Category: 2021
Opposition party leader: Azerbaijan keeping Armenian POWs in prisons and discussing transport communications
CivilNet: 4 Points Signed by Pashinyan, Putin and Aliyev on January 11
The following is an English translation of the joint statement signed by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in Moscow on . This is the second statement signed by the three leaders after the end of the Second Karabakh War. The first trilateral statement, signed on November 9, 2020, is available here: 9 Points Signed by Aliyev, Pashinyan, Putin on Karabakh
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Statement by the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia and the President of the Russian Federation.
We, the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan I. Aliyev, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia N. V. Pashinyan and the President of the Russian Federation V. V. Putin announce the following:
1. For the purpose of implementing the 9th point of the November 9, 2020 statement, which refers to the unblocking of all economic and transport links in the region, we support Russian Federation President V.V. Putin's proposal to create a trilateral Working Group under the joint chairmanship of the Deputy Prime Ministers of the Republic of Armenia, the Russian Federation and the Republic of Azerbaijan.
2. The Working Group will hold its first meeting before January 30, 2021, based on which it will list the main areas of work that are needed for the implementation of the statement's 9th point. Rail and road connections will be prioritized. Other areas agreed by the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Republic of Armenia and the Russian Federation (hereinafter referred to as the "Parties") will be defined.
3. In order to implement the activities, the Co-Chairs of the Working Group will approve the creation of area-specific expert subgroups, which will include representatives from Parties' authorized bodies and officials from organizations. Within one month after the meeting of the Working Group, in order to implement and receive approval at the highest level by the Parties, the expert subgroups will submit a list of projects that will include the necessary resources and measures.
4. By March 1, 2021, the Working Group will submit to the Parties, for approval at the highest level, a timetable and a list of measures to be taken for the organization, implementation, and rehabilitation and construction of new transport infrastructure facilities necessary to ensure security of international transport both through the territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia – regarding those which will require intersecting / crossing the territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia.
CivilNet: Putin Meets with Pashinyan and Aliyev in Moscow
✓Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan meets with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow.
✓On January 10, bodies of 14 Armenian servicemen were found and removed from Kovsakan (Zangilan).
✓More than a thousand Artsakh citizens live in temporary apartments in different regions of Armenia.
✓Armenia’s President Armen Sarkissian says that every Armenian must take responsibility for the country’s destiny.
CivilNet: What Lists of the Armenian Dead Tell Us About the War
By Emil Sanamyan
The Armenian Health Ministry has examined nearly 3,400 remains of servicemen and civilians killed since September 27. This number includes most of the nearly 1,200 remains recovered from the battlefield and Azerbaijani-occupied portions of Artsakh since the November 10 cease-fire. So far, only about 2,000 of those killed have been identified in lists published by the Artsakh Defense Army, the Police, the Soldiers’ Insurance Fund, and the office of the governor of Syunik.
While all of the lists contain inaccuracies and inconsistencies – with a number of individuals mentioned more than once, some names misspelled and some dates of death contradicted by other accounts – the publications nevertheless help illuminate some key aspects of the war, obscured by the war-time government propaganda.
About half of the 2,000 names published are of army conscripts born between the late 1990s and 2002. Most of the rest are of the army officers and active duty contracted personnel. The names published also include about 200 reservists, about 150 volunteers, some 75 police / police forces and about 50 national security / border guard personnel. This seems to confirm previous reports that the regular army received limited additional support in terms of mobilized reserves.
Among senior officers killed were two deputy commanders of the Artsakh Defense Army Col. Artur Sargsyan and Col. Hovanes Avagyan. Also killed was Col. Vahagn Asatryan, commander of Armenia’s special forces brigade, Col. Vyacheslav Voskovsky, commander of the air force squadron, as well as Col. Gegham Gabrielyan, Col. Ashot Ghazaryan and Col. Sergey Shakaryan, deputy commanders of the Defense Army’s southern division. Also among those killed are Col. Artyom Mirzoyan and Col. Vahe Atabekyan of the Armenian police.
