Greek, Cypriot and Armenian forces complete Special Precision Snipers 2021 joint training

Dec 20 2021
by ATHENS BUREAU

A Special Precision Sniper (ESEA) joint training was carried from 6-7 December 2021 in Cyprus with the participation of forces from the Expedition Administration in the framework of the Tripartite Cooperation Program between Cyprus, Greece and Armenia.

The purpose of the joint training was to increase combat capability in the organisation, design and execution of ESEA missions.

In particular, the subjects of the training include the regular use of snipers, shots fired from medium and long distances, operational shots based on hypothetical scenarios and execution of Regular Exercise After Troops (TAMS), under the name “ESEA – 2021”.

The participation of Cypriot National Guard snipers in co-training gives the opportunity for gaining additional experiences and contributes to the increase of the operational possibilities of the special operations teams.

In addition, in combination with the implementation of the Tripartite Cooperation Program between Greece, Cyprus and Armenia, they reflect the excellent cooperation between the Armed Forces of the three countries.

https://greekcitytimes.com/2021/12/20/greek-cypriot-armenian-forces/

Azerbaijan’s pro-government media: Just following orders

EurasiaNet.org
Dec 20 2021
Dec 20, 2021

Every day, sometimes multiple times a day, editors at news outlets in Azerbaijan get identical WhatsApp messages, usually with a file attached labeled: “Recommendations.”

For example, on a recent day it was about Iran. Baku and Tehran were suffering through a period of heightened tensions, and Azerbaijan’s government was trying to thread a needle: stand up to what it saw as aggression from its much larger neighbor, without letting things escalate too far.

So Azerbaijan’s media got specific instructions. 

A screenshot of a message "recommending" how journalists cover the meeting with Iran's president.

“Based on President Ilham Aliyev's speech on Iran, it is requested to expand the campaign on Iran-Armenia relations, drug trafficking, and looting of the occupied territories [in and around Nagorno-Karabakh] by these two countries,” went one October 15 message, hours after Aliyev had spoken at a video summit of the Commonwealth of Independent States. 

A few hours later, media agencies got another message. This time they were asked to be careful with their wording: no expressions that insult the “honor and dignity” of Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. There should be no mention of “South Azerbaijan,” as Azerbaijani nationalists refer to the northern provinces of Iran, populated heavily by ethnic Azerbaijanis. Media should use “hard logic and facts” to make the case that “instead of making false accusations against Azerbaijan, Iran should apologize.”

Azerbaijan’s media got to work immediately, airing all sorts of never-before-voiced accusations against Tehran. 

The news agency APA published a lengthy piece detailing Iranian companies’ involvement in Armenia’s long occupation of Azerbaijani territory. The Trend News Agency followed up with an interview with member of parliament Javid Gasimov in which he alleged that Iran had been sowing “drug plantations” for 30 years on Armenian-occupied Azerbaijani territory. Another state-affiliated media outlet, Axar, quoted an analyst who claimed that Iran had used Karabakh not only for drug trafficking but for money laundering. 

None mentioned Khamenei specifically, or “South Azerbaijan.” 

These sorts of messages from above arrive regularly, instructing Azerbaijan’s media every day on what to cover, and how. Eurasianet obtained a cache of the messages, which provide unique insight into how the state’s tight control over the media works. 

It’s not clear where the messages originate; the versions Eurasianet obtained had been forwarded from the original source. But journalists familiar with the instructions told Eurasianet, on condition of anonymity, that they believed they came from the office of the president. 

On September 20, a week before the one-year anniversary of the start of the war with Armenia, “we ask you to produce materials and start public discussions with a tempo increasing every day,” the message read. “The keywords are ‘Victorious Azerbaijani people’ and ‘Triumphant Supreme Commander-in-Chief.’”

Then, as the one-year anniversary of Azerbaijan’s victory approached, the tone was again to gradually change: “From November 1 to November 7, the policy is to significantly reduce the sad content (crying and so on) and to reorient toward Victory Day.”

On August 26, media were requested to exhaustively cover the birthday of first lady and first vice president Mehriban Aliyeva, “but without the effect being artificial,” it clarified. 

