Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 22-12-20

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 17:42,

YEREVAN, 22 DECEMBER, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 22 December, USD exchange rate up by 0.31 drams to 521.97 drams. EUR exchange rate up by 2.10 drams to 637.06 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate down by 0.04 drams to 6.91 drams. GBP exchange rate up by 10.06 drams to 699.49 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price up by 22.93 drams to 31549.64 drams. Silver price up by 5.97 drams to 438.93 drams. Platinum price down by 811.96 drams to 16597.12 drams.

Armenian Defense Minister visits brigade of peacekeeping forces of the Ministry of Defense

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 18:41,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 22, ARMENPRESS. Defense Minister of Armenia Vagharshak Harutyunyan visited the brigade of peacekeeping forces of the Ministry of Defense on December 22.

As ARMENPRESS was informed from the press service of the Defense Ministry of Armenia, the Commander of the Brigade, Major-General Artak Tonoyan presented to the Defense Minister the organizationsal and structural paticularities of the brigade and the functions of the humanitarian peacekeeping missions carried out within the framework of the international cooperation.

Highly assessing the mission of the peacekeepig brigade, Vagharshak Harutyunyan gave concrete tasks to the command staff of the brigade, outlined the upcoming work priorities.

During the visit the Minister of Defense toured in the territory of the military unit, got acquainted with the conditions of the military unit's barracks, weapons and classrooms.

Goris Mayor accused of illegal exploitation of mineral resources

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 19:10,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 22, ARMENPRESS. The General Department of Investigation of Particularly Important Cases of Armenia is carrying out an investigation into a number of cases related to Goris Mayor Arush Arushanyan that have been merged into one case. Arushanyan is accused of abuse of official powers, organizing illegal business, violating the rules of subsoil protection and use, intentionally causing moderate damage to health, organizing a rally in violation of the law, ARMENPRESS was informed from the press service of the Investigative Committee of Armenia.

With the combination of sufficient evidence, a decision was made to involve Arush Arushanyan as a defendant. A motion has been filed to the court to chose detention as a precautionary measure.

CivilNet: Armenian Death Toll in the Karabakh War Exceeds 3,300

CIVILNET.AM

21:39

70 days after getting cut off from the rest of Armenian forces, six soldiers from the Artsakh Defense Army’s 9th regiment were discovered alive in the south of Artsakh (Karbakh). According to Artsakh president Arayik Harutyunyan, a group of Russian peacekeepers and Artsakh Emergency Management Agency personnel located the group in the Azerbaijani-occupied Hadrut district and brought them to Stepanakert on December 20.

In the six weeks since the November 10 cease-fire, more than 1,000 bodies of Armenian military personnel and a few civilians have been recovered, primarily from the south of Karabakh. Until now only one other Armenian, and one Azerbaijani servicemen were found alive in these search operations.

The total death toll on the Armenian side has exceeded 3,300, with the names of more than 1,834 military servicemen and volunteers killed published. On December 5, Azerbaijan published a list of 2,723 names of military personnel killed on its side.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights estimates the number of Turkish Syrian mercenaries killed at 514. More than 100 civilians also died. The combined death toll of the 44-day war has thus exceeded 6,600 people, though it continues to grow as more bodies are recovered and identified.

This piece was originally published in Focus on Karabakh.

CivilNet: Opposition Gives an Ultimatum to PM Nikol Pashinyan

CIVILNET.AM

21:14

✓Members of the opposition organized a rally demanding the resignation of the Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan

✓Gayane Melkom Melkomyan was appointed Deputy Mayor of the Yerevan City Hall

✓Two modern residential settlements have been built in Stepanakert for Russian peacekeepers

✓Azerbaijan will allocate $1.3 billion for the reconstruction of its occupied territories

CivilNet: Who is Vazgen Manukyan? His political past and present

CIVILNET.AM

07:25

By Tatul Hakobyan

Vazgen Manukyan has been involved in Armenia’s politics since 1988. Back then, the rallying place of the Armenian people was Yerevan's Freedom Square, near the opera.

Manukyan was born in Gyumri; he is almost 75.

Most prominently, he is known as the coordinator of the Armenia Organizing Committee of the Karabakh Movement. The leaders of the Movement used to gather in his family home to discuss the Artsakh issue and the future of Armenia. 

On March 19, 1988, the Organizing Committee of the Karabakh Movement issued its first statement in the form of an eight-point leaflet authored by Manukyan. Most notable was the fifth point, which expressed the foreign policy views of Armenia as seen by Manukyan, his then-thought partner Levon Ter-Petrossian, and Rafael Ishkanyan, the linguist, historian,  academician, and Manukyan’s father-in-law.  

“There are no permanent enemies and there are no permanent friends, there are only permanent national interests. Our only pillar is the collective strength of our people.” This idea became Manukyan’s guiding force in his role as a political figure and statesman. 