Voskovsky’s is among dozens of non-Armenian names in the list. Others include Maj. Valery Danelin, another pilot of mixed Russian-Armenian descent; contracted serviceman Yevgeny Gorodnichiy; volunteer Rudik Sarkhoshev, draftees Ivan Avdishoyev, Grigor Lemeshko and Aleksandr Nechayev, as well as a number of Yezidi Kurdish draftees and volunteers.
Among the dead are four Diaspora repatriates: three from Syria and one, Kristapor Artin, originally from Lebanon, having moved to Armenia from Canada in 2011; all four were part of the Dashnak volunteer detachment.
The oldest person listed as killed in combat is the first Karabakh war veteran, 71-year-old volunteer Viktor Isunts.
The lists also help identify the costliest days of the war for the Armenian side: September 27 – the first day of attack; October 2 – the fighting for Mrav, Talish and Madagis; October 9-10 – following the unsuccessful Armenian counterattack in the south of Karabakh; and October 13-14 – as Armenian forces attempted to break out of the encirclement in Hadrut.
The lists suggest that most of the fighting after mid-October was on the smaller scale, with a few possible exceptions: the defense of the Fizuli garrison on October 18-19, the defense of Martuni and Karmir Shuka on October 28 and the unsuccessful attempt to retake Shushi on November 7.
These findings are preliminary and are based on incomplete information.
This article was originally published on Focus on Karabakh.
First meeting of Armenian, Azerbaijani leaders since war – what to expect? Commentary
Armenpress: Putin discusses Karabakh with government officials ahead of Moscow summit
Putin discusses Karabakh with government officials ahead of Moscow summit
08:11,
YEREVAN, JANUARY 11, ARMENPRESS. President of Russia Vladimir Putin held a consultation with government officials ahead of the upcoming meeting with the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, the Kremlin reported.
The Russian foreign minister, defense minister, FSS chief and intelligence chief and others took part in the discussion on “the settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict and issues related to the situation in South Caucasus.”
“The issue of ensuring the peace process of the Nagorno Karabakh resolution and overall the situation in Southern Caucasus has an international nature,” the Kremlin said in a news release.
Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan
Azerbaijan grossly violates international human rights mandates and standards – Ombudsman
10:01,
YEREVAN, JANUARY 11, ARMENPRESS. Human Rights Defender of Armenia Arman Tatoyan has issued a statement, noting that Azerbaijan is grossly violating the international human rights mandates and standards, including the November 10 trilateral statement regarding the issue of prisoners of war.
The statement says:
“On December 28, 2020, the Permanent Representative of Azerbaijan to the United Nations (UN) addressed a letter to the UN Secretary-General. The letter was distributed to the UN General Assembly and the Security Council.
The letter contains issues related to the citizens of the Republic of Armenia who are being held captive in Azerbaijan, and their respective rights. Thus, the Human Rights Defender of Armenia considers it necessary to address those parts of the letter. In particular:
- Paragraph 6 of the appendix to the letter of the Permanent Representative of Azerbaijan to the UN states, that within the framework of the anti-terrorist measure, the Azerbaijani authorities “found” 62 Armenian servicemen, who were drafted mainly from Shirak, and who are currently “detained” and are under “investigation” in Azerbaijan.
The letter refers to the Armenian servicemen as members of a subversive group of the Armenian Armed Forces and, it mentions that they were sent to the "Lachin region of Azerbaijan" ostensibly to carry out terrorist acts against Azerbaijani personnel and civilians.
Then, among other issues, the representative of Azerbaijan, mainly using the segment about the referenced Armenian servicemen held captive in Azerbaijan, made political conclusions, including proposing to the UN, that it take certain actions against Armenia. The letter concludes on the same premise that Armenia has violated the trilateral statement signed by Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, on November 10, 2020.
- The Human Rights Defender of Armenia hereby states, that it is absolutely reprehensible to link the issue of Armenian servicemen in captivity in Azerbaijan with territorial issues, and to improperly politicize such issue. This affront grossly violates the post-war humanitarian processes and the international human rights mandates and standards.
