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The New Geopolitical Map of the Near East
Armenian News Network / Armenian News
By Grigor Hakobyan
SUMMARY
As the dramatic events unfold in the Middle East a new map of the Near
East is beginning to emerge. A new country is about to take stage in
the region; a clash between major powers is about to break loose in
Syria; and a new strategic realignment of regional powers and their
corresponding super powers is taking shape while others are exiting
the region. In the meantime, a rift is emerging between the US and its
European allies over many issues including global warming, economic
relations and security within Europe and around the European continent.
How will these changes impact Armenia and what role can it play in the
big picture that is unfolding in the Near East? What is most likely to
happen and is Armenia ready for what is coming within the next
twenty-four to thirty-six months?
BACKGROUND
The past ten years in the Near East could be characterized as a
struggle between nation states trying to hold on to their national
territories and destructive global influences such as Islamic
Extremism that swept the region with much violence and bloodshed.
Successive public revolts against oppressive regimes in the Middle
East were followed by the emergence of radical groups motivated by
religion, to end all forms of national government in the region and by
substituting them with a religious one in the name of an Islamic
Caliphate. Some countries in the Middle East ended up in long and
protracted civil wars that haven't run their course yet. Different
ethnic groups, religious denominations and tribes began to vie for
political power and economic wealth left behind by the crumbled
regimes in Libya and Yemen, while Syria saw a reversal of fortunes
after military interventions by Russia, Iran and its Lebanese and
Iraqi proxies in the ongoing civil war there.
Meanwhile Kurdish groups saw an opening to rise up in pursuit of their
own nation state. As such, various Kurdish factions took control of
different territories making up parts of Iraq and Syria to claim as
their own and established de facto Kurdish statelets across the
region. As millions of refugees poured across the border fleeing the
bloody carnage in the Middle East thus overwhelming welfare based
economies of Europe a new Kurdish state is waiting emerge.
Establishment of new American bases on territories under Kurdish
control, continuous American support for the emergence of a new
Kurdish state in parts of Syria and Iraq, and increasingly declining
relationship between Turkey and US/NATO allies is pointing towards an
exceedingly decreasing importance of Turkey for the security of NATO
and the US.
ANALYSIS
Turkey's overtures toward Russia and Iran while extreme pressure is
being exerted upon the civil society and democratic institutions in
Turkey further undermines Turkey's credibility as a democratic state
and pushes the country further away from joining the EU. The recent
violence near Turkey's embassy in Washington DC where Erdogan's
security teams violently assaulted American citizens on American soil
peacefully protesting Erdogan's visit to the US has further undermined
Turkey's "peaceful and democratic" credentials as well as lead the US
Congress, State Department and defense officials to question Turkey's
real aspirations on the global stage and reevaluate the strategic
relationship between the US and Turkey. The emergency of a large
Kurdish state spanning territories of Iraq and Syria with pro-American
orientation has a good chance of putting the final nail in the coffin
of Turkey's perceived strategic value to the US and its NATO allies.
The recent crisis between Qatar and other states of Gulf Cooperation
Council further complicates the geopolitical situation in the region
and promises more violence, destruction and mass emigration from the
region. The rift between Qatar and other sheikdoms of the Middle East
is causing a major realignment of regional powers not foreseen before.
We see an emergence of a loose and conflict-ridden alliance between
Russia, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Qatar and Turkey on one hand and
US, Israel, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Egypt and others on the
other. In the meantime Australia is exiting the region while Europe is
gradually heading toward the exit also. Growing differences of opinion
between the US and EU over issues ranging from climate change to
economic sanctions against Russia, conflicting policies over refugees
and immigration is pushing western civilization apart.