Manukyan was referring to Turkey as the permanent enemy and Russia as the permanent friend. He was in favor of establishing relations with Turkey, and considered Pan-Turkism a theoretical threat.

At that time, Manukyan represented the national-democratic strain of the multi-layered Armenian National Movement Party, which was Armenia’s first post-Soviet political party, and the institutional offshoot of the Karabakh Movement.

From prime minister to opposition

On August 13, 1990, Manukyan, one of the lead figures of the Pan-Armenian National Movement Party, was elected Armenia's prime minister by the Armenian Supreme Soviet (or parliament). When the party nominated Levon-Ter Petrossian for the position of the first president of Armenia, Manukyan resigned, left the party with his supporters, and created the National Democratic Union Party. With this move, he took on the role of opposition to President Levon Ter-Petrossian’s government. 

Manukyan himself did not participate in the election, which, with 83% of the votes, ended in a landslide victory for Ter-Petrossian. Since that date, no presidential candidate and no party has ever come close to earning 83% of the vote.

During the most difficult period of the first Karabakh / Artsakh War, when in the summer of 1992, Armenian forces lost a third of the Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Region, Manukyan’s party, together with the Armenian Revolutionary Federation and a number of other political forces,  held large rallies in Yerevan's Freedom Square, demanding Ter-Petrossian's resignation.

Despite this, in the fall of 1993, Ter-Petrossian appointed Manukyan as Armenia’s Acting Minister of Defense and State Minister for Coordination of Defense Issues. He remained in that position for a year, which coincided with an Armenian victory in the Artsakh War. And Manukyan's role here should not be understated.

Unsuccessful attempts at presidency

In 1995, Manukyan’s National Democratic Union participated in the parliamentary elections and took fourth place with 7.5% of the votes. 

September 1996 became Vazgen Manukyan's shining hour. In Armenia’s second presidential election, he ran against incumbent Levon Ter-Petrossian and received more than 41 percent of the vote. No other opposition leader in Armenia’s history has managed to receive so many votes. Nonetheless, Ter-Petrossian won the election with 51% of the vote. A portion of Armenia's public, including Manukyan's supporters, hold to the conviction that those elections were rigged. 

Following the election, Vazgen Manukyan and his supporters attacked the National Assembly building, which at that time housed the Central Electoral Commission. Parliament Speaker Babken Ararktsyan and his deputy Ara Sahakyan were seriously injured. Authorities also used force, beating a number of opposition figures near the podium.

Nevertheless, 1996 was memorable in that a broad alliance was formed around Vazgen Manukyan. 

In the next (special) presidential election, which occurred following Ter-Petrossian's resignation in February of 1998, Manukyan received around 12 percent of the votes. Robert Kocharyan and Karen Demirchyan received enough to move on to the second round.

In the 2003 presidential election, Vazgen Manukyan received less than 1% of the vote. 

In 2008, Manukyan ran for the fourth time in the presidential election, receiving 1.3 percent of the vote. In that election, Manukyan was not so much promoting his candidacy as criticizing Levon Ter-Petrossian, who after ten silent years returned to the political arena to challenge Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan. 

After the 2008 election, Manukyan appeared to reconcile with the newly-elected Serzh Sargsyan and his government, and was appointed chairman of a newly-created  Public Council, a consultative body within the Ministry of Justice, entrusted with listening to different social groups and promoting consolidation of civil society in the country. He remained in that position for 10 years. 

Return to politics

Today, Manukyan is attempting to become head of an interim government in Armenia. 

In a recent rally, he made several harsh statements that contained elements of violence towards Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. In particular, he noted that, "The enraged people will ravage [Pashinyan]. He must leave. And if he does not leave voluntarily, he will leave by force."

The following statement was even more surprising: "A great force will gather against Turkey, the world will not forgive Turkey for its impudence. If an alliance is formed against Turkey, we are in that alliance."

Such an interpretation seems normal for the average Armenian, but not for Manukyan, who in September 1988 announced: "Armenia can live in peace with all four of its immediate neighbors – Turkey, Iran, Georgia and Azerbaijan. Armenians do not need mediators. If there are issues with those neighbors, we will solve them if we are able to, if not, we will remain silent. But the possibility of living in peace and harmony with all neighbors should not be ruled out. We have convinced ourselves, as Russia has, that we can not live without Russia, and Russia does whatever it wants with us. This evil is at the heart of our relations with Russia. All our losses are due to that."