Like the 62 Armenian servicemen referred to in the Azeri letter, all of the other Armenian servicemen are also prisoners of war. They were in their places and positions at the time of their “detention” solely in their lawful course and scope, and for the purpose of performing their legal duties, to serve in the army. They must be released and returned to Armenia without any preconditions. This conclusion is based on the results of the monitoring and investigation of the Human Rights Defender of Armenia and is supported by sound and incontrovertible evidence.
Therefore, initiating criminal proceedings against the 62 Armenian servicemen in captivity in Azerbaijan, detaining them, and in particular, calling them “terrorists,” is a gross violation of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in general. They may not be prosecuted or detained for participating in the hostilities. These are requirements that are specifically enshrined in the 1949 Third Geneva Convention.
- The Human Rights Defender of Armenia also considers it necessary to make a special report on the politicization of human rights by Azerbaijan, and the humanitarian issues ripened by its misconduct in the post-war process, all of which are impermissible under international norms and standards.
The return or release of prisoners is independent of any political process.
This must be ensured immediately after the cessation of hostilities.
This is a universally applicable automatic requirement that exists in international law in every case, whether or not it is enshrined in specific conflict resolution documents.
Therefore, point 8 of the tripartite declaration of November 10, 2020 has an autonomous meaning and should act exclusively with an autonomous interpretation. In any case, it should not be considered in connection with, or with dependence on, other points of that announcement.
- It is absolutely inappropriate to interpret the November 10 tripartite statement as if it applies only to the situation before the signing of that statement. Such an approach grossly violates human rights and the post-war humanitarian process.
The referenced statement should be discussed in the framework of both before November 10, and all the situations that arose after it, and for as long a period as there is an objective need for the protection of human rights and the humanitarian process due to the aftermath of hostilities.
Moreover, the Human Rights Defender notes that, in practice, there have already been cases when the Azerbaijani armed forces captured Armenians after the November 10 tripartite statement, but they later were returned to Armenia.
- It is a matter of fundamental importance that the Azerbaijani authorities are delaying the return of 62 Armenian prisoners of war by distorting the legal process, and by artificially labeling them with the status of “suspects” or “an accused,” and are using detention as a form of punishment.
Inasmuch as international humanitarian law prohibits unjustified delays in the release of prisoners of war, and it considers any such delay as constituting a “war crime,” it is clear to the Human Rights Defender that the Azerbaijani authorities are unquestionably abusing legal processes to achieve their goals. Their conduct is contrary to international laws and norms.
This behavior of the Azerbaijani authorities directly contradicts the intentions of the parties who are the signatories to the trilateral statement executed on November 10th.
The point is, that based on the requirement of point 8 of that statement, the Republic of Armenia has already transferred to Azerbaijan, perpetrators of crimes in Artsakh, including two convicted murderers of civilians. Azerbaijan has also handed over Armenia, some Armenians who were “formally” convicted in that country on the same principle.
Therefore, the above also makes it rather obvious that, even by initiating criminal proceedings and making the Armenian servicemen suspects or labeling each of them as an accused, the delay in the return of the captives is not only quite obviously artificial, it is also a clear abuse of legal processes; and, it violates not only international humanitarian law, but also the November 10 trilateral statement and the intentions of the parties that signed it.
- The research and the results of the investigation of the Human Rights Defender of Armenia continue to consistently confirm that the Azerbaijani authorities initially artificially delayed the release of the captives of the Armenian side, and otherwise deprived them of their liberty, and continue to avoid announcing the real number of the Armenians in captivity.
Moreover, the evidence gathered by the Human Rights Defender's Office confirms that their number is higher than that which the Azerbaijani authorities have thus far confirmed (referring to the already returned 44 prisoners).
The Human Rights Defender has registered numerous cases when, despite the overwhelming evidence confirmed by videos and other evidence, the Azerbaijani authorities deny people access to them and/or delay the approval process for visitations.