Recent Israeli attacks against government forces in Syria and US
engagement of aerial combat vehicles of Syria and Iran has further
escalated the situation in the region and pushed the major powers
involved in the Syrian conflict towards the brink of major war. The
chances for a major miscalculation leading towards a regional
conflagration in the Middle East between rival regional powers and
distant powers behind them has become more imminent than anytime
before. Undesired presence of Turkish forces in Syria around the
Kurdish populated areas of Aleppo province, and shipment of military
personnel and equipment to Qatar thus directly challenging Saudi
Arabia, UAE, Egypt, Bahrain and other Saudi aligned sheikdoms has
inflamed the egos of all parties involved leading up to a dangerous
game of chicken where either side can easily miscalculate the
intentions of the other, thus ending up in a devastating war that no
one intended to start in the first place.
IMPLICATIONS FOR ARMENIA
After de-escalation of tensions on the Korean Peninsula and in light
of chaos taking place in the Middle East, the world's attention is
being drawn to this particular place in the world. Major power blocks
seemed to be preparing for a major clash that will redraw the borders
of many countries in the region and shift alliances of various parties
involved. Subsequently a breakout of another round of major hostilities
between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces is dangerously looming on the
horizon. Since the last break out of hostilities in 2016 Azerbaijan
has replenished its losses with new shipments of tanks, armored
vehicles, missiles and artillery pieces acquired from Russia, Israel,
Pakistan and Turkey. Furthermore, the Azerbaijani leadership has
filled its military ranks with hundreds of Turkish officers and
commando troops serving in the capacity of "military advisers". Yet as
the Four Day War of April 2016 has shown, Turkish "military advisers"
constituted the tip of the spear that led the advance of the
Azerbaijani war machine against Armenian positions along the Line of
Contact.
A similar situation is bound to unfold once again as the Azerbaijani
leadership continues to reject a peaceful resolution of the conflict.
Large scale military drills taking place along the Line of Contact in
Artsakh and Nakhichevan autonomous region was observed to work out the
details of a combined Azerbaijani-Turkish military assault against the
republics of Armenia and Artsakh. According to various media reports
more than twenty thousand troops are taking part in these exercises. A
type of "Shock and Awe" military strategy is being tested out to be
utilized against the Armenian forces in the war about to come. The
impression is that the next round of warfare will entail shelling and
tank assaults from Azerbaijan's Nakhichevan autonomous region towards
the Ararat Valley and nearby towns and villages which are less than an
hour away from Yerevan, Armenia's capital. Such a breakout of
hostilities may be timed to occur within the same time frame that
major powers are going clash in the Middle East, if not sooner.
The third war scenario discussed in my previous article, In
Anticipation of Another War, appears to be making its way to Armenia's
borders. Perhaps only a rapid and very destructive preemptive strike
by Armenian forces against significant concentrations of Azerbaijani
troops and military equipment along the Kur River would be capable to
avert the next round of Azerbaijani military aggression against the
Republics of Armenia and Artsakh. Starting a small war to prevent a
bigger war from unfolding may be necessary to deter Aliyev's regime
from unleashing it. Under such scenario Armenian forces would be
required to totally eliminate Azerbaijan's means of communication such
as radio and satellite communication equipment, strategic strike
weapons such as Pakistani made ballistic missiles, military airfields
and mobile artillery units within the vicinity of Armenia's borders
with Nakhichevan and those positioned along the Line of Contact in
Artsakh. A ground based offensive may not be necessary to meet this
objective but a significant blow against Azerbaijani strategic assets
would be necessary to prevent them from starting another war in the
region.
CONCLUSION
In most likelihood another major war between Armenian and Azerbaijani
forces is not needed to meet any of the strategic objectives for any
major powers wrestling over control of Middle East. A war of this
magnitude has the potential to involve major countries surrounding the
region such as Russia, Iran and Turkey. Furthermore, this type of
escalation will jeopardize the deliveries of oil and gas to foreign
markets outside of the region not to mention that it will annihilate
Azerbaijan's oil and gas infrastructure. Furthermore, under conditions
of major warfare a loss of yet another Azerbaijani town of strategic
importance such as Yevlakh will sever Azerbaijan's road and railroad
links with the outside world and stop any cargo traffic across the
region.