AGBU Observes UN Genocide Prevention Day with Two Virtual Conferences

AGBU Press Office
55 East 59th Street
New York, NY 10022-1112
Website: 

  
  
PRESS RELEASE
  
Tuesday, 
  


Given its century-old history of advocating for the human rights and dignity of 
the Armenian people, the Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) has long 
recognized the importance of supporting all victims of ethnic cleansing, 
genocide and other crimes against humanity around the world. That is why it 
continues to observe December 9th-the United Nations International Day of 
Commemoration and Dignity of the Victims of the Crime of Genocide and the 
Prevention of this Crime-with inclusive discussions of an international scope, 
each year focusing on a different theme related to this vast, multi-dimensional 
subject. 
 
This year, two virtual events were organized, one by AGBU Lebanon in conjunction 
with the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at 
the American University of Beirut, and the other by the AGBU Central Office in 
New York in partnership with the Promise Institute for Human Rights, operating 
out of California. 
 
Lebanon
Genocide in the Middle East Viewed from a Gender Lens 
 
AGBU Lebanon has embraced AGBU's mission to expand its outreach and education to 
those outside of the Armenian community. By partnering with esteemed 
institutions each year, it not only offers a broader dialogue in which to tell 
the Armenian story to new audiences, but also to encourage understanding and 
collaborative exchange for a better future," explained Mireille Kanamirian, AGBU 
Lebanon District Committee Member and lead of lead of human rights and cultural 
partnership initiatives. 
 
Taking its cue from the United Nations' chosen theme of how women bear the brunt 
of oppressive and genocidal regimes, this long overdue topic established the 
framework for the conference on December 9th, coordinated from Beirut. The 
three-hour event, divided into two sessions, featured panelists from diverse 
disciplines who could speak authoritatively about human rights crimes against 
women and children. 
 
In their opening remarks, Berge Setrakian, the president of AGBU, and Dr. Joseph 
Bahout, the director of Issam Fares Institute, framed the discussion by 
contextualizing the mistreatment of women in the greater scheme of genocide 
studies. 

The first session was moderated by International Criminal Lawyer and 
Presidential Professor of Law emeritus Chibli Mallat of the University of Utah. 
The panel featured Dr. Darina Saliba Abi Chedid, the director of the 
International Center for Human Sciences; Dr. Carol Mann, the director of Women 
in War; and the noted peace-building expert Maya Jizzini. 
 
The second session was moderated by regional analyst Yeghia Tashjian with a 
panel including Abid Shamdeen, the executive director of Nadia's Initiative; 
Bourshra Ali, the president of the Jin Women's Foundation; Dr.Samah Saleh, an 
assistant professor at An-Najah National University; Michel Mallo, the secretary 
general of the Syriac Union: and Dr. Roy Knocke, the deputy director of Lepsius 
Haus Potsdam.
 
Throughout the day, the panelists made the case that the murder of and abusive 
acts against women are an intentional tactics used to eradicate the present and 
the future. Examples abounded: how perpetrators justify ethnic cleansing of 
women in marginalized communities throughout the Middle East; how the Islamic 
State justified attacks on Yazidi women by "othering" their existence and 
claiming they were not people of the book; and the experience of Kurdish women 
who were victims of deliberate attempts to Turkify them and even how prominent 
women in Kurdish society were assassinated. "All genocides are gendered," is how 
Dr. Mann summed up the key points presented. 
 
The discussion then turned to the role women play after crimes against humanity 
are committed, citing the crucial role of Palestinian women in revitalizing 
their community after the 1948 Palestinian exodus, known as the Nakba and 
fighting for the Palestinian return through protest, community-building, and 
clandestine organizing. Assyrian women were also described as change-makers, 
along with their pivotal and impressive rise to leadership positions. Such cases 
debunk the myth that women are apolitical caretakers and highlight the crucial 
part they actually play in seeking justice after mass atrocities have occurred. 
Women also are proponents of peace, be it personal peace, familial peace, or 
national, regional, and international peace, posited Jizzini. 
 
The virtual conference concluded with a lively Q&A session with attendees from 
around the world. 
 
United States
Truth and Accountability: Ethnic Cleansing in the Modern Age 
 
On December 10th, an open conversation hosted by AGBU and the Promise Institute 
for Human Rights featured international war crimes barrister Geoffrey Robertson 
QC; esteemed human rights lawyer Sheila Paylan; Raees Tin Maung of the Rohingya 
Human Rights Network of Canada; Stephen Smith, the executive director of the USC 
Shoah Foundation, Kate Mackintosh, the executive director of the Promise 
Institute of Human Rights at the UCLA School of Law; and moderator Wendy Lower, 
director of Mgrublian Center for Human Rights at Claremont McKenna College. The 
thrust of the discussion centered on raising awareness and holding perpetrators 
accountable for ongoing atrocities. 
 
In his opening remarks, Robertson asserted: "The denial of genocide is a way of 
perpetrating and perpetuating genocide, adding that "the wickedness of the 
Ottoman Empire in 1915 was seen over the sky and over the Artsakh mountains in 
2020." Emphasizing the necessity of finding ways to prevent genocide, ethnic 
cleansing, and war crimes, he emphatically declared, "We have international laws 
to prevent genocide, but we don't have the will to enforce those laws." 
 