Studies have already shown that all of this is being done to cause mental suffering to the families of the captives and to the Armenian society in general, to play with the emotions of the Armenian society, and to keep the atmosphere tense. This applies equally to prisoners of war and civilians.
- The absolute urgency of the issue of the release of prisoners should be considered in the context of the organized policy of propaganda of anti-Armenianism and hostility in Azerbaijan.
The reports published by the Human Rights Defender of Armenia, which are based on objective evidence, confirm the deep roots of the anti-Armenian policy in Azerbaijan, the encouragement of hostility and atrocities by the Azerbaijani authorities, and even by their cultural figures.
This issue is closely related to the letter of the Permanent Representative of Azerbaijan to the UN, in the sense that the Armenian servicemen, first of all, protected the rights of their compatriot Armenians, as well as protection of their health, property and other vital necessities. This issue is especially important against the background of the war crimes and crimes against humanity, the mass destruction of peaceful settlements in Artsakh, all of which were committed by the Azerbaijani armed forces; and, such similar acts are still being committed.
- I, therefore, call to the attention of the United Nations and other international human rights bodies all of the issues addressed in this Declaration.
- The highest authorities of Armenia should take into account the circumstances referenced in this statement of the Human Rights Defender when engaged in any negotiations.
Based on these principles, the highest bodies of the Armenian government must act in such a way, and with such guarantees, that the return of our compatriots to the Homeland is ensured within the framework of the humanitarian and human rights processes”.
Towards the "Fourth Republic" – Armenian President publishes article
10:18,
YEREVAN, JANUARY 11, ARMENPRESS. President of Armenia Armen Sarkissian has published an article “on the inevitability of building a substantive state”, the Presidential Office told Armenpress.
Armenpress presents the article:
“The opportunity of restoring the Armenian statehood was the dream of our people for the last few centuries. It stemmed not only from the need for having a national home to preserve own culture, identity, and history, but also from the desire to be able to master our own destiny. This had been the mission of our ancestors, who practically did the impossible: in the absence of statehood, subject to cruel and bloody trials of history, they preserved the ground, the sense of being Armenians – Armenia- and further enriched the Armenian civilization.
Our ancestors left a great heritage and hoped that we would be able to pass it to future generations in a completely different qualitative form.
The history of international relations shows that small countries often fall victim to the interests of big powers, as it happened with Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Those nations managed to build high-quality systemic states, were able to thoughtfully analyze the causes of their failures and sufferings, and work to correct their own mistakes, work out clear visions and development programs. Such states have the capability to meet their citizens' internal needs and protect them from external threats. They can also create conditions which allow to compete with regional and even big powers, merge their own interests with theirs or even become a true and valuable ally.
Such examples exist and they prove that through the right policy, diplomacy and governance even the nations, which do not possess ample natural resources, can start as soldiers but rise to kings.
Today, we are experiencing yet another moment of all-national psychological depression. Whether we will be able to overcome it and establish new principles to build our future depend on us only.
Current failures are nothing but the result of once unresolved, deep-rooted problems, which were accumulating over the last three decades. We all, from top to bottom, apparently have no desire to take a substantive responsibility for our own destiny. And it is not about the lack of criticism, but rather its formal nature. Just like before, we are looking for special footholds and "rescuers" – individuals or countries who will be able to take us in the right direction which will ultimately lead to prosperity and security. In this frantic search, we completely forget that this path is right in front of our eyes and is called the independent Republic of Armenia.
Our millennial dream came true: we have our home, at last, our flag, our coat-of-arms, and our anthem. Finally, we are able to be Armenians in the Armenian state recognized by the international community. For the first time in the course of centuries, Armenians did not lose their territories, but regained historical territories in the 1990s during the war imposed by the adversary many times superior to us its resources. We managed to do that because dreams and dedication were our driving forces. They were filled with the insane energy; every Armenian particle anywhere in the world was maximally charged to achieve the national goal.