According to some publicly available strategic estimates, delivering
significant damage to Azerbaijan's Mingechaur Dam will flood the
plains along the Kur River destroying a large number of Azerbaijani
military installations, towns and villages thus forcing tens of
thousands of civilians to abandon their homes and move towards
Azerbaijan's heartland. An expected inflow of such a large number of
internal refugees will further strain the available public resources
causing conflicts with local residents and other ethnic minorities who
may not be willing to share their wealth with them. The political
insecurity of Aliyev's regime and constant warmongering exhibited by
Azerbaijan's military echelons of power leave no other option for the
Armenian military but to seek effective ways of deterring the coming
war and forcing Aliyev's regime to negotiate a peaceful resolution of
the conflict that will not undermine the security of Armenian people
in the region.
--
Grigor Hakobyan is an independent political analyst residing in
Phoenix, AZ, and a former ANCA Fellow in Washington D.C. He is the
founder of a virtual think tank called Ararat Institute for Near Eastern
Studies. He was also a freelance writer for the Central Asia-Caucasus
Institute of John Hopkins University and has interned in Congress for Rep.
Brad Sherman, researching ethnic conflicts and terrorism in Russia,
Caucasus and Central Asia. Grigor also completed an internship at the
International Center for Terrorism Studies of the Potomac Institute for
Policy Studies where he researched international terrorist networks
operating in the Caucasus and Central Asia, preparing congressional
briefings for the Director of ICTS on WMDs. Grigor holds a B.A. in
Political Science from Arizona State University.
*******************************************************************
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4 / 5 stars
Kitty Empire
The latest record from Spacebomb, the Virginia country-soul studio, is a fragrant balm. The songs combine sweet country cadences – as on One of These Days, a love song – with the gentle lilt of 60s folk and Astrud Gilberto; analogue enthusiast Guy Seyffert produces and sometime Beck guitarist Smokey Hormel combines with Spacebomb’s signature arrangements to flesh out these honeyed songs. Elegant as it is, this is succour with great heft, too. Bedouine is Azniv Korkejian, an LA sound designer who was born into an Armenian family in Syria and came to the US via Saudi Arabia. Her moniker doesn’t specifically reference North Africa, but the Bedouin’s state of wandering – both enforced and self-instigated. Her authority is unquestionable: songs such as the Leonard Cohen-influenced Solitary Daughter give Laura Marling a serious run for her money.
The Promise is an important film shining a light on the Armenian Genocide.
Love story: Oscar Isaac and Charlotte Le Bon star as Mikael and Ana in The Promise, set during the Armenian Genocide. The film is in cinemas now and rated M.
See your ad here
The Promise is a love story – on its surface.
But the romance is merely the entry point for the real story of the film: the Armenian Genocide.
Believed to be the first modern genocide, and in fact the mass killings which spawned the very word ‘genocide’, the systematic killing of Armenian people in the Ottoman Empire from 1915 is not something that has been regularly made into films.
In comparison, there are countless films that deal with the Holocaust, but only a handful which delve into the deaths of 1.5 million Armenians.
The Promise follows Armenian medical student Mikael (Oscar Isaac, Star Wars: The Force Awakens) as he takes to his studies in Constantinople at the start of World War I.
He meets Ana (Charlotte Le Bon, The Walk), a French Armenian, and her American war correspondent partner Chris (Christian Bale, The Fighter) and the three fast become close.
Mikael, already betrothed to a woman back in his hometown, is attracted to Ana but does his best not to act on his feelings.
Ana, frustrated with Chris’ drinking, is also drifting away from her boyfriend and toward Mikael.
But their love story fades into the background once Mikael’s uncle is rounded up by authorities, simply for being Armenian.
This is just the start of the devastation, as more and more Armenian people are deported and slaughtered.