Picking up on the recent war in Nagorno-Karabakh, Lower stated: "We feel the 
echoes of history in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. One hundred years on, the 
echoes of that history are with us at this very moment." She added that the 
definition and weight behind the legal term Genocide have often prevented 
economic and legal action, a conclusion shared by all the panelists. 
 
Mackintosh remarked, "If we think about some of the mass atrocities that have 
taken place last century, they have not met the legal definition of genocide. 
But no one would deny that those are terrible, terrible things that we want to 
prevent." 
 
Focusing on taking action rather than letting politics interfere with the 
actionable change, Smith said, "What's important is establishing: what's the 
intent; what's the endgame; and what are we going to do to mitigate that and 
highlight that. The definitional issue gets us a little entrapped because it 
politicizes it." 
 
All speakers agreed that the collection of eyewitness reports is an essential 
tool that victims and activists can use to document cases of injustice. Smith, a 
specialist in the collection of testimonies of victims of mass atrocities, 
explained. "For those who are experiencing unfolding mass violence, what they 
need to know is that people are hearing them, that they do not feel abandoned. 
Make it clear that we really do care for each other. That's half of the battle." 
 
Paylan posited that more often than not, seeking legal justice is a complex 
process. "When it comes to lending humanitarian aid, it tends to be easy to 
garner support for it," she noted. "When it comes to seeking accountability for 
crimes, it's a much more difficult process." She also pointed out that in the 
case of Artsakh, social media proved key in collecting evidence. "All the hatred 
that is spewed by the highest-ranking officials of Azerbaijan on Twitter and 
Facebook - this is evidence. If it's not collected and preserved right away, it 
will disappear." She advocated for the centralization of this documentation as a 
priority for open-source investigators. 
 
The conference concluded with panelists suggesting optimum ways to prevent or 
prosecute human rights crimes, such as holding inter-ethnic and inter-religious 
discussions. Maung made an astute observation: "The people who are doing the 
most effective and noble work are people in inter-ethnic and inter-religion 
bridging. It is crucial that we collaborate and show solidarity. Yesterday it 
was them, today it was us, and tomorrow it could be someone else."

Genocide in the Middle East Viewed from a Gender Lens
facebook.com/AgbuLebanon/videos/3646939152010908   

Truth and Accountability: Ethnic Cleansing in the Modern Age
agbu.org/ethniccleansing

The Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) is the world's largest non-profit 
organization devoted to upholding the Armenian heritage through educational, 
cultural and humanitarian programs. Each year, AGBU is committed to making a 
difference in the lives of 500,000 people across Armenia, Artsakh and the 
Armenian diaspora.  Since 1906, AGBU has remained true to one overarching goal: 
to create a foundation for the prosperity of all Armenians. To learn more visit 

 .

TURKISH press: OPINION – Albanian churches in Karabakh and endless Armenian lies

Telman Nusratoghlu   |23.12.2020
File Photo – A view of the city as Azerbaijani Army enter Agdam district in Nagorno-Karabakh following 27 years November 20, 2020. The ministry said in a statement that the Azerbaijani army entered the district as part of a cease-fire deal with Armenia that was brokered by Russia. ( Azerbaijan Ministry of Defence – Anadolu Agency )

BAKU, Azerbaijan

Schools, mosques, libraries, cultural centers and museums in the Fuzuli, Jabrayil, Aghdam, Zangilan, Gubadli and Kalbajar regions around Nagorno-Karabakh, which UN resolutions confirmed to be Azerbaijani territories, were occupied by Armenians 27 years ago, and all the human-inhabited places were wiped out by Armenian invaders with unprecedented vandalism as well.

Armenians have now initiated new global manipulation over the Alban Khudavang (Dadivang) Monastery, which Azerbaijani Turks have carefully protected as a part of their rich historical-cultural and humanity heritage since the ninth century.

It should first be noted that years before the fabrication of lies on this church complex, Azerbaijan’s Culture Ministry made important decisions to protect the monastery per the spirit of Azerbaijani and Turkish cultural traditions and historical continuity, and included Khudavang on a list of world monuments. However, the Kalbajar region, where the monastery is located, failed to be protected due to its occupation by Armenians.

Along with the liberation of Karabakh from the occupation, the sun of freedom shone on this monastery complex, which is considered to be one of the perfect architectural pearls of the period of Azerbaijani Albania, located on the Murovdagh plateau, and was returned to its rightful owner. Eventually, the Azerbaijani state gained the opportunity to turn those places from centers of the armed struggle of chauvinist Armenian religious committees into those of ethno-tourism and multicultural values open to all mankind.