On October 16, following a controversial rise in household utility prices, journalists were given the names and phone numbers of government energy officials to interview. 

Often the instructions are on what not to cover. When Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan was visiting Azerbaijan with Aliyev, he made a joke about the fact that Jahangir Asgarov, the president of Azerbaijan’s flagship airline AZAL who was accompanying the two leaders, did not have a moustache. The exchange was captured on video but shortly after, media got a message: “Please do not broadcast the mustache joke […] that part of the video can be presented on social media by making that section inaudible.”

When Aliyev was interviewed by Italian newspaper La Repubblica, he was asked about an investigative report, known as the Pandora Papers, that detailed his family members’ and associates’ vast real estate holdings in London. Aliyev parried the question, and the transcript was accurately recorded on his website. But the media were requested to ignore it: “Hello, please do not highlight the part about the ‘Pandora papers’ in President Ilham Aliyev’s interview with the Italian newspaper La Repubblica in headlines and stories.” 

Azerbaijan is far from the only country whose government tries to steer media coverage. In Georgia, government representatives are known to have cozy relationships with heads of friendly media, speaking to them regularly by phone and communicating on Facebook messenger groups. In Armenia’s pre-revolution days, the president’s office also spoke regularly with affiliated media to discuss coverage; the current government doesn’t have as many ties with the press, but it too has been steadily increasing control over media since taking over in 2018.

The difference in Azerbaijan is the formalization of the process, and the fact that there are very few outlets that aren’t subject to the instructions.

Until the 2000s, media was relatively diverse in Azerbaijan, expressing a wide variety of perspectives, said Khaled Aghaly, a lawyer specializing in Azerbaijani media law. But the government has over the years steadily cracked down on independent media, while building up a network of friendly media outlets. 

“The result of this policy is that the government is now able to control broadcasting and other media outlets that are most influential in influencing public opinion in Azerbaijan,” Aghaly told Eurasianet. “Unfortunately, [government] media policy in Azerbaijan is to spread content that praises the government, praises what it does, and promotes it to the public.”

Occasionally, the wires get crossed.

A message sent out on October 7 was related to a proposal to switch around the country’s national holidays. The new calendar would mark May 28 as Independence Day and October 18 as Restoration of Independence Day. 

The proposal was a controversial one, as it involved sensitive political reinterpretations of the country’s history. May 28 had been marked as Republic Day; it was the anniversary of the founding of the first Azerbaijan Republic in 1918. October 18 had previously been Independence Day; it was the anniversary of the declaration of independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. 

Many in Azerbaijan’s current opposition believe the government tries to downplay the legacy of the first republic for political reasons, and the holiday rearrangement was seen in that light. 

“The government's goal in these matters is clear. Their goal is to erase from history the struggle for independence in which the Aliyevs did not participate,” Arif Hadjili, the leader of the opposition Musavat party, told Berlin-based news outlet Meydan TV. 

But media were to explain it another way. 

In a lengthy explanation of the logic behind the new calendar, the message argued that it would “ensure a clearer and more pronounced _expression_ of the political and legal succession between the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the modern Republic of Azerbaijan.” It continued: “It also fully refutes the Armenian argument that the former Nagorno-Karabakh Republic was never part of the independent Republic of Azerbaijan and gained independence as a result of the September 2, 1991 referendum.”

Several state-affiliated media simply copy-pasted the text and published it on their website, but with varying attributions.

The news agency APA published the text, word-for-word, as coming from the mouth of member of parliament Ziyafat Asgarov. The next day, another news site part of the APA group, Lent.az, published the text verbatim as well, this time attributing part of it to Asgarov and another part to a historian, Boran Aziz.

And it kept coming. A week later, the identical text appeared in the state-owned newspaper Sas purportedly written by another MP, Ceyhun Mammadov. Then, in the news website Telegraf, it was attributed to yet another MP, Konul Nurullayeva. 

“The MP believes that” the new holiday schedule would “‘ensure a clearer and more pronounced _expression_ of the political and legal succession between the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the modern Republic of Azerbaijan,’” Telegraf wrote. “It also fully refutes the Armenian argument that the former Nagorno-Karabakh Republic was never part of the independent Republic of Azerbaijan and gained independence as a result of the September 2, 1991 referendum,” she is reported to have told the newspaper.