The Promise is directed with heart and compassion by Terry George, who has previously shown his skill at handling extremely tough subject matter with the immensely superb Hotel Rwanda.
The tragedy of The Promise is shocking and heart-wrenching and could move even the most stoic of viewers to tears.
It is, as cases of genocide are, unfathomable that such atrocities could be inflicted upon innocent people.
The love story is fictional, but the backdrop is historically accurate. The Promise is an important film, well conceived and perfectly acted.
Film fans who use IMDb.com ratings as a guide to good films should be advised to ignore this film’s current 5.9 score – a breakdown shows significant scores of both ‘1’ and ‘10’, from people of Armenian and Turkish heritage skewing the votes.
APA, Azerbaijan June 23 2017 Azerbaijan president calls to sanction Armenia [Armenian News note: the below is translated from the Russian edition of APA] 23 June: "Azerbaijan's position on regulating the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over [Azerbaijan's breakaway] Nagorno-Karabakh is clear to society. We have voiced our position on a number of occasions. This conflict must be solved within the context of territorial integrity of our country on the basis of the norms and principles of international law. There is no other alternative. Nagorno-Karabakh is Azerbaijan's indigenous territory. Our people have lived on the territory for centuries. All place-names and historic monuments [there] reflect Azerbaijan's history." According to the Apa [news agency], this is what Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said at the opening ceremony of the plant of revolving grenade fitting elements in [the city of] Shirvan. The head of state emphasised that international community also recognised Nagorno-Karabakh as an integral part of Azerbaijan. "All leading international organisations have made decisions on the issue, adopting resolutions, according to which the Armenian Armed Forces ought to immediately and unconditionally leave the occupied territories. However, Armenia chooses not to implement them. Regrettably, no serious measures have been used against this country. International sanctions should have been imposed on Armenia long ago. The thing is that this country occupied the territory of another country in the 21st century, carrying out genocide of its people, destroying all its historic monuments. The ruined village of Cocuq Marcanli is a clear example of this. The situation is similar in all occupied territories. "International law strengthens our position, which is historically correct. The so-called referendum, which was recently held in Nagorno-Karabakh, failed to receive recognition by any international structure, neighbour countries, the EU, or the OSCE Minsk Group co-chair countries. In other words, choosing not to recognise the referendum, all international structures and countries once again confirmed that Nagorno-Karabakh is Azerbaijan's territory. International community does not recognise the fictitious separatist regime of the junta and it will never do so. Therefore, historic justice and international law are on our side and our political weight is certainly incomparably greater than that of Armenia. In other words, all these factors strengthen our position. Certainly, the Azerbaijani state should further strengthen its position and it is strengthening its principled position. Once again, I would like to reiterate that we live in conditions of war. Our people will never accept the existing situation. "We will never allow the creation of a second Armenian state on our historic territories. We are going to restore our territorial integrity. Recent developments and strengthening of our country offer us greater opportunities for settling the issue. "Indeed, to achieve our goal, we need to become even stronger. At present, the factor of power is playing a leading role all over the world, which is unfortunate. Indeed, international law is also extremely important, as it creates a legal basis for the conflict. However, it is the factor of power that plays the main role. We see that in different parts of the world, international law is offended and treaded down, being interpreted differently. Using the factor of power makes it possible to change the real situation. This is not our choice. However, we, too, live in the real world. We need to be strong to achieve our goal. Work is being carried out in this direction," the president emphasised.