However, the recent false campaign of the Armenian clergy, who have turned the Albanian churches into an arsenal, the falsification of the Christian history of the South Caucasus, and the fabrication of the history of Armenian humanity and Armenian Christianity, disguising themselves as “oppressed ancient nation," allowed us to expose Armenian lies on a global scale.

We will touch on the history of Albanian monasteries in Karabakh, which the Armenians tried to appropriate for insidious intentions, but we must also focus on the cultural hostility and barbarism of our century taking place before the eyes of the whole world.

Reza Deghati, a photojournalist for famed National Geographic magazine who visited Aghdam with 200,000 inhabitants that were returned to Azerbaijan after the Tripartite Declaration 28 years later, was horrified by the scene he observed. He compared the city to Hiroshima, Japan, destroyed by an atomic bomb in 1945.

Foreign ambassadors accredited in Azerbaijan, representatives of international organizations, and military attachés visiting the city of Fuzuli liberated from occupation could not hide their amazement at the sight of the destroyed city. All those cities, libraries, and museums destroyed and looted by the invaders are in the lands of Azerbaijan.

The Armenian rulers also admitted that they had occupied those seven regions around Nagorno-Karabakh allegedly as part of security measures. During his visit to Aghdam, President Ilham Aliyev protested against all these acts of vandalism, saying that it was as if a savage tribe had passed through here.

Turning a blind eye to those who destroyed our cities and villages and turned mosques in Zangilan, Gubadli and Aghdam into animal shelters also moved forward in parallel with Armenian lies and fabrications, Russia and the West show a keen interest in seizing control of the Albanian (Aghvan) churches in Karabakh, the historical and cultural heritage of Azerbaijan, moreover, appeal to UNESCO for the protection of those monasteries, which are also important in terms of showing how far the policy of double standards reached in the world. However, in the name of protecting justice on earth and exposing the Armenian lies, we have to insist on raising world public awareness of the historical truth.

Everyone should know that Agoghlan Monastery in the Lachin region, Khudavang (Dadivang) complex in the Kalbajar region, the Holy Elysee temple complex in the Aghdara region, and the Ganjasar (Gandzasar) monastery therein are the historical heritage of Caucasian Albania, which is the first Christian state in the South Caucasus uniting more than 20 Turks and Caucasians under one flag, and which also plays an important role in the formation of the ethnogenesis of the Azerbaijani Turks.

Moisey Kalankatuklu's primary source work on Aghvan history, which shed light on a 1,000-year statehood history of the Albanian state, appears to be one the leading sources of the rich historical literature that had been shaped since the fourth century BC. The Albanian (Aghvan) Czar Urnayir converted to Christianity in 313-314, at the same time as the Roman Empire. As indicated in the archival documents of Czarist Russia, the first churches and monasteries opened in Azerbaijani lands were apostolic churches, rather than sectarian as the Armenian Gregorian Church during the occupation.

The Ganjasar (Gandzasar) monastery, built by the Mehrani, who developed entirely on the historical and cultural tradition of Aghvan with its architectural style, church hierarchy, and ritual system, also served as a Christian center of the region for centuries. It is a historical fact admitted by Armenian historians that the Armenian Church, which moved from Cilicia to Echmiadzin in 1441 under the auspices of the Garagoyunlus, another Azerbaijani Turkic state, continued to operate under the religious influence of Ganjasar for a long time. Even in 1766, the Astrakhan diocese decided to submit to Ganjasar (Gandzasar).

However, as the importance of the Echmiadzin Church increased as a consequence of the policy of active use of the Armenian card in Anatolia and the Caucasus, again at the suggestion of an Armenian delegation in Tbilisi in 1836, a czarist decree abolished the Albanian Catholicosate, and the Albanian churches were subordinated to the Armenian Gregorian Church, which paved the way for Armenization games over those monasteries as well.

When Azerbaijan gained independence, the Albanian-Udin Christian community living in Gabala also began to operate vigorously as the heirs of the Albanian rich religious and cultural heritage. At present, several historical Albanian temples, such as the Holy Elysee and the Kish Temple, are subordinate to the community.

It should be noted that the triangular, semicircular crosses one can see there are completely unique to the Albanian churches.

Isn't it a historical irony that Armenia and its patrons, who devastated the cities and villages with all their cultural monuments that existed 27 years ago, tried to give a cultural lesson to Azerbaijan, while the historical and cultural context regarding the Albanian churches in Karabagh is evident, and while in the Islamic era, within the framework of the great Turkish tolerance and the philosophy of “love that which was created for the Creator’s sake,” Turkic states such as the Seljuk, Aghgoyunlu, Garagoyunlu, Safavid, Ottoman and Afshar respectfully preserved all the churches and temples, including the Albanian churches there, up to now?

