Category: 2017

Armenpress News Agency, Armenia
 Saturday


Armenian defense minister's delegation completes visit to Canada


YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 18, ARMENPRESS. On the last day of the working visit
in Canada the Armenian delegation led by defense minister Vigen
Sargsyan was hosted at Montreal’s AGBU Alex ManoogianSchool, press
service of the ministry told Armenpress.

The defense minister was welcomed by the School students. The kids
performed a small concert at the School’s hall. Minister Vigen
Sargsyan thanked for the warm reception and said during his visits to
other countries he always attaches importance to the meetings in the
Armenian schools since without schools it is impossible to preserve
the Armenian identity.

“Our country is a country with limited territory and not a very large
population. But our people are bearers of a great heritage. Our fight,
meaning of our existence cannot be limited by our country’s territory,
borders or population. We are the bearers of a heritage the creators
of which have dreamed about statehood. Today, when we have a sate, we
should do everything possible for Armenia, the Diaspora and Artsakh to
jointly be able to implement our centuries-old dreams”, the Armenian
defense minister said.

The Armenian delegation thereafter visited the ARF St. Hakob School,
toured the school where the defense minister left a note in the
honorary guest book.

At the end of the visit the delegation paid tribute to the memory of
the Armenian Genocide victims in Montreal.

Deseret Morning News (Salt Lake City)
 Saturday


Muslim refugees to U.S. outnumbered by Christians

by Adelle M. Banks, Religion News Service For the Deseret News


WASHINGTON - Muslim refugees to the United States, whose numbers have
recently increased, have still been far outpaced by Christians
refugees over the last decade and a half.

As the Trump administration continues to enforce a travel ban
affecting six Muslim-majority and other countries, a Pew Research
Center report tracking the influx of displaced people finds that 47
percent of refugee arrivals in fiscal 2017 were Christian and 43
percent were Muslim.

In the previous fiscal year, a record number of Muslim refugees were
admitted. Pew said 46 percent of refugees entering this country were
Muslim, compared with 44 percent who were Christians.

"Even with the recent rise in the number of Muslim refugees, far more
Christian than Muslim refugees have been admitted into the U.S. since
fiscal 2002," writes Phillip Connor, a senior researcher with Pew, in
the new report.

In that 15-year period, almost 425,000 Christian refugees crossed U.S.
borders, making up 46 percent of refugee arrivals. In comparison, 33
percent, or slightly more than 302,000, of admitted refugees were
Muslim.

Almost 170,000 refugees of other religions entered at the same time,
including about 55,000 Hindus (mostly from Bhutan) and about 50,000
Buddhists (mostly from Burma and Bhutan). In addition, more than
20,000 with no religious affiliation, mostly from Vietnam or Cuba,
entered the U.S. between the fiscal years of 2002 and 2017.

In those 15 years, Christian arrivals represented nearly two dozen
branches of Christianity, such as Armenian Christian and Ukrainian
Orthodox. Those of non- Christian and non-Muslim faiths included Hare
Krishnas and Zoroastrians.

Researchers found that, overall, the U.S. is resettling fewer refugees
even as the global number of displaced people is on the increase. If
projections remain on track, the percentage of refugees admitted will
be "lower even than the share admitted in 2001 and 2002, in the wake
of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks," Connor says.

The Pew findings were based on analyses of reports from the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees and the State Department.

Other findings about refugees entering the U.S. from 2002 to 2017 show
that they:

* Increasingly come from the Middle East and Africa.

* Speak Arabic more than any other language.

* Are accepted most by California, Texas and New York.

                                        Friday, November 17 2017

Sarkisian Presents Annual IT Award, Calls For Knowledge-Based Economy
November 17, 2017

Armenia -- President Serzh Sarkisian hands the GIT Award to Nest Labs
co-founderTony Fadell, Yerevan, 16Nov2017

Thousands of men and women involved in the information technology
sector help Armenia move towards a knowledge-based economy, President
Serzh Sarkisian said on Thursday as he handed his annual Global IT
award to Tony Fadell, a Lebanese-American inventor, designer and
entrepreneur who is also known as "one of the fathers of the iPod".

Addressing the guests of the ceremony held in the Presidential Palace
Sarkisian went on to describe the IT sector as a major potential
locomotive of growth for Armenia.

"Some 600 companies are involved in this sector [in Armenia] and among
them are offices of many world-renowned organizations. They provide
jobs to nearly 20,000 people. For several years we see on average a
20-25 percent growth in this sector," the Armenian president
said. "But while providing such rates of development, we should not
limit ourselves to such indices. We should dream, think and create new
projects and implement them. The number of companies working in the IT
sector should reach thousands and the number of their employees should
be in the hundreds of thousands."

In this view, Sarkisian put an emphasis on the establishment of a
"dynamic system" of professional education. "I think that our
specialists should be interested in the solutions of Mr. Fadell in
terms of iPod or other innovations," he added.

In 2010, former Apple engineer Fadell co-founded a start-up company,
Nest Labs, that is a home automation producer of programmable,
self-learning, sensor-driven, Wi-Fi-enabled thermostats, smoke
detectors, security cameras, and other security systems.

Alphabet Inc. (Google) acquired Nest Labs for US$3.2 billion in
January 2014, when it had 280 employees, continuing the Nest brand
identity. In November 2015, Nest Labs had grown into more than 1,100
employees, with a new engineering center in Seattle.

Fadell is the eighth international IT personality honored in Armenia
since 2010 with the Presidential Award which is given to individuals
who have made extraordinary contributions to humanity through
advancing the world of IT.

Among the previous laureates were retired CEO/Chairman of the Board of
Intel Corporation Craig Barrett, co-founder of Apple Computers,
Inc. Steve Wozniak, CEO of Kaspersky Lab Eugene Kaspersky and others.

One of the objectives of the award is to bring to Armenia leading IT
sector individuals, thus raising the profile of the country and its
recognition in the world IT industry.



Armenian Parliament Extends Amnesty-For-Cash Option For Draft Dodgers
November 17, 2017

 . Ruzanna Stepanian


The Armenian parliament building in Yerevan

All men who have illegally evaded compulsory military service and will
have turned 27 by December 1 may be amnestied provided they pay a
hefty sum, according to a new amendment passed by Armenian lawmakers
on Friday.

The 105-seat National Assembly voted unanimously for the extension of
the already existing legislation, with the amendment expected to
provide hundreds of young men with an opportunity to avoid criminal
prosecution and legally return to Armenia.

In order to do so, they will need to pay 200,000 drams (about $410)
for each conscription period they illegally missed (or a total of 3.6
million drams, or some $7,400, for all draft periods).

Ruling Republican Party MP Karine Achemian, who presented the bill in
parliament, clarified that the amended law will be in force until
December 31, 2019.

The original law adopted in 2004 has so far been amended eight
times. During this period thousands of citizens returned to Armenia
benefiting from the amnesty offered by this legislation. The previous
term of the legislation expired in May 2015.