Notes for a reading of the ‘Book Lamentations’ by Gregory of Narek Armenian News Network / Armenian News By Eddie Arnavoudian Reading Narek: Five Elegies 21-25 1. In one aspect, Elegies 21-25 constitute a relatively coherent whole expressing clearly Narek’s conception of man/woman as a magnificent, richly-gifted, rational being who has however failed to live up to his/her essence and potential. Essence and potential frequently appear as silent oppositions in hammering images of failure and degeneration. I am man/woman, but ‘never did I travel the path of goodness’. ‘Of my own free will I mortgaged myself to death, never standing as a man on my own two feet, never in possession of the mind of a rational being (‘Չընթացա բնավ ճիշտ ճանապարով – p61 ‘Անձամբ ինքս ինծ մատնեցի մահվան, չկանգնեցի ես որպէս մարդ ոտքի, չունեցա երբեք բանականի միտք’ – p61). So I am less than myself, less than human. ‘How can I now consider myself man/woman? How can I deem myself rational’, when ‘the doors of my perception are locked (‘Ինչպէս համարեմ ես ինքս մարդ...ինչպէս պիտի բանական կոչվեմ’ ‘երբ իմացության դռներս են փակված’ - p63)? How can I be human when ‘I betray myself, destroy my body, when I am spiritually lost and mentally deluded, with twisted will and broken heart, absent minded and stagnant brained’ (‘երբ եղայ անձնամատն ու մարմնակործան ...մտախաբ ու հոգեկորույս, սաստիկ կամակոր, սրտաբեկ ու խենթ...անզգա, անմիտ ու խելացնոր’ - p65) 2. Narek is afflicted, his spirit tortured by the consciousness of his diminution. ‘I am vanished like the passing morning cloud, like the dew of morn (‘ինչպէս փութանցիկ արավոտվա ամպ ու վաղորդյան ցող անհետ ցնդեցի’ (p63, 64). He is crushed beneath ‘the pain and the danger, the hesitations and the tribulations that accompany the body consumed by sin (‘ցավն ու վտանգը, վարանումների ու տագնապների – երբ որ մարմինդ մեղքով է լափված’ (p66-7). His soul and spirit, his very being, is now ‘ugly, listless, weary and totally exhausted (‘տգեղ, նվաղ, ուժասպար, լիովին հյուծված’ (p62). Every sign of nobility and rationality is snuffed out (Elegy 21c, 22b and c). ‘I cannot call myself a living, breathing being, let alone a spiritual and rational one’ ‘I am an olive-tree, deserted, sterile and withering. I am a body, saddening, condemning and torturing my soul. I am a string of imperial gold coins, now spent and lost.’ (‘Շարժուն ու շնչավորական իրավունք չունեմ ինքս ինծ կոչելու, թող թէ հոգեվոր եւ կամ բանական’ – p63, ‘Ձիթենի՝ լքված ամայի վայրում, անպուղ ու գոս: Մարմին եմ՝ հոգուս թախիծ պատճարող, տանջող ու դատիչ’ – p64) Desperation, pain and suffering are so acute that the poet shrieks out against life itself. ‘I lament the breast that gave me milk. Why did I not suck coagulated bile instead?’ (‘Ողբում եմ ստինքները այն որ ինծ սնեցին: Ինչ՞ու կաթի տեղ ես չծծեցի մակարդված լեղի:’ – p65) 3. Once again Narek presents the hapless condition of soul and spirit in images of suffering social man and woman (Elegy 23c and 25b). Not in control, powerless, the individual cowers in terror before the reality of everyday life. ‘If I see a soldier, I expect death, if it be a messenger, news of disaster…If a hand is raised, I bend, If I hear a slight noise, I start’ (‘Թէ զինվոր տեսնեմ մահ եմ սպասում, թէ պատգամաբեր, արհավիրքի բոթ...Թէ բարձրացած ձեռք կորանում նկուն, ընդոստում ամէն թեթեվ թնդյունից’ – (p68). The ‘ship’ of his being ‘is shattered by the blows of the wild waves’ (‘Եվ ալիքների վայրագ բախումից նավը խորտակվեց’ – p73). Then there follows an amazing description of a shipwreck, with the entire collapsing structure, its components, furnishings and contents captured in dramatic and dynamic detail. This is a stunning metaphor of the total collapse of the spirit of man/woman, ‘this image of destruction reminds me of my misery’ (p73), says Narek himself. 