I wonder what a cunning plan Armenians are pursuing by showing the world images of Azerbaijanis reciting the azan in a church building constructed in 2017 in the occupied Jabrayil region, where not a single Armenian lived from the czarist regime to the Soviets. I felt the need to respond to France, which especially made an unfair hue and cry by relying on Armenian lies, citing the words of famous French historian Jean-Paul Roux.

He wrote in his book "History of the Turks, 2,000 years from the Pacific to the Mediterranean": "The place of the Turks in human history is fundamental, it is impossible to write the history of humanity without giving them a large space, to neglect traces of their great culture from the Taj Mahal in Babur India to the Mostar Bridge in the Ottoman Balkans."

*The writer is the director of the Turkish-Islamic Research Center and a lecturer at Khazar University.

* Opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Anadolu Agency.




Asbarez: ANCA-WR Congratulates Alex Padilla for Appointment to U.S. Senate

December 22,  2020



Alex Padilla, who was named to replace Vice-President-Elect Kamala Harris in the Senate, with ANCA leaders and activists

The ANCA Western Region extends its heartfelt congratulations to Secretary of State Alex Padilla on his appointment to replace Vice President-Elect Kamala Harris in the United States Senate.

Even prior to becoming the youngest person and first Latino elected as President of the Los Angeles City Council in 2001, Secretary Padilla demonstrated his understanding of our community and a commitment to addressing the specific needs of California’s Armenian-American residents.

Following seven years of service in the City Council, Padilla was elected to the California State Senate in 2006 and reelected in 2010. In 2014, the ANCA-WR endorsed his candidacy for the office of CA Secretary of State, where he has since served as the chief election officer for the state. Throughout his tenure of public service, for over two decades, Padilla always made himself and the resources of his offices accessible to the ANCA-WR and its constituency.

“Secretary Padilla has a solid track record of reaching out to California’s Armenian-American community, in order to enhance the level of civic engagement and voter access of a predominantly first-generation immigrant constituency,” remarked ANCA-WR Chair Nora Hovsepian, Esq. “He is a thoughtful and dedicated leader and public servant, and we can think of no one better prepared to represent all Californians, and Armenian-Americans in particular, in the United States Senate. We wish him great success, and we look forward to continuing to work with him to advance the interests of our community, our state, and the United States of America.”

Padilla was a featured speaker at the 2019 ANCA-WR Grassroots Conference. The ANCA Western Region Board has held several one-on-one meetings with him throughout his years in public office and looks forward to maintaining the same friendly and productive relationship with him as a U.S. Senator.

Armenia’s Nuclear Power Plant: A Delicate Solution to the ‘Dark and Cold Days’

December 22,  2020



The first Karabakh War was a territorial conflict that took place from 1988 to 1994 Backed by the Republic of Armenia, the majority-Armenian Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh declared independence from the Azerbaijan. The war ended in an Armenian victory. (Photo by Eurasianet.org)

BY KAMI ARABIAN

In view of the snowy peaks of Mount Ararat—believed to be the resting place of Noah’s Ark—stands the Armenian Nuclear Power Plant. A relic of the Soviet past, the ANPP is a symbol of economic recovery for the Republic of Armenia: overcoming its challenges, the country has become a net-producer of electricity.1 However, experts warn that the ANPP is among the most dangerous facilities in the world due to its many design flaws.

The Soviet Union began construction of the ANPP in the 1970s, with its two reactors being activated in 1976 and 1980 respectively; while the facility seemed promising at first, it was shut down after nine years of use due to a catastrophic earthquake near its vicinity, which had threatened a Chernobyl-level disaster.2

When the Soviet Union dissolved in 1991, the Armenian people became independent for the first time in over 70 years.3 Unfortunately, the newly formed republic faced many challenges from the start, both in a political and economic sense. The compartmentalized nature of its formerly communist economy meant that it relied on its eastern neighbor—the oil-rich Republic of Azerbaijan—for energy; however, with the Soviet authorities out of the picture, there was no one left to facilitate this transfer.4 When a conflict between the two countries over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh resulted in an Armenian victory, Azerbaijan imposed an economic embargo, cutting Armenia off from its previous energy network: the All-Union electrical grid.5,6 Despite their obligations under the World Trade Organization, Azerbaijan’s ethnic kin in the Republic of Turkey imposed a similar embargo.7,8 These conditions culminated in the perfect storm for an energy crisis.

Known to the Armenians as the “Dark and Cold Days,” between 1991 and 1995, Armenia experienced a chronic shortage of electricity.9 With embargoes to the east and west, officials tried to direct a gas pipeline through their northern neighbor—Georgia; however, Georgia’s internal unrest contributed to the failure of this endeavor.10 Armenia depended on its domestically produced hydroelectric power, which devastated the country’s greatest natural resource: Lake Sevan.11 Despite their best efforts, by the winter of 1994, the Armenian people had electricity for 1-2 hours per day, leaving them to rely on candles and firewood to fulfill their needs.12,13,14 As citizens of a post-Soviet republic, the Armenians joked that they had become the first nation in the history of the world to go from the Space Age to the Stone Age.15 These conditions were difficult for all that endured them, spurring the need for dramatic reform.