Earlier, the Defense Ministry suggested that the parliament provide
such an opportunity for the last time and also raise the legal cost of
the amnesty to at least 9 million drams (approximately $19,000). But
that initiative was rebuffed by the parliamentary committee on defense
and security.

The committee's head Koryun Nahapetian and several other lawmakers
affiliated with the Republican Party publicly criticized the amendment
last week.

MP Achemian also argued that the amendment sought by the Defense
Ministry would restrict lawmakers' constitutional right to come up
with bills.

Nahapetian said last week that 700 and 800 draft dodgers have been
granted such amnesty annually since 2004. He also revealed that almost
9,500 other men remain on the run on draft evasion charges.



Nalbandian Speaks On Declaration Language Dispute Between Armenia,
Azerbaijan
November 17, 2017

 . Sargis Harutyunyan


Armenia - Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian at a press conference in
Yerevan,17Nov,2017

Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian thinks it is more
appropriate to speak about differences in the approaches of Azerbaijan
and the European Union rather than Azerbaijan and Armenia towards the
Nagorno-Karabakh settlement as far as the dispute over wording in the
final declaration at an upcoming Eastern Partnership summit is
concerned.

Speaking at a joint press conference in Yerevan with his visiting
Brazilian counterpart on Friday, Nalbandian also commented on the
reports suggesting that the ambassadors of all 28 European Union
member states have agreed on the text of the declaration for the
summit to be held in Brussels on November 24 apart from one paragraph,
which has to do with regional conflicts, and on which Armenia and
Azerbaijan have suggested conflicting language.

"As for the declaration, negotiations are underway, and until the
completion of these negotiations it is early to state anything about
it. There are still a few days ahead, let's see," the top Armenian
diplomat said.

At the same time, Nalbandian insisted that Azerbaijan's approach
differs from that of the EU as much as it differs from Armenia's.

"Here we should rather speak about the differences in approaches to
the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement of Azerbaijan and the EU,
Azerbaijan and the international community rather than Azerbaijan and
Armenia," he said in response to a question asked by an RFE/RL
Armenian Service reporter.

"This difference has emerged on multiple occasions, including during
the previous summits# The EU's position on the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict settlement has always been the same - in support of the
efforts and approaches of the [OSCE Minsk Group] Co-Chair
countries. It is not a situational position, but it is a
well-thought-out and conscious approach that does not harm the
settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, but contributes to the
efforts and approaches of the Co-Chair countries and promotes a solely
peaceful resolution of the conflict. The EU has never changed this
position."

Nalbandian spoke to the media today following his trip to Moscow where
he met on November 14 with the Minsk Group's American, Russian and
French co-chairs and reportedly agreed on a meeting with his
Azerbaijani counterpart, Elmar Mammadyarov, on the sidelines of an
OSCE Ministerial Meeting in Vienna, Austria, next month.

Ahead of his separate meeting with the mediators on November 16,
Mammadyarov stressed that at the talks with Yerevan Baku demands
"concrete results" and does not want "negotiations to be held for the
sake of negotiations."

Nalbandian, in this regard, reminded his Azerbaijani counterpart that
"the Co-Chair countries at the highest level have urged the parties to
refrain from destructive and maximalist approaches if they want the
settlement of the conflict."

"The Co-Chairs have urged [the parties] to reaffirm their commitment
to the peaceful settlement of the conflict. Has Azerbaijan done that?
The Co-Chairs have urged [the parties] to reaffirm their commitment to
the three well-known principles of international law: the non-use of
force or threat of force, [the right of nations to] self-determination
and territorial integrity. Has Azerbaijan done that? The Co-Chairs
call for unconditionally respecting and implementing trilateral
open-ended cease-fire agreements. Does Azerbaijan do that? The
Co-Chairs urge [the parties] to respect the agreements reached
earlier. Does Azerbaijan do that?" the Armenian foreign minister
charged.




European Parliament Calls For Dialogue On Visa Liberalization With
Armenia
November 17, 2017

 . Heghine Buniatian


Flags of the EU and Armenia

Ahead of the Eastern Partnership Summit, which is to be held in
Brussels next week, the European Parliament has called on the European
Union bodies to launch a dialogue with Armenia on visa liberalization.

A resolution passed at the European Parliament's plenary session
earlier this week refers to significant progress made since the last
Eastern Partnership summit in Riga two years ago as well as to the
conclusion of negotiations on a Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership
Agreement with Armenia, which, it says, "serves as an example of how
membership of the Eurasian Economic Union and participation in the
EU's neighborhood strategies can coexist."

RFE/RL's correspondent in Brussels Rikard Jozwiak explains that
considering this progress, the MEPs want to start a Visa
Liberalization Action Plan with Armenia, something that Georgia,
Ukraine and Moldova did before. However, the final decision is to be
made by the EU member states and the European Commission, he says.

"The European Parliament is probably the body in the European Union
that is more sort of forward-looking. They obviously want to start
what is called VLAP, which is the Visa Liberalization Action Plan,
which is sort of a big action plan that Armenia has to fulfill when it
comes to different rules and regulations. In fact, it's the same sort
of things that Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine did before," Jozwiak
says. "The EU Council, the member states, the Commission are thinking
about this, but still, I don't think that they will really grant it to
Armenia at the [Brussels] summit."

"It's in the works. But what we have to remember is that the action
plan usually takes two, three, four years to fulfill. I think it was
two years with Georgia, two years and a half with Ukraine. If it
happened, it would be the very start of a project that will be very
long for Armenia," RFE/RL's correspondent in Brussels adds.

Offers of the MEPs on Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova are even more
ambitious and promising. Highly appreciating the progress of these
countries in the direction of democracy and liberalization of the
market, the European lawmakers urge their leaders to give a clear
signal that Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova may, too, one day become full
members of the European Union.

"We propose EP+ format, which includes the establishment of a trust
fund, a new European investment plan, a financial support mechanism
for the implementation of the association agreements# When the time
comes, when the homework is done and necessary requirements are
fulfilled, potential membership of these countries in the customs
union, the digital union, the energy union should be considered as an
option," said coauthor of the resolution Laima Andrikiene, an MEP from
Lithuania.

Promising broad political and financial opportunities, the European
Parliament simultaneously underlines that Brussels should set clear
limits and stop cooperation with and assistance to those countries
that do not respect European values and human rights.

"As our resources are limited, the principle of `more for more' and
`less for less' should be implemented. We should focus our resources
much more on those Eastern Partnership countries that have made
remarkable progress on their European path," Andrikiene stated.



Press Review
November 17, 2017


"Zhamanak" says, on the one hand, it understands the government's
logic that lowers the public's expectations from next year's state
budget, "since it is a budget that should lay the foundations for
future growth". At the same time, the paper considers it to be rather
cynical: "For this argument to work, the government's activities must
undergo a quick, qualitative and large-scale transformation. If the
public can see this transformation, then this approach will be quite
comprehensible for it, but people see absolutely no change in the
government's conduct."