 

Turkey announces new steps to normalize ties with Armenia

Dec 20 2021

During his address to the national parliament, on December 13, Turkey's Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu announced that Turkey was ready to normalize ties with Armenia. The new breakthrough includes mutually appointed envoys, and the resumption of charter flights between Istanbul and Armenia's capital, Yerevan, according to the foreign minister. The December 13 announcement comes just months after a series of positive diplomatic signs between Turkey and Armenia.

The steps could signal an end to the icy relations that have plagued the two nations for over 30 years. Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 during the first Karabakh war in a show of solidarity with its long-time ally Azerbaijan. But it was not just the closed borders that hindered the ties between the two countries. According to Talha Köse, an Associate Professor in the Ibn Haldun University Political Science Department, “bilateral historical mistrust, negative perceptions, geopolitical confrontations during and after the Cold War and the lack of trade cooperation” also had a role to play. The two countries never even exchanged ambassadors.

The day after Cavusoglu's remarks, Armenia's foreign ministry spokesperson, Vahan Hunanyan, confirmed their readiness for dialogue:

Armenia has always been and remains ready for the process of normalization of relations with Turkey without preconditions, which is enshrined in the program of the Government of Armenia. In this regard, we assess positively the statement of the Foreign Minister of Turkey on the appointment of a special representative for the normalization of relations, and confirm that the Armenian side also will appoint a special representative for the dialogue.

Ankara said it was appointing Serdar Kilic as its envoy while Armenia has yet to name one.

Some regard the move as an attempt to improve Turkey's desperate economic situation and also bolster its relations with the US, which have been strained since Turkey purchased defense missiles from Russia — but others disagree.

Veteran journalist, Cengiz  Candar wrote recently that the country's decision to change its course with regard to Armenia had nothing to do with reaping foreign policy or economic benefits. Candar wrote that it was “the shift in the balance of power in the South Caucasus” that “has driven Turkey and Armenia to normalize their decisions.”

Turkey and Armenia were close to finding some common ground in 2008 after representatives from each nation met in Zurich and agreed to a series of protocols designed to normalize relations between the two countries.

Following the meeting, Turkey's then-President Abdullah Gul traveled to Yerevan to watch the first of the two qualifying World Cup matches between Turkey and Armenia. A year later, then-President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan, traveled to Turkey's province of Bursa to watch another football game between the two national teams. These visits were described at the time as “football diplomacy.”

The negotiations eventually fell through after Turkey withdrew due to mounting pressure from Azerbaijan. Armenia formally declared the protocols null and void in 2018.

Now, the chances of Azerbaijan interfering are slim. “Before Armenia's withdrawal from this region, Baku saw Turkey's opening of the borders as a betrayal and harshly criticized it. Now, after the truce, this issue is off the table and it won't be a surprise to see a milder tone from Azerbaijan than in 2009,” said Ankara-based political analyst Hasan Selim Özertem in an interview with Eurasianet.

“Establishment of diplomatic ties and unlocking the borders are of critical significance for Ankara to realize its strategic aspirations in the South Caucasus and beyond,” wrote Turkish journalist Fehim Tastekin for AlMonitor recently.

But this is also a “painful topic,” in Armenia, according to reporting by the regional news platform JamNews. The issue of Turkey not recognizing the events of 1915, the absence of diplomatic relations, and Turkey's support of Azerbaijan during the 2020 44-day Nagorno-Karabakh War, makes it impossible for many Armenians to view Turkey as an ally.

When addressing the parliament, Çavuşoğlu said Turkey would consult Azerbaijan at every step, conveying a clear message that, unlike the 2009 Zurich protocols, Ankara will not keep Baku in the dark, wrote journalist Amberin Zaman for AlMonitor on December 15. “In so doing, Ankara is effectively linking progress in its own dealings with Yerevan to progress between Azerbaijan and Armenia to strike a comprehensive peace deal of their own, which is far from assured,” wrote Zaman.