Children in Armenia huddle around a small furnace for warmth. The winter months were especially challenging, since temperatures in the country typically drop below -5°C. (Photo from Hetq.am)

Faced with mounting pressure, Armenian officials made the difficult decision to restart the Armenia-2 reactor of the ANNP by 1995, the first time in history that this had been accomplished.16 It quickly became a source of power for Armenia’s cities and a source of hope for Armenia’s citizens.

Unfortunately, the reopening of the ANPP brought renewed concerns over a multitude of disastrous design flaws. While the Armenian Ministry of Energy insisted that its upgrades were sufficient, critics directed attention to the fact that the ANPP was constructed near fault lines and lacked containment infrastructure.17 In 2004, the European Union’s envoy called the facility “a danger to the entire region,” while offering a 200-million-euro loan to finance the ANPP’s shutdown; seeing no alternative to the operation of the ANPP, Armenia rejected the offer.18 Years later, citing the ANPP’s “aging infrastructure,” the United States government advocated the construction of a new facility.19 However, of those calling for the closure of the ANPP, no voice has been louder than Turkey, which argues that the station poses a tremendous risk to the entire Caucasus.20 After all, if a Chernobyl-level disaster happened, the fallout would reach a large portion of the global community, most significantly impacting Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Iran. Turkey argues that these countries did not agree to the risk that is being imposed on them, resulting in an externality: while Armenia is the only country to generate electricity from the ANPP, all of its neighbors are equally affected by the potential consequences. The risk associated with operating the ANPP can be understood as a common-pool resource, since there is a finite amount of acceptable risk that countries are willing to take. As Turkey sees it, by operating the ANPP, Armenia has taken more than its fair share; however, for the Armenians, this choice is rational. To them, the risk-benefit ratio seems to skew in favor of operating the ANPP, seeing that the only alternative is to live in the dark. “The Armenian people fear a return to the ‘Dark and Cold Days’ more than the public health risks that come with using the ANPP,” explains Dr. Alina Dorian, Associate Dean for Public Health Practice at the University of California Los Angeles.21 Having suffered the bone-chilling years for herself, Dr. Dorian warns of the impact that their return could have on Armenia.

Electricity production in Armenia in 2019 (Graph by Kami Arabian, Source: IAEA Energy and World Databank)

In order to achieve an equitable solution to this issue, the ANPP must continue to attract multinational investment in its safety. Prior offers, such as the one made by the EU in 2004, have failed, since Armenia is unwilling to permanently decommission what it views as critical infrastructure. This scenario is unrealistic because, in the absence of the ANPP, Armenia has no means of delivering electricity to its citizens. Nuclear energy accounts for nearly 30% of the country’s total production, so a viable solution must recognize its inevitable dependence on the ANPP.22 After a promising outcome in the International Atomic Energy Agency’s “Safety Aspect of Long-Term Operation” inspection in 2018, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan expressed his intention to extend the ANPP’s lifetime to 2040.23 Rather than immediately decommission the facility, Armenia is wise to pursue upgrades that will extend the operating lifetime of the ANPP, until the development of a replacement unit is complete.

This approach benefits all parties by solving the issue of externalities. If the existing facility is properly upgraded, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Iran can rest assured that no transnational Chernobyl-level disaster will occur near their borders. The global community has a vested interest in the safe operation of the ANPP, so these countries are likely to welcome any changes that will reduce its risks. As for the Armenian people, this solution ensures that the “Dark and Cold Days” will never return. Nuclear energy has the potential to supply power to Armenian cities for decades to come in a manner that is environmentally responsible. Unlike its neighbors, Armenia does not possess oil or natural gas reserves; however, this allows the country to justify investment into alternative, clean or renewable sources.24 In addition to this, expanding the country’s nuclear sector is likely to produce more opportunities for employment in the high-technology industry. Coupled with the use of clean energy, these employment opportunities would facilitate sustainable development in Armenia, which is vital for the long-term viability of the nation’s economy.

While many have called to decommission the ANPP, a realistic solution to the issue must consider the interests of all parties, including the Armenian people. If the facility is taken offline, Armenia would experience a return to the much-dreaded “Dark and Cold Days;” however, by investing in the safety of the ANPP, the international community can ensure that Armenia has a reliable source of energy, while imposing minimal risk upon its neighbors.