"Chorrord Ishkhanutyun" writes: "The state budget is on which the
government can be criticized for weeks, because the country is in a
situation when no budget will save it. One can also understand the
parliamentary opposition which won't miss this wonderful opportunity
to indulge in populism. But the question is: who has led the country
to a situation when outmigration looms large, when it is impossible to
check inflation and there is no money for raising pensions and
salaries?" The daily further suggests that President Serzh Sarkisian
is mainly responsible for the current social and economic woes and
should become the main target of opposition criticism.

The editor of "Aravot" writes: "If I were a student today and were
interested in civil activism, I would fight not for getting an
exemption from the army through graduate and post-graduate studies,
but would raise a more profound issue: depoliticizing student
life. Today's student councils and their leaders remind me of the most
regressive Komsomol careerists. In conditions of the declared
political pluralism and relevant freedom of speech such characters are
perceived as very untimely."

"Hraparak" writes: "Centralized heating has not been turned on in the
National Assembly building yet and it is quite cold in the parliament
chamber. MPs have solved this problem in their rooms individually as
they either switch on air conditioners or heaters. It turns out that
in the National Assembly they save only on journalists, as the
corridors are not heated and it is not known when the repairs of the
decrepit heating system will be finished."

(Tigran Avetisian)


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2017 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.
www.rferl.org

Dear Armenian News readers,

    We bring to your attention the following letters we've received.
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    From: lucine kasbarian <[email protected]>
    Subject: Letter to the Editor - Boston Globe
    Date: Sun, 19 Nov 2017 13:11:05 -0500


    Turkey is showing its belligerent face on the world stage
    

    The revealing of Turkey's longstanding authoritarian and belligerent
    face is greatly appreciated ( "NATO is headed for a very messy
    break-up," Stephen Kinzer, Ideas, Nov. 12).

    Turkey has always been unworthy of allied relations with Western
    nations and merits no place in Euro-Atlantic organizations, where
    member states are under equal commitments and obligations and may not
    abandon common values. The country's aggressive form of nationalism,
    dismal genocidal and human-rights record, meddling in European
    elections, violent attacks on peaceful American protesters, support
    for religious extremism, incursions into Syria and Iraq to target
    Christians and Kurds, and illegal occupation of Northern Cyprus and
    Western Armenia are central testaments to these facts.

    The Soviet-led Warsaw Pact is history, and the Cold War should be long
    over. A world without the North Atlantic Treaty Organization would
    certainly reduce arms buildups and military flareups globally and
    ensure a more peaceful and prosperous world order - one in which
    multilateral international organizations like the United Nations are
    given the opportunity to function optimally.

    Ludér Tavit Sahagian
    Needham

    
https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=http-3A__www.bostonglobe.com_opinion_letters_2017_11_19_turkey-2Dshowing-2Dits-2Dbelligerent-2Dface-2Dworld-2Dstage_3RSbDs1056GV5kHILwjwzJ_story.html-3Fevent-3Devent12&d=DwIB-g&c=clK7kQUTWtAVEOVIgvi0NU5BOUHhpN0H8p7CSfnc_gI&r=LVw5zH6C4LHpVQcGEdVcrQ&m=gyxmLWTvxymTorhRYaGI_DkE80gu_Iq65rRVNptQnlw&s=H2c4nV6T1ZR1jkixSE-wPbLgl2E8H_8-IW127jpaCx8&e=


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The Daredevils of Sassoun Ride Again!

Armenian News Network / Armenian News


By Eddie Arnavoudian


Welcoming the traveller at Yerevan's Central Railway Station is a
commanding statue of David of Sassoun the main protagonist of the Armenian
national epic `The Daredevils of Sassoun'. For their own sake no
representative of the Armenian elite should pass before him!  Astride his
famous talking Colt Djalali, wielding a Thunderbolt Sword, David is ready
to strike - but today not so much against foreign invaders, as against the
ruling classes of his own nation that have hijacked the land and devour it
like any foreign conqueror. Not just David but all the Daredevils, in
their morality, their principles and their actions, are as stern judges
before whom our contemporary state and elite, rotten to the core, stand
condemned.

Anyone with a heart, anyone with a sense of solidarity for her/his fellow
beings will see in the tale of these Armenian Daredevils a passionate
damnation of contemporary global elites, the 1% and their accomplices
whose greed and injustice wreak havoc for humanity. It would insult the
common folk and their troubadours who created and spread the tale to
narrow it to a battle against imperial-colonial conquest alone. This it
surely is and majestically so. But it is a great deal more! It is also an
envisioning of a just and egalitarian social order; it is the constructing
of a universal common people's Utopia dreamt of and fought for throughout
the world and throughout history.

Two welcome volumes help us appreciate `The Daredevils of Sassoun' in our
brutal century: Artashes Emin's English translation of Nairi Zaryan's
masterly 1966 prose rendition `Davit of Sassoun' (2016, Kindle NOTE 1) and
Azat Yeghiazaryan's `The Poetics of the Daredevils of Sassoun', (282pp,
1999, also available in English! See NOTE2). Both show the Daredevils
riding again, this time for us, to rid our world too of the pestilence
that has gripped it.


I.  An Armenian Utopia, a peoples' history of Armenia

`The Daredevils of Sassoun' was born in the age of 9th century Armenian
resistance to imperial Arab invasion. For over a thousand years it was
preserved orally, exclusively by the common people. Until 1873 when it was
first put into print there had not been a single acknowledgement of its
existence in written, `official' Armenian literature. For the elites the
epic simply did not exist! Never told to aristocratic courts, so never
having to pander to ruling class prejudice, never censored by Church
ideologues, across the centuries the epic was infused with the concerns,
preoccupations and hopes of ordinary men and women.

Azat Yeghiazaryan cautions against tying protagonists and their adventures
to any particular historical personalities or events but argues
persuasively that in its substance `The Daredevils of Sassoun' grasps
defining features of the Armenian common people's socio-historical
experience of oppression, exploitation and resistance and their dreams and
ambitions of a better world too. This socio-historical veracity is vouched
for by many a troubadour who circulated the tale from village to village.
Even as they gave the story their own individual artistic stamp they
adhered consistently to a core they affirmed as the `History Of Our
Forefathers', `The History Of Our Betters' or even as a `History Of
Armenian Kings (AY226). 20th century short story writer Stepan Zoryan, an
Armenian Sean O'Faolain if you will, or a Turgenev, hearing the tale told
when a young boy remembers that: `Tellers and troubadours...passing through
town and village acted as if they were books or history teachers (Stepan
Zoryan, Collected Works, Volume 12, pp396-416)

For Stepan Zoryan, as for many others this Armenian national epic lives as
an alternative history of the Armenian common people that telling of their
suffering also figures the kind of world they desire. In its
socio-historical substance `The Daredevils of Sassoun' is wholly at odds
with the classical, `official' tradition of Armenian historiography
written generally by men of the Church. Adorned with kings, princes,
bishops and generals classical texts, always valuable and often literary
and historical masterpieces still represent history only from the point of
view the elites, the aristocratic and Church feudal estates. Here the
common people are usually depicted with scorn and contempt. Their social
and economic experience, their suffering and their hopes are absent.