Subsequent events showed how much we underestimated that gift of history in reality. Instead of building a substantive state and national construction projects, based on the successful examples of small countries and peoples, we mostly engaged ourselves with imitating activities. The basis of internal immunity, i.e. foundations of the effective system of public administration based on the actual division of responsibilities between the executive, legislative, and judiciary branches, was not laid. It is this model that shapes any society and educates its citizens, which is the core value of any government. Such a citizen can appreciate the significance of being able to vote and being elected. And most importantly, such a citizen will be responsible for his or her own choice, the surroundings, and the country. The absence of such a system is an unacceptable luxury for the countries in difficult and geographically limited conditions.
For the past years, we have not conducted a pan-Armenian inventory to understand what is, for example, the real resource base for elaborating long-term development models for the economy, high technology, military and industrial complex, science, education, and healthcare. That is why we did not have vitally important and efficient strategic concepts of defense policy and security of demography, information, and food. After gaining independence, we did not fill it with specific content.
There is no need to go far for examples. In 1994, we liberated Artsakh, but up to September 27, 2020 we did not have a clear vision of the political future of Artsakh. There were only tactics of preventing a new war through diplomacy, doomed from the very beginning. For twenty years, our adversary asserted that it would not allow a second Armenian state in the Caucasus, acquired modern weapons, engaged in active international lobbying, and established networks of influence around the world for one purpose. For what? The question is rhetorical because the answer is very clear.
We lost at the moment we believed the mission to return Artsakh was over. We did not pay enough attention to the real guarantees of Artsakh's development and strengthening: the population growth (population of Artsakh remained the same for the past three decades), and the improvement of the art of war, armament renewal and equipment. We got relaxed and continued to live as if there were no serious challenges or threats. Of course, the victory in the Artsakh war became an integral part of our identity, and it is obvious that the most terrible consequence today is the crisis of self-perception. The Armenians woke up, lived, worked, and went to bed with the feeling that they were part of a victorious nation. Now, in a search of the answer, they ask, "Who am I now?"
We lost the information war, both externally and internally. For years, we indulged in wishful thinking. These lies had crept everywhere, threatening the national security. In that imaginary world, we supposedly had an organized state, a modern economy and science, a strong army, a democratic society, and free press, but in reality the picture was completely different. We had only managed to deceive ourselves, and thus had already signed the defeat statement.
To throw off all this, we need immense efforts, willpower, and courage to look into the eyes of the bitter reality.
We are in a difficult situation, but we cannot allow Armenia, Artsakh and the Diaspora feel defeated.
There is a golden rule in politics for all times: never say never. Yes, we have lost today on the battlefield and on the external front, for which the current government must be held accountable. However, other challenges await us, both domestically and internationally. To preserve our statehood and to take it to a fundamentally new level, we must put our emotions aside and start the difficult, and unpleasant, but essential work on ourselves, giving it first priority.
Today, we (and first and foremost, the government that has taken responsibility for its own citizens and Armenians of the world) must acknowledge the existence of a deep political, economic, social and psychological crisis. Citizens have every moral right to demand concrete, timely and meaningful answers on the ways-out of the crisis from the members of the National Assembly elected by them, the government and prime minister.
The President of the Republic also has his role and responsibility.
The division of the society can lead to catastrophic consequences; thus, the country and the people need treatment. The only logical and civilized prescription is off-year elections in reasonable terms with necessary amendments to the Electoral Code and Constitution, which will allow to start the real process of state building from scratch. Until then, a government of national accord must be formed with the help of the institute of the president, one of the legitimate, balanced and impartial branches of power. I see the main mission of that government in achieving three goals.
Firstly, the elimination of immediate consequences of the war: return of all prisoners, hostages and displaced persons, proper treatment and care of the injured, repair of destroyed homes and apartments, provision of normal living conditions, and accommodation for the homeless.
Secondly, creation and implementation of a roadmap to bring the country out of the political and economic crisis.
Thirdly, the reform of the normative and legal framework, providing the necessary conditions for the early elections in reasonable terms, i.e., reforms of the Electoral Code, the law on political parties and, of course, the Constitution. Proceeding from this, the government should be composed of professionals and experts who specialize in specific areas.