Notes

  1. “The World Factbook: Armenia.” Central Intelligence Agency. Accessed November 30, 2020. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/am.html.
  2. “Nuclear Power in Armenia.” World Nuclear Association. Accessed November 30, 2020. https://www.world-nuclear.org/information-library/country-profiles/countries-a-f/armenia.aspx.
  3. “A Guide to the United States’ History of Recognition, Diplomatic, and Consular Relations, by Country, since 1776: Armenia.” Office of the Historian. U.S. Department of State. Accessed November 30, 2020. https://history.state.gov/countries/armenia.
  4. Erlich, Reese, and Steve Curwood. “Armenia’s Energy Crisis.” Living on Earth. National Public Radio, November 12, 1993. Accessed November 30, 2020. https://www.loe.org/shows/segments.html?programID=93-P13-00046&segmentID=1#:~:text=The%20pipelines%20and%20rail%20cars,to%20find%20reliable%20energy%20sources.
  5. Kofman, Michael, and Thomas de Waal. “Perspectives: Armenia’s Military Position in Nagorno-Karabakh Grows Precarious.” Eurasianet, October 24, 2020. https://eurasianet.org/perspectives-armenias-military-position-in-nagorno-karabakh-grows-precarious.
  6. “Armenia.” International Atomic Energy Agency, 2013. Accessed November 30, 2020. https://www-pub.iaea.org/mtcd/publications/pdf/cnpp2013_cd/countryprofiles/Armenia/Armenia.htm.
  7. “General Obligations and Disciplines.” World Trade Organization. Accessed November 30, 2020. https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/serv_e/2-obdis_e.htm.
  8. Hale, William M. Turkish Foreign Policy. Routledge, 2000, p. 273.
  9. Hovhannisyan, Karen. “Sustainable development and energy security in Armenia: a step towards dilemma.” Lund University, 2003, p. 33.
  10. 10. Sargsyan, Gevorg, Ani Balabanyan, and Denzel Hankinson. “From Crisis to Stability in the Armenian Power Sector: Lessons Learned from Armenia’s Energy Reform Experience.” Open Knowledge Repository. World Bank, 2006. Accessed November 30, 2020. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/6987?show=full.
  11. 11. Hovanesian, Rafael, and Harry Bronozian. “Restoration and management of Lake Sevan in Armenia: problems and prospects.” Lake and Reservoir Management 9, no. 1 (1994.: 178-182.
  12. 12. Haroutounian, Vrej. “Armenia: The Dark Years of Independence.” Hetq.am, September 1, 2015. https://hetq.am/en/article/62353.
  13. 13.Personal communication with Alvina Mkrtumyan, a resident of Yerevan, Armenia between 1991 and 1995; interview conducted on November 18, 2020.
  14. 14. Lavelle, Marianne, and Josie Garthwaite. “Is Armenia’s Nuclear Plant the World’s Most Dangerous?” National Geographic, April 14, 2011. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/news/energy/2011/04/110412-most-dangerous-nuclear-plant-armenia/
  15. 15. Personal communication with Razmig Arabian, a resident of Yerevan, Armenia between 1991 and 1995; interview conducted on November 21, 2020.
  16. 16. Gleason, John M. “Decision to Reactivate a First-Generation Soviet Nuclear Power Plant: Conceptual and Decision-Analytic Frameworks.” Risk 8 (1997.: 39.
  17. 17. Nadirov, Rauf, and Ogtay Rzayev. “The Metsamor nuclear power plant in the active tectonic zone of Armenia is a potential Caucasian Fukushima.” Journal of Geoscience and Environment Protection 5, no. 4 (2017.: 46-55.
  18. 18. Magdashian, Peter. “Armenia: A Nuclear Standoff.” Institute for War and Peace Reporting, February 18, 2004. https://iwpr.net/global-voices/armenia-nuclear-standoff.
  19. 19. “USAID Launches a New Energy Program in Armenia.” U.S. Agency for International Development, January 29, 2019. https://www.usaid.gov/armenia/press-release/usaid-launches-new-energy-program-in-armenia.
  20. 20. Kindap, Tayfun, and Shu-Hua Chen. “Threat to Turkey from Potential Accidents at the Soviet-Designed Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant, Armenia: Tracer and Trajectory Analyses and Episode Studies.” In Proceedings of the 10th International Conference on Harmonisation within Atmospheric Dispersion Modelling for Regulatory Purpose, 2005, pp. 551-555. 2005.
  21. 21. Personal communication with Dr. Alina Dorian, Associate Dean for Public Health Practice at the University of California Los Angeles; interview conducted on November 26, 2020.
  22. 22. “Armenia.” International Atomic Energy Agency, 2020. https://cnpp.iaea.org/countryprofiles/Armenia/Armenia.htm.
  23. 23. “Nuclear Power in Armenia.”
  24. 24. “Armenia,” 2020.

Kami Arabian is a recent graduate of Rose and Alex Pilibos. Currently, he is pursuing a double major in environmental studies and government with a minor in Middle Eastern studies at Dartmouth College in Hanover, New Hampshire.