In the case of `The Daredevils of Sassoun' however, Stepan Zoryan writes
that: "...independent of our historians, the common people produced their
own, oral, history...that in many respects was more extensive and
profound... (It) performed a vital role in darker times encouraging the
people with stories of David's heroism, assuring them that evil lords
cannot reign for ever and that one should never resign oneself to
oppressors...
While our religious leadership and in part our historians explained the
disasters that befell the people to have been caused by their sinfulness
and then sought to console them with visions of afterlife, the people
themselves (through this epic) explained those disasters as the result of
rapacious plunderers' greed. The people consoled themselves with a far
more realistic hope - the fight for freedom (ibid)."

The classics are not a history of the people of Armenia. But `The
Daredevils of Sassoun' is!

Knitted into fast paced fantastical episodes of derring-do by gigantic
superhero Daredevils battling against monsters, dragons and invading
tyrants - all metaphors for or direct agents of oppressive and exploiting
forces - `history teaching' folk troubadours describe the foundation and
defence of the state and society of Sassoun. Before us we see erected a
state in which there are no ruling classes, one in which the people can
live without being subjected to the selfish whim and whip of Emperor,
Sultan, King, Prince or Bishop or their agents. Colouring their tales with
threads and themes from previous epics, myths and fables, troubadours
secured the mass circulation of a social vision that forms a veritable
`peoples manifesto'. One could venture to suggest that it also contains
and preserves something of the programme of the violently suppressed
10-12th century peasant Tontrag movement whose radical demands and
proclamations were put to flame by Armenian feudal elites.

To appreciate the radical, nay revolutionary, impulse of `The Daredevils
of Sassoun' one must try to imagine the world inhabited by teller and
audience. Foreign domination, plunder, destructive taxation, violence,
abduction and enslavement, forced religious conversion, land confiscation
and forced migration. Almost intolerable conditions were made worse by
selfish Armenian elites sitting atop a social order exploiting its own
people. Worse still, in this hellish world bishop and priest insistently
counselled obedience, resignation and passivity.

The Daredevils of Sassoun stand opposed to this! Against the Church's
slavish knee bending this is a paean to armed resistance. Listeners could
not but have been enchanted by a tale that preserving the historical truth
of their social experience also contained a message of hope for a possible
future. For a people downtrodden as was the Armenian peasant in the 18th
and 19th centuries to be told of the Daredevils' resistance and this as
the history of their forefathers and ancestors, to be told of their
fighting spirit and this in defence of a land free of all exploiting and
oppressing estates, free of plunder, pillage or taxation, all this would
certainly serve to inspire self-respect and hope among a humiliated
people.

Something of the force of the hope inspired by the tale is captured by
Raffi in his massive two-volume novel `Sparks'. In Branch Four Little
Mher, David's son is chained for centuries in a cave. But, Raffi reminds
his readers that: `One day Mher will smash the chains and atop his colt
will leap from his cave to wreak revenge on our enemies and cleanse
Armenia of evil...One day he will come forth from his dungeon and spread
light and justice across the land.' (Quoted in `Bibliographic Notes on
`The Daredevils of Sassoun' by Manouk Abeghian, Collected Works, Volume 1,
p520-521)

Today the evil plaguing Armenia that needs cleansing is that of a corrupt,
greedy and plundering Armenian elite that has brought darkness and
injustice to the land and its people.


II.  The ideal state

Unfolding in Four Branches `The Daredevils of Sassoun' traces their
fortunes across four generations. The longest and most popular is the
Third that tells of David of Sassoun's monumental battles against foreign
invasion and conquest. However, Branch One being about the character of
the House of Sassoun founded by David's grandfather Sanassar is critical
to grasping not just the battle against foreign forces but the entire saga
that is immensely broader. In its first cycle this folk drama shares
something with the earlier Armenian `Pagan Epics' (AYp23), both containing
state-building narratives. But in Sassoun the state being established is
of a radically different order to that recorded in classical Armenian
historiography. In its essential forms it is a free egalitarian peoples'
state.

Returning to Armenia from extraordinary boyhoods in Baghdad, Sanasar and
his brother Baghdasar (Baltasar) are twice offered `official' Armenian
thrones.  Intent on building their own state they twice decline. They
first request a plot of land from King Tevatoros on which to set
themselves up. Tevatoros responds `I have no heirs when I die, the whole
kingdom will be yours, make it your home (loc 430).' Sanasar refuses (loc
432) and a generous Tevatoros offers them Sassoun. Having established
themselves, the brothers go off to seek the blessings of King Gagik of
Armenia. `My boy' Gagik says, `I have no son, when I die, this Kingdom
will be yours (loc590).' Sanasar declines informing King Gagik that he has
his own state of Sassoun.

The state that Sanasar builds has nothing that resembles the hierarchical
oppressive class feudal order that existed in `official' Armenia. A
discussion as they set about their business says it all. Baltassar asks:
`Shall we build our fort first, or shall we begin with houses for these
poor people?

And Sanasar replies:
`Their houses come first. These poor people will not survive in the open
under the sun.' So they started building (loc460).'

Sassoun is free of exploiting and pillaging classes and soon becomes a
magnet for peasants and labourers from surrounding lands.
`People in other lands heard of him (Sanasar) and said to each other:
`Brother why are we sitting here waiting for robbers to hit us once and
again and take away our possessions? By God, let us move to Sassoun where
Sanasar and Baltassar reign; two powerful, fair strongmen. They levy no
taxes and there is no pillage (loc606).'

In Sassoun there are no whip-wielding Sultans, Kings, Lords or Bishops.

Though formally king and prince Sanasar and Baltassar live life in the same
conditions as the common people. They are socially speaking equal, not
superior to any other `citizen' in a society of egalitarian principles
(AY50-53). So:
`Slowly but surely people from other lands moved to Sassoun, its
population grew and the town became a true city (loc606).'

Contrast this with our modern Republic of Armenia whose thieving `leaders'
impoverish its people and drive hundreds of thousands from the land!

Sanasar and Baltassar, Sanasar's son Big Mher and grandson David of
Sassoun possess the qualities of genuine popular leadership that are in
harmony with the nature of the state of Sassoun. Everything they do is
driven by an imperative to serve people and community. They have nothing
of the ugly greed, the grasping, the violence, oppression and exploitation
that is the defining feature of ruling elites in unequal societies.
Remarkably, and most telling for our day, the Daredevils strike out not
only against foreign conquest and oppression but against wage-cutting
employers, price fixing merchants and, yes, forces that destroy the
environment!  Moreover their solidarity and support for the common people
is not limited to nationality or to any given state boundaries.