The involvement of Azerbaijan is something that is received with caution in Armenia. “Most Armenian analysts and officials believe that Yerevan should pursue normalization with Ankara one on one, without Russia, Azerbaijan, or anyone else getting involved. Turkey, meanwhile, appears to be more interested in pursuing normalization in the framework of its proposed “3+3” platform, a regional body made up of the South Caucasus states and their neighbors: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, plus Iran, Russia, and Turkey,” wrote journalist Ani Mejlumyan for Eurasianet.

Beyond the diplomatic framework, Turkey is also interested in the potential economic prospects. According to the final point of the trilateral deal brokered by Russian President Vladimir Putin and co-signed by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in November 2020, “all economic and transport connections in the region shall be unblocked.”

“At issue is a series of transport routes that have been closed since the early 1990s, cutting off Armenia and the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan from international access. If these closed routes are all ‘unblocked,’ as the agreement stipulates, the most noticeable impact will be a reactivated north-south route that runs from Russia to Armenia and Iran via Azerbaijan,” wrote Thomas de Waal, a senior fellow with Carnegie Europe, specializing in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus region. “A new good-quality rail network with minimal border controls would also boost east-west trade, especially if the Armenia-Turkey border, closed since 1993, is reopened,” noted de Waal.

The fragile Turkey-Armenia normalization process could be derailed at any moment, though Candar suggested the following steps could further strengthen the process:

First, the Armenian and Turkish special envoys will meet to discuss the opening of the land border. The process will probably be followed with the Turkish flag carrier’s landing on the tarmac of the international airport in the Armenian capital. The following step might be the appointment of ambassadors. If all of these are achieved, the railroad link between Armenia and Turkey, linking the latter with Azerbaijan, could be expected.

Cavusoglu talks about meeting of Turkish and Armenian special reps

Vestnik Kavkaza
Dec 20 2021
 20 Dec in 17:00

Several airlines will start to make flights between Istanbul and Yerevan in the coming days, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said at a joint press conference with his Malaysian counterpart Saifuddin Abdullah.

Cavusoglu said that the issue of resuming flights is being discussed in the Turkish Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure.

The Turkish foreign minister stressed that Ankara stands for peace and stability in the South Caucasus and closely coordinates its actions with Azerbaijan related to the dialogue with Yerevan.

“Ankara and Yerevan have already appointed special representatives for the dialogue and discussions in this sphere will continue,” Cavusoglu said. “The special representatives of the two countries will meet soon. Turkey is taking steps to increase confidence-building measures in the region.”

Turkey-Armenia normalization relies on Erdogan’s consistency

i24 News, Israel
Dec 20 2021

i24NEWS

December 20, 2021, 07:37 PM

Alterman says 'The problem is… Recep Tayyip Erdogan is often, to say the least, not so consistent'

Turkey’s Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu announced that Ankara is taking steps towards establishing diplomatic relations with Armenia, but analysts are dubious on the prospects of the initiative.

i24NEWS Senior International Affairs Correspondent Owen Alterman sat down with anchor Benita Levin to discuss the implications this could have on the region, as well as the possibilities of normalization actually happening.

“Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been known to say one thing one day and something very different the next day,” Alterman told i24NEWS.

“Obviously if this goes forward and it stands the test of time, and it proves to be sustainable, and he proves to be consistent, obviously it’s a very big deal for Turkey and Armenia to normalize relations.”

“The problem is, and who better to know this than those of us sitting here in Israel, is that Recep Tayyip Erdogan is often, to say the least, not so consistent,” Alterman explained.

“He may go forward with this normalization today, and may change his mind tomorrow, and it really raises the question of just how consistent he’s going to be.”

If the normalization actually does commence, analysts believe that the establishment of diplomatic ties could prove beneficial to Armenia.

“Armenia is almost entirely reliant at this point on Russia, and on Vladimir Putin, for their country’s defense and their country’s diplomatic standing. They’re not all that happy with this situation,” Alterman said.

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 12/20/2021

                                        Monday, December 20, 2021


Regulators Signal Rise In Electricity Prices
December 20, 2021

Armenia - A newly constructed electrical substation, October 24, 2019.