4. Narek’s emotional trauma, his psychological torture and his crushing mental travails are born of his acute consciousness of the contradiction between hellish reality and suppressed potential of grandeur. It is born of a terrifying grasp of the abyss that exists between the hellish actual and the heavenly possible. So great is the abyss that it casts a shadow of desperate doubt on our ability to bridge it. ‘Will I ever see the battered ark of my body restored? Will I ever see my shipwrecked soul healthy again? Is there hope I might see this exiled slave set free? (‘Կլինի արդյոք որ բազմախորտակ տապանը մարմնիս տեսնեմ նորոգված պիտի նկատեմ ողբալի հոգուս փշրված նավը ողջացած նորեն: Կլինի մի որ տարամերժ գերիս նորից ազատված’. (p74) But hope does exist and does so as an ineradicable existential component of man/woman! It is revealed in our very consciousness of the contradiction between reality and our innate potential. Endless human weakness and failure sap hope and confidence, seemingly fatally. Yet rational, critical self-examination will generate yes a terrifying consciousness of the scale of catastrophe but also and more critically knowledge of that indestructible core of capability that we possess as human beings and that remains a permanent foundation for recovery. Self-examination and the resulting knowledge of the contradiction within our being and between our objective reality and potential, together with the tremendous emotional and psychological storm it unleashes, is a first step, a condition for recovery. In the rational consciousness suffering and despair stand with the hope, passion and will for recovery. 5. Acutely conscious, intellectually alert, emotionally charged, utterly focused and fiercely determined Narek appears in ceaseless battle to secure the triumph of human potential despite the history of lapse and collapse. There is something inspirational in the drama of tortured struggle against constantly wavering confidence, in the passionate stirring of mind and will towards potential perfection against the bleakest reality. This affirmation of the human being as a rational and responsible creature with the ability to act wisely, to be free, to live well and attain hitherto unprecedented heights prefigures some of the rationalist thinkers of the Renaissance and the Enlightenment. 6. The first 25 elegies are stocktaking of the human condition; a depiction of the broken man/ woman; images of social and individual landscapes of devastation we have caused. There is the affirmation of an existential contradiction in man/woman with a tendency to degeneration opposed by an almost divine-like essence and potential that with altruism and solidarity can again green the desert of life. The wreckage we have made of society we can reconstruct! Rational self-criticism, beyond catastrophe reveals inextinguishable human potential. Rational consciousness of social reality and of human potential is at once, cause of deep suffering and of the firing of hope for the future. It propels us to positive battle. 7. Inevitably, but thankfully not too frequently and never significantly, aspects of unpleasant theological dogma have begun to seep into what remains in its essence a humanist epic. • As if he has forgotten everything he asserts about the dignity and nobility of man and woman, we see Narek in instances of humiliating, slavish prostration, of surrendered independence, of pleading, beseeching, begging and even groveling for mercy and salvation. Occupying the margins of a broader breathless glorification of the free human being, such demeaning postures can be seen as expressions of passing moments of impotent pessimism, always overcome in Narek’s conscious, self-active and self-determining endeavor to attain the peaks of independent human possibility. • The Christian notion of original sin also makes its appearance. However this cruel claim of vice inescapably inherited by every generation has no determining role in Narek. Our weakness, faults and failures are not caused by original sin but by the abandonment of the reason and rationality we are born with. Narek does not offer a social, historical explanation for human failure to live rationally. But neither does he attribute it to a view that emerged perhaps as an alternative for our inability to understand and explain the social causes of human vice and barbarism. • Narek is not immune from deeply unpleasant, often misogynist instances of life-hating, life-denying asceticism. However on occasion and only when free of misogyny, delivered in fine poetry this asceticism serves a positive critical purpose. The ascetic rejection of social life is often a refuge from the toxic world we ourselves have created. Looking at this world from the outside, as a bystander as it were can bring into clearer relief the flaws, cracks and defects that require repair. But the critical function of the ascetic is of course conditional on a return to battle in the social world. And this Narek certainly does! • The belief in the after-life of eternal paradise or inferno as reward or punishment for performance in secular life also features distinctly. But joy or terror about the after-life is never defining. Most telling and evocative, always more forceful and persuasive are images of reward in the form of the emancipation of man/woman in their terrestrial social life. The overwhelming ambition is always ‘to become one and indivisible with’ God (‘միանամ քեզ հետ անբաժանելի’ – p72) in this life and thus escape a life of inferno on earth! -- Eddie Arnavoudian holds degrees in history and politics from Manchester, England, and is Armenian News's commentator-in-residence on Armenian literature. His works on literary and political issues have also appeared in Harach in Paris, Nairi in Beirut and Open Letter in Los Angeles. ******************************************************************* The Critical Corner: groong.org/tcc/ The Literary Armenian News: groong.org/tlg/ Review & Outlook: groong.org/ro/ World News: groong.org/world/ The Entertainment Wire: groong.org/ew/ The Photographic Record: groong.org/orig/Probing-the-Photographic-Record.html Armenia House Museums: groong.org/orig/armeniahousemuseums.html Many more features on groong.org/ © Copyright 2017 Armenian News Network/Armenian News. All Rights Reserved.
NEW YORK—Vahé Tachjian’s book, Daily Life in the Abyss: Genocide Diaries, 1915-1918, was recently published by Berghahn Books. Tachjian is the project director and the chief editor of the Berlin-based Houshamdyan website, which aims to reconstruct Ottoman Armenians’ local history and life stories.
The cover of Daily Life in the Abyss: Genocide Diaries, 1915-1918 (Photo: Berghahn Books)
Historical research into the Armenian Genocide has grown tremendously in recent years, but much of it has focused on large-scale questions related to Ottoman policy or the scope of the killing. Consequently, surprisingly little is known about the actual experiences of the genocide’s victims.
Daily Life in the Abyss illuminates this aspect through the intertwined stories of two Armenian families who endured forced relocation and deprivation in and around modern-day Syria. Through analysis of diaries and other source material, it reconstructs the rhythms of daily life within an often bleak and hostile environment, in the face of a gradually disintegrating social fabric.
Berghahn Books is offering a limited time 50% discount code TAC948, valid through August 31, on orders placed directly through the publisher’s website.
Tachjian received his doctorate at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. His numerous articles and books examine French colonialism, Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, and refugee issues in the Middle East. He is the project director and the chief editor of the Berlin-based Houshamdyan website, which aims to reconstruct Ottoman Armenians’ local history and life stories.
Praise for Daily Life in the Abyss
“Vahe Tachjian and his translator have done a great service to the recovery of the historical experience of the Armenian Genocide. The immediacy of the diaries of survivors testifies to the extraordinary suffering not only of a people displaced and destroyed but also of individuals who managed to live through and record their horrendous journey into the desert. As a gifted, sensitive, and analytical scholar, Tachjian sets the events in the larger context of Ottoman policy and the Arab world and probes the sources of strength—like family and local community ties—that Armenians deployed in their desperation. These diaries preserve the ‘authenticity of the moment,’ the deep texture of place and time, often lost in subsequent accounts. For historians, general readers, and all those interested in the possibilities of human cruelty, the depths of human suffering, and the potential of human resilience, this book is a treasure.”
– Ronald Grigor Suny, William H. Sewell Jr. Distinguished University Professor of History and Political Science, The University of Michigan
“This is a meticulously researched and thoughtfully articulated work. It sheds new light on the situation in the Middle East, especially Syria, during World War I, and adds to our understanding of the progressive dehumanization of genocide victims.”
– Vahram Shemmassian, California State University, Northridge