Having consolidated the House of Sassoun, Sanasar strives for the welfare
of people and environment beyond Sassoun's own borders. Leaving Sassoun on
an adventurous journey to win over his beloved he encounters and slays a
greedy monster who drinking the river dry causes drought and
desertification. Sanasar with his: `...Thunderbolt Sword split the
insatiable man in two and said `Your thirst is quenched, you will no
longer crave water.' The waterway opened up and the river flowed freely
over the field, the trees revived and the grass became green, the flowers
cheered up, and they all exclaimed from every side: `May your road grow
green wherever you go Sanasar (loc705).'

Further on Sanasar lays low a sadistic dragon `that sits at the source of
water' and threatens `the whole Green City with death by thirst (loc871)
unless its citizens `give him a virgin maid to devour every week, so that
they make take a little water (loc884)'.

Sanasar's son Big Mher is everything modern heads of state are not! While
still a teenager he feeds the people with game he hunts on his estates. He
bare-handedly kills a lion that blocks imports of wheat and bread and so
causes shortages, price rises and starvation (loc1128). Acquiring the
reputation of being `father and mother of the poor' the people of Sassoun
hope that Mher's son David will be `his father's son' (NZ95). And so he
is!

David represents a genuine national leadership. Though a King he does not
use this formal status or his super-strength to live at the expense of
others. He insists on finding a job `so that I can earn my living
(loc1830).' `You shouldn't be the only one to feed us' he tells his
uncle. `Get us work to do, so that we may sustain ourselves (loc1942).' A
far cry from modern elites living as parasites at the expense of the
laboring population!

This remarkable `King' also acts as a protector of laboring classes. He
explodes with rage when told that cattle herders have to wait for their
food and be satisfied with leftovers. `Leftovers are for dogs' he exclaims
as he forcibly takes away the portions he needs (NZ89). Elsewhere this
`king' warns that `if anyone cuts a grain of millet from the wage of my
brothers, David's doom shall descend on your houses (loc2036). When
rebuilding the Maruta Monastery he not only joins in the hard physical
labour but insists that `workers and master craftsmen' are paid well and
threatens `don't ever let me hear that any of them was left unpaid
(loc2247).'

The actual social relations that prevail in the House of Sassoun are not
feudal. They are those of an imagined collectivist egalitarian community.
But any explicit or `realist' depiction of an ideal state without
oppressing and exploiting classes, a society without Sultan, King, Prince
and Bishop would have been beyond the scope of those who fashioned this
epic in the deepest feudal ages when the social hierarchy would have been
regarded as eternally fixed, by Divine ordination! The troubadours
circumvented these limits in creative style using all the facilities
offered by the epic folk genre with its combination of elements of fable,
myth, fantasy and folklore.

Using epic forms troubadours retained a formal feudal hierarchy but
eliminated its essence. Labels denoting the class structure of feudal
society remain in place but royal or princely titles accord no privilege
or status and no social, economic or political power over others. Kings
and Princes, Bishops and Priests have either been reduced to figures of no
social importance or their titles have become almost personal names and no
more. It bears remarking here that with written classical Armenian culture
suffused with religious and Christian sensibility `The Daredevils of
Sassoun' is singular in its rigorously secular narrative, one in which
religious ritual, observation and fervour is absent.

In most epics royal, aristocratic or privileged protagonists exploit
extraordinary strength and prowess to secure power, advantage and wealth,
to conquer and subjugate for their personal advantage. But not with the
Daredevils! In his battles David has nothing in common with Msra-Melik's
imperial-class theme tune of `where is my war booty, where are my taxes,
where is David's head?' David `from the field of battle takes neither
slave nor booty' (p109, 130) and wants only for the people to be free of
pillage, plunder and usurious taxation.  The Daredevils do not abuse their
strength and their powers. They are modest and display no tendency to
boast, or to act in domineering or authoritarian manner. In this epic
moreover there is none of that humble subordination or obsequious bending
to one's superiors one encounters in epics fashioned for royal or
aristocratic courts (AY78, 79, 82).

Such is the state and society that the Daredevils and David in particular
will wage awesome and fierce battle to defend.


III.  Defending the people's realm

Some of the most colourful and uplifting passages in the adventures of the
Daredevils are those of resistance to the Caliph of Baghdad and the Meilk
of Msra, known otherwise as Msra Melik. In rapid-fire dialogue there glows
an uncompromising dedication to the right of people to independent
statehood. Conflicts reach a peak when David of Sassoun personally
measures strength with Msra Melik who seizing the opportunity of Big
Mher's death when David is `still in the cradle', subjugates Sassoun. In
images redolent of Ottoman violence:
`Msra Melik raised an army and came to wage war on the House of Sassoun.
He took Sassoun and put its people to the sword. He rampaged and plundered
Sassoun, enslaved the people, levied heavy taxes and took away cattle,
sheep, horses and gold without count, to the land of Msr. Msra Melik made
Sassoun his vassal and taxpayer, appointing Craven Vergo governor
(loc1535-37)

But David grows to become an indomitable giant of a strongman and takes up
the cudgels for Sassoun's right to self-determination. `I am no taxpayer
to Msra Melik' he announces. `Msra Melik shall rule over Msr, I shall rule
over Sassoun (loc2272).' About this there will be no negotiation!

Having endured centuries of foreign conquest it is understandable that a
dream of independent statehood would be integral to the Armenian popular
imagination. So it is in `The Daredevils of Sassoun' that was almost
certainly appreciated as a tale of resistance against imperial conquest.
Msra Melik is after all little different from Ottoman Sultans who for
centuries made life for Armenians a hell on earth.  But in the same vein
as its radical envisioning of the state of Sassoun, `The Daredevils of
Sassoun' presents the question of national liberation in extraordinary
form!

Consistent with the social structure that prevails in Sassoun and of the
moral constitution of its leadership, the struggle for national
independence is indivisibly a struggle to defend Sassoun's egalitarian
order. It is a battle for national independence intended to secure and
sustain the principles of an established egalitarian society. It is battle
waged against attempts to impose not just foreign rule but an exploiting
class structure alien to the character of Sassoun. It is impossible to
imagine the Daredevils fighting to free Sanasar's Sassoun only to impose
on it a feudal social hierarchy of `official' Armenia that would have
ruthlessly taxed and pillaged the peasant, in a manner not terribly
different than Msra Melik.

Conflict that pits Armenian against Arab in national terms is entirely
secondary and of no significance. What fixes Msra Melik as an enemy is not
that he is Arabic or non-Armenian - after all the Daredevils as the epic
shows are linked to foreigners and Arabs through scores of blood, family,
marriage and other ties - but that he is seeking to force on Sassoun an
unjust social regime. Msra Melik is the epic anti-hero not on account of
his foreign, Arab nationality but on account of his role as representative
of a pillaging and plundering class that is foreign and alien to the
social, egalitarian character and the common people of Sassoun.