I would like to repeat, there is no need to look for "saviors of the nation" or exceptional personalities. The country should be governed by institutions, a system of checks and balances should operate between the branches of power. All citizens, without exception, should respect the law and follow it. Otherwise, we will find ourselves in permanent crises.
The Law in capital letters and following it are the basis of any healthy society and strong state, the guarantee of development and survival. It is on this basis that our political culture must be built. There is no other formula for building a stable state.
Under a parliamentary system of government, the institute of the President is symbolic or formal in appearance, but internally it can be a lifebuoy in any political crisis. As the head of the state and follower of the Constitution, the institute of the President can become the irreplaceable platform where the constitutional ways-out and mechanisms for overcoming the crisis will be formed through a dialogue. The question is: is our Constitution ideal? The answer is one: no, like the constitution of any country. Everywhere in the world, there are ongoing debates and discussions about changing the basic laws of their countries. As a citizen of the Republic of Armenia, I have my opinion on the shortcomings of our Constitution, but as the President of the Republic, I am obliged to follow the letter of the Law. We can give in to emotions, but all political demands must be carried out within the law.
The “Third Republic of Armenia” is a thing of the past, we are facing a new reality that forces us to be very sober, accountable and purposeful. The national carelessness, disorganization, disorder and inconsistency, the false agendas, ideas and approaches that have accompanied us in recent decades must be thrown into the archives of history.
Unfortunately, to date there is no complete perception of the real scale of the dramatic events in Armenia and the Armenian world, and its causes and consequences. We need to understand that a new page of history begins for us with its challenges, and this time with an exceptional imperative to make no mistakes, and to act competently and professionally.
No matter what we call that new page: "New Page", "Restart", "A New Beginning", "The Fourth Republic" or otherwise, the reality is that we are entering a new stage of history.
After the nationwide shock caused by the war and the obligatory transition phase, we must undertake the construction of a new state, conventionally called the "Fourth Republic" in this article.
The change of power in 2018 could have been the beginning of a new phase in our history, for which there were sufficient grounds for people’s unification, enthusiasm and support, but it became the end of the previous phase, without offering a new ideology.
The defeat in the last war was the defeat of that system, not of the soldiers, the people and the nation.
The "Fourth Republic" must become the new ideological, conceptual and substantive basis of our people. The emphasis will be placed on the quality of the state, which requires a radical overhaul of the system of interrelations with our compatriots around the world. Geopolitical perceptions, politics, economy, security, military-industrial complex, medicine, science and education are created by people, and today we are in dire need of the best specialists.
There is no lack of prominent Armenians and never has been; we need to stop just being proud of their existence, and make them part of our state’s reality. For that, it is enough to remove the artificially created Berlin Walls (which are in the Constitution and in the laws) between Armenia and the Armenian communities. Having a lot of experience in communicating with our Diaspora, I can speak with confidence about their huge potential. I shall repeat that in order to discover and use that potential effectively, we need a state systemic approach and proper governance.
Hard work is expected, but I do not doubt the final success. The main thing is that everyone should believe in it and participate in the work of bringing that day closer within their abilities and opportunities.
We do not have time and chance to think long. The time has come for cold-hearted, quick and effective actions to create an efficient, disciplined and organized modern country based on new technologies and thinking, the FUTURE ARMENIA, ready to meet the challenges of the 21st century.
The ways to reach it will be discussed in the future”.
Another modular camp installed in Nagorno Karabakh for Russian peacekeepers
10:34,
YEREVAN, JANUARY 11, ARMENPRESS. Another modular camp has been installed in Nagorno Karabakh for the Russian peacekeepers.
The camp has been built in Berdashen for the accomodation of 60 Russian peacekeepers, the Russian defense ministry reports.
Earlier two similar camps have been installed in Stepanakert and Getavan for the Russian peacekeeping contingent.
Each camp has a gym, bathhouse, a first-aid post, etc.
Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan