordon. The ANCA provided Gordon’s
responses to the questions to EurasiaNet.

In one question, Menendez asked "How does the non-use of the
genocide term, as you have advocated, advance US efforts to promote
Armenian-Turkish reconciliation?" Gordon responded: "I believe the
United States should strongly support Armenian-Turkish reconciliation
and avoid steps that could derail that process or discourage either
party from participating in the ongoing dialogue."

Editor’s Link: Joshua Kucera is a Washington, DC,-based freelance
writer who specializes in security issues in Central Asia, the Caucasus
and the Middle East.

http://www.eurasianet.org

Mass. House Of Reps Pass Resolution Asking Congress to Recognize

The General Court of Massachusetts
State House, Boston 02133

PRESS RELEASE
Contact: Sonya Khan w/Rep. Koutoujian

April 23rd 2009
617-722-2220/617-803-2236 cell
[email protected]

Massachusetts House of Representatives Pass Resolution Asking Congress
to Recognize the Armenian Genocide

Passes with a majority a day before the 94th Anniversary

BOSTON-Today, State Representative Peter J. Koutoujian and 82 of his
colleagues, including the Speaker of the House Robert A. DeLeo, filed a
House Resolution to urge the U.S. Congress to renew their efforts in
officially recognizing the Armenian Genocide of 1915. The resolution
calls for the passage of Congressional Resolution, H.Res 252, which
currently has the support of 100 U.S. Congressmen, as well as Speaker of
the U.S. House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi (D-CA).

The Massachusetts House of Representatives Resolution passes on the day
before the 94th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. April 24th is
marked as the annual day of remembrance by hundreds of thousands of
people around the world in recognition the Genocide.

President Barack Obama is set to offer remarks to the Armenian people.
As a U.S. Senator and candidate for the White House, President Obama
explicitly pledged to recognize the Armenian Genocide. H. Res. 252
calls upon the president to ensure that the foreign policy of the United
States reflects appropriate understanding and sensitivity concerning
issues related to human rights, ethnic cleansing, and genocide
documented in the United States’ record relating to the Armenian
Genocide.

The Armenian Genocide was conceived and carried out by the Turkish
Ottoman Empire from 1915 to 1923, resulting in the deportation of nearly
2,000,000 Armenians, of whom 1,500,000 men, women and children were
killed. The 500,000 survivors were expelled from their homes,
succeeding in eliminating Armenians’ presence in their historic
homeland.

"The immense support from my colleagues was overwhelming," said State
Representative Peter Koutoujian (D-Waltham). "Each year, when April
24th comes around, I think of my grandparents, Abraham and Zarouhi, and
their flight from their home in Marash, Turkey. It is in remembrance
of them and the millions of Armenians who suffered that I look to
Congress to recognize this genocide. My grandparents’ experience is
both humbling in that it provided me, their grandson, the opportunity to
be in a position to call for recognition of this forgotten genocide, and
sad at the same time, in that we in the U.S. have yet to acknowledge it
officially. This anniversary is also a reminder that despite the fact
that genocide has reoccurred a number of times since the plight of the
Armenians, and still occurs today – these crimes against humanity will
continue until we truly recognize the act of genocide."

"We must never forget the 1.5 million Armenians killed in the Genocide
94 years ago. We must not allow the world to forget," said House Speaker
DeLeo, who served as host for a ceremony in the House chamber
commemorating the Armenian Genocide last week. "I hope that this
resolution will encourage Congress to act promptly."

Currently, while the United States does not officially recognize the
Armenian Genocide nationally, 42 of the 50 states do. Additionally, the
countries of Argentina, Belgium, Canada, Chile, Cyprus, France, Germany,
Greece, Italy, Lithuania, Lebanon, Netherlands, Poland, Russia,
Slovakia, Sweden, Switzerland, Uruguay, and Venezuela stand with Armenia
in recognizing the Genocide.

###

Representative Peter J. Koutoujian
10th Middlesex District
Chairman, Joint Committee on Financial Services
tel: 617.722.2220
fax: 617.722.2821

Turkish Media On Crisis In Turkish-Azerbaijani Relations

TURKISH MEDIA ON CRISIS IN TURKISH-AZERBAIJANI RELATIONS

ArmInfo
2009-04-22 13:36:00

Although the storm in Turkish-Azerbaijani relations has settled
following assurances from Ankara that it will not open its borders
with Yerevan before a breakthrough in Armenian-Azerbaijani issues is
made, it seems difficult for the short term to eradicate the crisis
of confidence erupted recently between Ankara and Baku.

According to ‘Hurriyet’ Turkish newspaper, Ankara and Yerevan came
very close to a deal that would normalize relations between the two
countries but the process came to a sudden halt following reaction
from Azerbaijan, which is opposed to the opening of the border without
progress in the Nagorno Karabakh issue.

‘We were not informed of the talks between Turkey and Armenia, we
learned it from others’, the leader of the opposition Democratic
Reform Party Asim Mollazade said, the newspaper cites.

The lack of confidence is not a recent factor in relations. When
the Justice and Development Party, or the AKP, came to power, Baku
hesitated to fully trust the new government in Ankara. "There was an
apprehension towards the AKP. Baku was not sure whether the Turkic
world would appear high on the agenda of the AKP. There was a suspicion
that the AKP could prioritize other issues to the detriment of
Azerbaijan," said a foreign observer, who asked not to be identified.

Although the recent statements from Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan and President Gul have calmed down the administration’s
anxiety, the fact that the Turkish parliamentary group that went
to Baku last week did not include AKP parliamentarians did not go
unnoticed, the newspaper writes.

In every conversation in Baku that involves the Caucasus, Russia is
inevitably mentioned. Opponents of Russia see the hand of Moscow in
the rapprochement between the Turks and the Armenians, as it will
be detrimental to relations between Ankara and Baku. In the short
term, open borders between Turkey and Armenia will benefit Russia,
especially in light of the recent war with Georgia, as it will have
better access to Armenia where it still has military troops. Russian
flights presently carrying ammunition to troops in Armenia are flying
all the way from Turkmenistan. Furthermore, it will further isolate
Georgia.

Turkey and Azerbaijan forged good relations right after Azerbaijan
declared its independence. The Azerbaijani government, under Haydar
Aliyev, the father of the current president has been careful not to
alienate the Russians. "In fact we have always advised Azerbaijanis
to go very careful with Russia, to avoid policies that might anger
Russians," said a Turkish diplomat who is familiar with the early
stages of the bilateral relations.

Ever since independence, Azerbaijan has been the scene of rivalry
between Turkey and Russia for cultural, economic and political
supremacy. Turkey has the advantage of having linguistic, religious
and ethnic affinity. The Turkish dialect spoken by the Azerbaijanis
is easily understood by Turks. But the Russians have the advantage of
having kept Azerbaijan under Soviet domination for half a century. Many
Azerbaijanis still speak Russian.

No matter how the two sides’ officials perceive the cultural wars, the
fact remains that the recent developments seem to have reinforced the
suspicion on the part of the Aliyev administration toward the AKP. "The
recent events have shown to us that the motto ‘one nation two states’
has remained only rhetoric. We have not been able to substantiate it,"
said Nesibli. "The Turkish government made the mistake of conducting
talks with Yerevan without consulting Baku. Our administration,
however, made the mistake of making its discontent public, instead
of handling it through the diplomatic channels," Nesibli added,
criticizing the decision of Aliyev not to go to Turkey.

‘What I see is the need to talk more, we need to be more in touch with
each other’, Mollazade said of how to overcome the confidence crisis
between the two countries known until recently as strategic partners.

International Study Of The Armenian Genocide Began Within The Last 1

INTERNATIONAL STUDY OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE BEGAN WITHIN THE LAST 15 YEARS

PanArmenian
April 21 2009
Armenia

"The whole scientific world, with a few exceptions, considers mass
murders and deportations of Armenians during the World War I as
Genocide. The assertion is no longer disputed. The lawyer Rafael
Lemkin, who first introduced the term in international law, drew on the
facts of the Armenian Genocide," Stefan Asaturyan Berkley University
Professor, California, told a PanARMENIAN.Net reporter. According to
him, Israel’s unwillingness to equate the holocaust with the Armenian
Genocide has a number of reasons. "Holocaust is the ideological
foundation of Israel. Jewish people believe they had been subjected
to holocaust, being God’s chosen people.

So it’s hard to imagine Israel will ever recognize the Armenian
Genocide, though many Jewish historians are already discussing it,"
Asaturyan emphasized.

According to American historian, serious international study of the
Armenian Genocide began within the last 15 years. "Before, the issue
had been solely an Armenian monopoly. Everything has changed in the
beginning of 1990s, when leading historians and holocaust specialists
agreed about both tragedies being equal. I’m glad that the Genocide
is no longer only an internal argument."

Harman Told Israeli Agent She Would Lobby For Lesser Charge

HARMAN TOLD ISRAELI AGENT SHE WOULD LOBBY FOR LESSER CHARGE

Asbarez
icle=41704_4/21/2009_1
Tuesday, April 21, 2009

The Congressional Quarterly broke a story this week that Rep. Jane
Harman (D-Venice) was overheard on a National Security Agency wiretap
telling a suspected Israeli agent that she would lobby the Justice
Department to reduce espionage-related charges against two officials
of the American Israeli Public Affairs Committee, the most powerful
pro-Israel organization in Washington, according to sources who have
read a transcript of the conversation.

CQ’s Jeff Stein also reported that an alleged 2006 FBI inquiry
into Harman’s involvement in an Israeli espionage case was dropped
at the urging of then Attorney General Alberto Gonzales who needed
the California Democrat with a longtime involvement in intelligence
issues to defend the Bush Administration’s wiretapping policies within
Democratic circles.

Asbarez readers will remember that while a cosponsor of H. Res. 106,
the Armenian Genocide resolution, Harman sent a private letter to the
Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee days before the bill was
to be voted on opposing passage of the resolution, citing strategic
concerns that came to light after she visited Turkey.

"I have great concern that this is the wrong time for the Congress
to consider this measure…We should avoid taking steps that would
embarrass or isolate the Turkish leadership," she said in the 2007
letter.

Only after a flood of local phone calls from activists who expressed
outrage after learning independently about Harman’s actions did the
Congresswoman post the letter on her website, claiming that she had
never intended for her opposition to be secretive.

In response, community activists rallied on October 4, 2007, to
publicly challenge the Congresswoman’s actions publicly in Lakewood,
California. A month later, on November 10, over one hundred and
fifty human rights activists including members of the Darfur Action
Committee led by the UCLA Armenian Student Association (UCLA ASA)
and UCLA Armenian Graduate Student Association (UCLA AGSA), organized
a demonstration to highlight the Congresswoman’s denialist activities.

Below is Jeff Stein’s article from the Congressional Quarterly:

Sources: Wiretap Recorded Rep. Harman Promising to Intervene for AIPAC

BY JEFF STEIN CQ SpyTalk Columnist

Rep. Jane Harman , the California Democrat with a longtime involvement
in intelligence issues, was overheard on an NSA wiretap telling a
suspected Israeli agent that she would lobby the Justice Department
reduce espionage-related charges against two officials of the American
Israeli Public Affairs Committee, the most powerful pro-Israel
organization in Washington.

Harman was recorded saying she would "waddle into" the AIPAC case
"if you think it’ll make a difference," according to two former senior
national security officials familiar with the NSA transcript.

In exchange for Harman’s help, the sources said, the suspected Israeli
agent pledged to help lobby Nancy Pelosi , D-Calif., then-House
minority leader, to appoint Harman chair of the Intelligence Committee
after the 2006 elections, which the Democrats were heavily favored
to win.

Seemingly wary of what she had just agreed to, according to an
official who read the NSA transcript, Harman hung up after saying,
"This conversation doesn’t exist."

Harman declined to discuss the wiretap allegations, instead issuing
an angry denial through a spokesman.

"These claims are an outrageous and recycled canard, and have no basis
in fact," Harman said in a prepared statement. "I never engaged in
any such activity. Those who are peddling these false accusations
should be ashamed of themselves."

It’s true that allegations of pro-Israel lobbyists trying to help
Harman get the chairmanship of the intelligence panel by lobbying
and raising money for Pelosi aren’t new.

They were widely reported in 2006, along with allegations that the FBI
launched an investigation of Harman that was eventually dropped for a
"lack of evidence."

What is new is that Harman is said to have been picked up on a
court-approved NSA tap directed at alleged Israel covert action
operations in Washington.

And that, contrary to reports that the Harman investigation was dropped
for "lack of evidence," it was Alberto R. Gonzales, President Bush’s
top counsel and then attorney general, who intervened to stop the
Harman probe.

Why? Because, according to three top former national security
officials, Gonzales wanted Harman to be able to help defend the
administration’s warrantless wiretapping program, which was about
break in The New York Times and engulf the White House.

As for there being "no evidence" to support the FBI probe, a source
with first-hand knowledge of the wiretaps called that "bull****."

"I read those transcripts," said the source, who like other former
national security officials familiar with the transcript discussed it
only on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of domestic
NSA eavesdropping.

It’s true," added another former national security official who was
briefed on the NSA intercepts involving Harman. "She was on there."

Such accounts go a long way toward explaining not only why Harman
was denied the gavel of the House Intelligence Committee, but failed
to land a top job at the CIA or Homeland Security Department in the
Obama administration.

Gonzales said through a spokesman that he would have no comment on
the allegations in this story.

The identity of the "suspected Israeli agent" could not be determined
with certainty, and officials were extremely skittish about going
beyond Harman’s involvement to discuss other aspects of the NSA
eavesdropping operation against Israeli targets, which remain highly
classified.

But according to the former officials familiar with the transcripts,
the alleged Israeli agent asked Harman if she could use any influence
she had with Gonzales, who became attorney general in 2005, to get
the charges against the AIPAC officials reduced to lesser felonies.

Rosen had been charged with two counts of conspiring to communicate,
and communicating national defense information to people not entitled
to receive it. Weissman was charged with conspiracy.

AIPAC dismissed the two in May 2005, about five months before the
events here unfolded.

Harman responded that Gonzales would be a difficult task, because
he "just follows White House orders," but that she might be able
to influence lesser officials, according to an official who read
the transcript.

Justice Department attorneys in the intelligence and public corruption
units who read the transcripts decided that Harman had committed a
"completed crime," a legal term meaning that there was evidence that
she had attempted to complete it, three former officials said.

And they were prepared to open a case on her, which would include
electronic surveillance approved by the so-called FISA Court, the
secret panel established by the 1979 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Act to hear government wiretap requests.

First, however, they needed the certification of top intelligence
officials that Harman’s wiretapped conversations justified a national
security investigation.

Then-CIA Director Porter J. Goss reviewed the Harman transcript and
signed off on the Justice Department’s FISA application. He also
decided that, under a protocol involving the separation of powers,
it was time to notify then-House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert, R-Ill.,
and Minority Leader Pelosi, of the FBI’s impending national security
investigation of a member of Congress — to wit, Harman.

Goss, a former chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, deemed
the matter particularly urgent because of Harman’s rank as the panel’s
top Democrat.

But that’s when, according to knowledgeable officials, Attorney
General Gonzales intervened.

According to two officials privy to the events, Gonzales said he
"needed Jane" to help support the administration’s warrantless
wiretapping program, which was about to be exposed by the New York
Times.

Harman, he told Goss, had helped persuade the newspaper to hold the
wiretap story before, on the eve of the 2004 elections. And although
it was too late to stop the Times from publishing now, she could be
counted on again to help defend the program

He was right.

On Dec. 21, 2005, in the midst of a firestorm of criticism about
the wiretaps, Harman issued a statement defending the operation and
slamming the Times, saying, "I believe it essential to U.S. national
security, and that its disclosure has damaged critical intelligence
capabilities."

Pelosi and Hastert never did get the briefing.

And thanks to grateful Bush administration officials, the investigation
of Harman was effectively dead.

Many people want to keep it that way.

Goss declined an interview request, and the CIA did not respond to
a request to interview former Director Michael V. Hayden , who was
informed of the Harman transcripts but chose to take no action,
two knowledgeable former officials alleged.

Likewise, the first director of national intelligence, former
ambassador John D. Negroponte, was opposed to an FBI investigation
of Harman, according to officials familiar with his thinking, and
let the matter die. (Negroponte was traveling last week and did not
respond to questions relayed to him through an assistant.)

Harman dodged a bullet, say disgusted former officials who have pursued
the AIPAC case for years. She was protected by an administration
desperate for help.

"It’s the deepest kind of corruption," said a recently retired
longtime national security official who was closely involved in AIPAC
investigation, "which was years in the making.

"It’s a story about the corruption of government — not legal
corruption necessarily, but ethical corruption."

Ironically, however, nothing much was gained by it.

The Justice Department did not back away from charging AIPAC
officials Steve Rosen and Keith Weissman for trafficking in classified
information.

Gonzales was engulfed by the NSA warrantless wiretapping scandal.

And Jane Harman was relegated to chairing
a House Homeland Security subcommittee

www.asbarez.com/index.html?showart

Student March To Commemorate Armenian Genocide

STUDENT MARCH TO COMMEMORATE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

Panorama.am
14:35 21/04/2009

On 23 April a student march to famous Armenian composer Komitas’ tomb
is organized by the initiative of Armenian student forum and NGO-s. The
march will start at 13:00, the student forum reports. Komitas
certainly was one of thousands Armenians to witness the genocide of
Ottoman Turkey towards Armenian nation. Komitas could not sustain that
torture. He was an important representative of Armenian musical art,
one of its most distinguished figures. Komitas is the founder of modern
Armenian classical music. On 24 April at 12:00 another march will start
from the park named after Hovhannes Toumanian to Tsitsernakaberd to
commemorate the victims of the Great Armenian Genocide.

RA President And U.S. Vice-President Discuss Issues Regarding Negoti

RA PRESIDENT AND U.S. VICE-PRESIDENT DISCUSS ISSUES REGARDING NEGOTIATIONS OF ARMENIAN-TURKISH POLITICAL DIALOGUE

NOYAN TAPAN
APRIL 21, 2009
YEREVAN

RA President Serzh Sargsyan had a telephone conversation with
U.S. Vice-President Joseph Biden on April 20 on the initiative of the
American side. According to the RA President’s Press Office, issues
regarding the negotiations of Armenian-Turkish political dialogue
were discussed during the telephone conversation.