At every stage of action-packed adventure it is the social rather than the
national aspect that is the driving force of the narrative. At the opening
of Branch Two, on Sanasar's death Msra Melik `enters Sassoun without a
fight' and demands:
`Forty bushels of gold and precious gems/Forty short women to turn the
millstones/Forty tall women to load animals/Forty gorgeous virgin
maidens/Forty stallions of identical stature and colour/Forty heifers of
the same stature and colour/Forty draft oxen and forty milch cows.'
(loc1037)

The contest between Sassoun and the invaders will reach its peak when an
enraged Msra Melik launches war against David to assert and reclaim his
rights to such exploitation, and that with seven years of arrears!

David's response underlines the radical, social and indeed the egalitarian
quality that defines the Daredevils' struggle for national freedom.
Proclaiming that `Msra Melik shall have Msr' David does not say in
parallel that `David shall have Sassoun'. He says that `Sassoun shall
belong to its people'.

`Msra Melik shall have Msir and the land of Sassoun shall belong to its
people! Let them live on their own, and we shall live here on our own
(loc2400).

There is no doubt that speaking of the `people' David refers only to the
common people not to a ruling, exploiting privileged landowning
aristocracy or clergy. The Daredevils are defending Sanasar's Sassoun in
which such an aristocracy or clergy did not exist.

David of Sassoun and Msra Melik represent two opposed state-social
systems, one egalitarian and serving the common people, the other a state
in the service of greedy and violent elites now attempting to impose their
cruel regime on Sassoun. In this sense the Daredevils' struggle against
foreign conquest takes on a double aspect. It is war against foreign
powers seeking to conquer Sassoun. But it is also war against attempts to
impose a social order utterly foreign to the principles governing the
State of Sassoun. Today without doubt the Daredevils would certainly do
battle against contemporary Armenian elites whose conduct and the social
order they defend are indeed as foreign to the common people of Armenian
as any imposed by Msra Melik's conquistadors!

The social and class rather than the national core that defines the drama
of the independence struggle appears again at the conclusion of a
monumental duel between David and Msra Melik. Msra Melik is now shown to
be a tyranniser over his own people as well. As the grand duel comes to
its end one of Msr Melik's soldiers approaches David and says:
`May God keep your house erect, Davit! If Msra Melik has called you to
war, why do you fight us? What are these unfortunate men to blame for?
Each one is the light of a destitute home, the sole-begotten of a
family. Some have left senile parents behind, some young brides, others a
house full of kids. Msr Melik has brought them all here by force; He is
the enemy of Sassoun, the one you should fight (loc2892)

This David understands completely! So after slicing Msra Melik in half, he
dispatches Msra Melik's troops with a declaration of humanist solidarity,
one that recognises Sassoun's non-negotiable rights to independence but
simultaneously also affirms the common interests and visions of all common
people irrespective of race or nationality:
`Davit said: `Go poor men, farmers, workmen, rank and file, enjoy peace in
your homes. Let your land be yours, and our land shall remain to us. You
will plough your land, we shall plough our land, you will reap your
harvest we shall reap ours, you will eat your bread, we shall eat our
bread. Let us live together in peace. There is no harm in peace
(loc3075).'

Here again a standard in foreign policy. Yes resist foreign elite
aggression and expansionism but do so through building solidarity with
their common people of your neighbouring lands.


IV.  A critical reservation

`The Daredevils of Sassoun' is rich in its emancipatory, egalitarian and
critical drive. Unfortunately, there is nothing radical, emancipatory or
egalitarian in its depiction of women and their treatment in society.

The position and role of women never rises above the subordination and
subjugation characteristic in medieval or rural village communities. It is
for women to obey and not to speak. When against his wife's wishes Big
Mher prepares to visit Ismail Khatoun, his wife Armaghan surrenders saying
`I have no power over you. I am a woman. My tongue is tied (loc 1342)'. On
Big Mher's return, Armaghan first refuses to have him back but again
succumbs: `what can I say, a man is the head of the house, woman is the
feet; a woman cannot go against man's wishes. Come to my bed (loc1453).'

Casual violence against women, regarded as normal, is presented in an
almost light-hearted manner. `Stentor Ohan became furious and kicked his
wife in the ribs (loc2945).' Women appear as objects of men's desires,
mothers for their children and in their beauty as trophies for winners in
male competitions (NZ143). Male sexuality is laudable but women's is
dangerous. Women never feature in commanding or independent roles. If they
do, they are malicious as in the case of Ismail Khatoun or licentious as
in Stentor Ohan's wife.

Demeaning, deprecatory references to women are standard fare. `Now they
know that they are the only real men, while our men are mere girls (loc
420).' `Should we have a whole nation slain for the sake of a girl
(loc222)?' `Braid Peach has ruined many a man already (loc752).' `If you
fail to come, you'll be more of a woman than myself and should wear this
veil on your head (loc1317).' `Even old hags of Sassoun can catch a jailed
beast (loc 2164).' `Being a woman, she put up with her womanly fate
(loc3733).' One cannot but ask if women so disdained were part of the
enraptured audiences listening to the tale?

The dissonance between the epic's radical, critical spirit and its
accommodation to the subordination and subjugation of women juts out ugly
from an otherwise wonderfully beautiful tale. Can anything be done to
cleanse and redeem it? A positive answer emerges in any reading of the
text and an appreciation of its historic plasticity.

Transmitted orally for a thousand years the 'The Daredevils of Sassoun'
constantly evolved and developed. It has reached us endlessly altered and
enriched, enhanced and sometimes tarnished, all in accord with the spirit
of the times in which it was told. Just because it today exists in written
form does not forbid further evolution. A 21st century rendering could
enrich it further with a universal spirit of equality between women and
men. And for such an enterprise there is within the epic itself solid
foundation.

When David's marriage is being considered, the role and function of
marriage recalls Royal Courts where women are betrothed by men to secure
advantageous political alliances (NZ134). David rejects such arranged
marriages (NZ139). He loves Khantut, not Chmshkik and he will court the
woman he loves. So he sets off for Khantut's home. On arrival David's
first instinct is to satisfy his sexual passions (NZ144)! But Khantut will
have none of this. Yes, she is happy for sex but it must be part of fuller
human relationship! She demands to be treated as a human being, not as a
sexual object (NZ145). `Well read and shrewd' (loc3571) she is conscious
of and insists on women's equality:
`If you are your father's son, I am my father's daughter. A lion is a
lion, whether male or female (loc3448)

Here textual and historical licence for a narrative that would generalise
Khantout's consciousness to all women and would present a vision of
society in which women and men of all races, of all nationalities, of all
faiths are equal in every respect!


V.  Twin peaks of Armenian culture

The visionary and utopian quality of `The Daredevils of Sassoun' is
testimony if any were needed that radical, egalitarian even revolutionary
thought is no artificial, foreign or alien contraband smuggled into
Armenian life. That it has deepest indigenous roots has been noted by
many, including Yeghishe Charents in his much maligned but ruthlessly
honest `At the Crossroads of History'. Against the dismal and the
disastrous, the absurd and the pathetic, the humiliating and the useless
history of sycophantic, selfish and exploiting Armenian elites that have
brought the people and nation to the edge of ruination, Charents writes of
the common man/woman:

    `They lived life as serfs;
    Yet in this deepest dark they dreamt of the sun
    For centuries, with folk rhymes
    They sung their just and noble thoughts,
    And alongside fables
    They created their genius ancient epic
    Into which they put the red idea, the immortal vision
    Of their future life...' (Yeghishe Charents, Collected Works, Volume 4, 
1968, p210)

Beyond its utopian and egalitarian dimension, or rather woven into it, the
9th century `The Daredevils of Sassoun' is a powerful statement of
universal humanism that invites us to place it besides Grigor of Narek's
10th century `The Book of Lamentations' as one of the twin peaks of
Armenian culture. One secular, the other deeply Christian, both are
magnificent artistic offerings of a promise of emancipation from the dark
forces of human history, delineations of a perfected human being in a free
society that has appeared and reappears in the best of human life, culture
and history.

If the state of Sassoun built by Sanasar, represents an imagined popular
political ideal, then the moral qualities of its protagonists and of David
in particular represent an imagined ideal individual who is the
realisation of human potential at its noblest. In his revolt against
injustice, in his determination to give his all to vanquish evil, in his
challenge to all illicit power and authority, in his dedication to
community and people, in his moral rectitude and generosity David is
representative of a healthy, unbroken, dignified and free human being.

In Narek's `Book of Lamentations' the protagonist appears as the
refutation of everything David of Sassoun is. Man/woman is greedy selfish,
violent, warlike, oppressive, deceitful, and destructive. But in
magnificent poetry Narek's ambition is to convince all that they can
emancipate themselves and become 'ideal' even godlike. Put differently one
could say that Narek's project was to help men and women develop in the
inspiring image of the Daredevils of Sassoun that the poet may even have
known about!


*****

Hovhannes Toumanian judged this national epic to be `an expression of
popular collective experience accumulated across the centuries, a
`treasury of spiritual potential' and the `expression of the moral
principles espoused by the people' (AY276). Leo, that demanding and
unsparing historian and critic, was also correct when writing that in `The
Daredevils of Sassoun':
`Before every Armenian (we can add `and every reader of English too') is
placed a story that the more you think about it, the greater the beauty
you see in it.' (From Manouk Abeghian, Collected Works, Volume 1, p533)

But alas today, as Azat Yeghiazaryan notes in his introduction to Artashes
Emin's translation, among us Armenians the epic `lacks freshness', has
become bookish and removed from everyday life:
`We know and love our epic, but at the same time we conceive it as a
purely literary text; its real characters departed from this world long
ago# (loc135)'

Do we have the artist, the poet, the novelist, the writer who will help to
restore freshness, who can free the tale from being a purely literary
text, who is able to recover its vision for our times, who will take the
grand Utopia of the Daredevils and the form of state they fought for and
reintegrate these as intellectual and artistic weapons into our 21st
century battles for a better world for all, for Armenian, Arab, Turk,
Kurd, Irish, Palestinian, English, Native American, Indian and all other
peoples across the globe.



NOTE 1
Most of the quotations are from this text and are referenced according to
Kindle locations of Nairi Zaryan's text as for example loc1234. Where I
have not been able to refer a quotation to this version, I indicate the
page reference to Zaryan's original 1966 Armenian version as follows NZ
followed by page number.


NOTE 2
I am hugely and deeply indebted to and inspired by Azat Yeghiazaryan's
commentary - the best ever written I wager! I have tried to indicate
wherever I have borrowed ideas, examples, quotations or other information
by referring to AY and then a page reference - thus for example AY123. For
those unable to read Armenian here details of the English edition:
Daredevils of Sasun: Poetics of an Epic, Translated by S. Peter Cowe.
 Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 2008. 270pp. References are to the
Armenian version.



-
Eddie Arnavoudian holds degrees in history and politics from
Manchester, England, and is Armenian News's commentator-in-residence on
Armenian literature. His works on literary and political issues have
also appeared in Harach in Paris, Nairi in Beirut and Open Letter in
Los Angeles.


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MENA English (Middle East and North Africa Financial Network)
 Saturday


Number of US nonimmigrant visa denials for applicants from Armenia grows


The US refused to grant nonimmigrant visas to more than 50 percent of
applicants from Armenia, according to the official report of the US
Department of State on the number of nonimmigrant visa denials in
2017. The report indicates that 51.87 percent of appeals from Armenia
were rejected. Compared to the indicator for 2016, the number of
denials grew 5.99 percent. The countries neighboring Armenia have the
following indicators: Georgia - 61.09 percent of denials (1.73 percent
decrease), Iran - 58.66 percent (13.64 percent growth), Turkey - 17.86
percent (4.24 percent growth). The number of refusals to nonimmigrant
visa appeals from Russia grew 2.32 percent and reached 11.61 percent.
The residents of Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco and San Marino were
the most welcome guests for the US in 2017, and didn't receive any
refusal. These countries are followed by Cyprus (1.69 percent of
denials), Argentina (1.79 percent), Uruguay (3.19 percent), Hong Kong
(3.45 percent) and Oman (3.46 percent).

Palestine News Network (PNN) - English
 Saturday


Jordanian and Palestinian Evangelicals Unite in Amman

by monjed jado


Amman /PNN/ In a moving ceremony held at the Free Evangelical Church
in Amman's Khalda neighbourhood on November 14, members of evangelical
churches in Palestine and Jordan announced the creation of a unified
coordinating alliance, made up of: the Council of Local Evangelical
Churches in The Holy Land, the Council of Evangelical Churches of
Galilee …

Amman /PNN/

In a moving ceremony held at the Free Evangelical Church in Amman's
Khalda neighbourhood on November 14, members of evangelical churches
in Palestine and Jordan announced the creation of a unified
coordinating alliance, made up of: the Council of Local Evangelical
Churches in The Holy Land, the Council of Evangelical Churches of
Galilee and the Jordan Evangelical Council.

Emad Maayah, former MP and retired Jordanian Army Major General who
heads the Jordan Evangelical Council, announced the creation of the
alliance to local dignitaries, Christian clergy of different
denominations, past and present Jordanian MPs, church members from
Jordan, Palestine and Israel, and a large crowd of local worshipers.
Evangelical churches that rose up in response to the turn of the 20th
century American missionary efforts in Jordan today number 10,000,
according to David Rihani, deputy head of the Jordanian Evangelical
Council.

The Jordan council includes Baptists, Nazarenes and members of the
World Evangelical Alliance, Assembly of God and Evangelical Free
Church.

Church leaders from Ramallah, Nazareth and Amman presented the history
of their churches and their many spiritual and community services,
including at schools, seminaries and hospitals, and a host of other
para-church activities.

The New York-based World Evangelical Alliance, established in 1846 and
boasting 600 million members, was the first to send congratulations to
the newly established alliance, Rihani reported to those attending.

The alliance is aimed at advocating by local governments for
recognition. Jordan, Palestine and Israel recognise 13 traditional
churches, but none of the evangelical churches are recognised.

Evangelical churches have been registered since as far back as 1920 as
religious institutions. In Jordan, the five evangelical churches are
registered at the Ministry of Justice.

They can carry out religious, educational, humanitarian and community
services, but are not authorised to deal with any issues regulated
through the personal status laws.

In Jordan, Palestine and Israel, every citizen must have a declared
religion and all family affairs (marriage, divorce, adoption and
inheritance) are administered and resolved through religious courts.

Christians belonging to the Evangelical churches in these countries
attempting to resolve personal disputes can only use a recognised
church court.

The newly established church alliance will be preparing to set up
church courts so as to be ready to use them once they receive official
recognition.

For decades, efforts by local leaders and world Evangelicals to gain
recognition have failed.
It is not clear why smaller churches are recognised and are given
legal status while Evangelical churches with an active presence and a
strong community effort in the region are rejected.

Some argue that the traditional churches (Orthodox, Catholic and
Armenian) are opposed to extending recognition, while others say that
Anglicans and Lutherans are hesitant to open up the gates for other
Protestant churches to receive such recognition.

But the real reason for non-recognition by the government might have
to do with issues of internal governance that the new alliance might
resolve.

Evangelicals are a trans-denominational movement that adhere to a
literal interpretation of the Bible and give high priority to
spreading Christianity. As such, they are opposed to a religious
hierarchy.

There are no bishops and patriarchs among Evangelicals, as in other
churches, which makes it difficult for governments to communicate with
or coordinate activities with them.

Each church is independent, even though in recent years a strong
effort has been made to bring some sort of unified coordinating
structure to their internal and national governance structures.

This unification effort will help resolve one of the obstacles often
used against Evangelicals who do not have a traditional hierarchy.

In the Middle East, strictly spiritual missionary efforts among the
Muslim-majority populations are not allowed and efforts to convert
non-Muslims are officially frowned upon.

Local Evangelical church leaders say that they abide by the laws of
the land and make themselves available to anyone who asks for
spiritual guidance, but are committed to refraining from any public
proselytising.
While Evangelism in Jordan and Palestine has its roots in the times of
foreign missionaries, today's leaders are entirely local, mostly
because of the autonomous and independent nature of Evangelical church
governance.

All church leaders as well as the leaders of the newly established
alliance are patriotic Arabs well respected in their communities.

They would like to practise their faith while holding on to their love
of country and homeland.
The announcement of the church alliance on Tuesday began with the
singing of the national anthem and various presentations and speeches
praising national leaders.

Maayah said that the date of the signing ceremony was meant to
coincide with King Hussein's birth.
Special emphasis was put, in the presentations, on the efforts on
behalf of the Palestinian cause, including holding the "Christ at the
checkpoint" conference by the Bethlehem Bible College, one of the
institutions belonging to the newly established coalition.

Evangelical churches' effort to have a unified coalition is an
important step towards gaining recognition and standing so as to
better serve members of their parishes. But a more important effort is
needed to bring much wider unity within the already tiny Christian
Arab community in Jordan and the Holy Land.

Times of India
Nov 18 2017


Canadian filmmaker Atom Egoyan to get lifetime achievement award at
the International Film Festival of India

Acclaimed Canadian filmmaker Atom Egoyan will be honoured with a
lifetime achievement award at the International Film Festival of India
(IFFI), Information and Broadcasting Minister Smriti Irani has
announced.

PTI | Updated: Nov 18, 2017, 13:38 IST


Acclaimed Canadian filmmaker Atom Egoyan will be honoured with a
lifetime achievement award at the International Film Festival of India
(IFFI), Information and Broadcasting Minister Smriti Irani has
announced.


The festival, to be held in Goa from November 20 to 28, will also
screen three films produced by the 57-year-old filmmaker.



"Acclaimed Canadian filmmaker, Atom Egoyan will be bestowed the
Lifetime Achievement Award at #IFFI2017. @IFFIGoa will also honour his
work with a special film section that will screen 3 films produced by
him," Irani tweeted yesterday.



Egoyan is best known for his films 'Exotica', 'The Sweet Hereafter' and 'Chloe'.

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United News of India
 Saturday


Canadian filmmaker Atom Egoyan to get Lifetime Achievement at IFFI


Panaji, Nov. 18 -- Acclaimed Canadian filmmaker Atom Egoyan will be
bestowed the Lifetime Achievement Award at 48th International Film
Festival of India (IFFI) 2017 which begins on November 20.

Union Minister for Information and Broadcasting Smriti Irani tweeted,
''Acclaimed Canadian filmmaker, Atom Egoyan will be bestowed the
Lifetime Achievement Award at #IFFI2017. @IFFIGoa will also honour his
work with a special film section that will screen 3 films produced by
him.''

An accomplished Director, Writer and Producer, Egoyan has made a mark
in the mainstream and alternate cinema all over the world. His work is
often credited for exploring different themes that carry a rich amount
of emotions and effective use of Technology.

Born to Armenian - Egyptian parents, Egoyan discovered a lot about his
heritage when he attended the University of Toronto, and started to
study Armenian history. He developed a sudden interest in the 1915
Genocide in which up to 1.5 million of Turkey's Armenian population
were killed. He describes this moment as the motivation to make films
that highlight the history which is otherwise suppressed.

Egoyan directed 15 full-length films thereafter, several television
episodes, and a few shorter pieces. His debut film 'Next of Kin' won a
major prize at the International Film Festival Mannheim-Heidelberg.
His commercial breakthrough came with the film 'Exotica' (1994) for
which he won a lot of accolades including the FIPRESCI Prize at the
Cannes Film Festival and eight Genie Awards.

His film 'Ararat' was the first feature film on the Armenian genocide
and received critical acclaim and appreciation for taking a bold stand
on this sensitive topic. It won Best Film on Human Rights by The
Political Film Society of Hollywood.

Celebrated as one of the best Contemporary filmmakers on the
international scene, Egoyan's brilliant depiction of his artistic and
flawless scenes and capturing the emotions of the audience is widely
appreciated.

This year, at IFFI 2017, three of the best films by Atom Egoyan will
be screened namely 'Exotica', 'The Sweet Hereafter' and 'Remember'.


 
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