Utility regulators signaled on Monday plans to raise electricity prices in 
Armenia by an average of 10 percent.

The Public Services Regulatory Commission (PSRC) warned that the Armenian energy 
sector will operate at an annual combined loss of 23.8 billion drams ($49 
million) if the existing prices are not revised upwards.

In a statement, the PSRC cited the need to repay $270 million in loans used for 
the recently completed modernization of the Metsamor nuclear plant. It also 
pointed to Armenia’s contractual obligation to enable Russia’s Gazprom energy 
giant to recoup investments made in a large thermal-power plant located in the 
central town of Hrazdan.

The statement revealed that the Armenian and Russian governments have reached an 
agreement that commits Yerevan to providing the Hrazdan plant with $31.8 million 
annually for the next ten years. It said in that in exchange for this subsidy 
Gazprom could keep the wholesale price of its natural gas for Armenia unchanged 
at $165 per thousand cubic meters, which is well below the current international 
levels.

The PSRC said the electricity tariffs should therefore rise by 4.7 drams (about 
1 U.S. cent) per kilowatt/hour on average. The daytime price paid by most 
Armenian households currently stands at almost 45 drams (9 cents) per 
kilowatt/hour.

The regulatory body said the tariff would remain unchanged for low-income 
families making up 11 percent of the population. They already pay significantly 
less for electricity than other individual consumers.

The latter could see their electricity bills rise by between 3 and 7 percent 
depending on the monthly amount of energy use, the PSRC statement said, adding 
that the steepest price rise should be set for businesses.

The PSRC also indicated that the higher tariffs will likely come into force on 
February 1. It said it will publicly discuss them with representatives of 
Armenia’s key power plants and electricity distribution network as well as 
consumer rights groups on Thursday.

The new energy tariffs and their knock-on effects could further push up the cost 
of living in the country. According to government data, consumer price inflation 
there rose to 9.6 percent in November, the highest rate in many years.



Pashinian Encouraged By Talks With Aliyev
December 20, 2021
        • Tatevik Lazarian

Armenia -- Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian speaks at a meeting with senior 
officials from the National Security Service, Yerevan, December 20, 2021.


Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian appeared satisfied on Monday with the results of 
his most recent talks with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev mediated by Russia 
and the European Union.

Aliyev and Pashinian held a trilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir 
Putin in Sochi on November 26 before meeting twice in Brussels last week. The 
Brussels talks were organized by European Council President Charles Michel and 
French President Emmanuel Macron.

“I want to point out that after the meetings in Sochi and Brussels I see an 
opportunity for us to move step by step along the path of opening an era of 
peaceful development for our country and the region,” said Pashinian.

“At least the government of Armenia will do everything in its power to achieve 
progress in this direction,” he told senior officials of the country’s National 
Security Service (NSS).

Pashinian did not go into details of the talks. He said the NSS will have to 
cope with more serious challenges “in this new environment” but did not 
elaborate.

The first Aliyev-Pashinian meeting in Brussels lasted for than four hours. 
Michel said afterwards that the Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders pledged to 
de-escalate tensions on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border and restore rail links 
between the two South Caucasus. But he admitted that they failed to patch up 
their differences on the status of a highway that would connect Azerbaijan to 
its Nakhichevan exclave via Armenia’s southeastern Syunik province.

Speaking just a few hours before the December 14 meeting, Aliyev said people and 
cargo passing through that “Zangezur corridor” must be exempt from Armenian 
border controls. Pashinian swiftly rejected the demand, saying that it runs 
counter to Armenian-Azerbaijani understandings reached with Russian mediation.

Aliyev described the talks as “productive” before meeting with Pashinian again 
on December 15.



Yerevan Mayor Rounds On Ruling Party
December 20, 2021
        • Harry Tamrazian

Armenia - Mayor Hayk Marutian inspects new buses purchased for Yerevan's public 
transport system, February 5, 2021.


A spokesman for Yerevan’s embattled Mayor Hayk Marutian has hit out at Armenia’s 
ruling Civil Contract party, saying that it wants to oust him because of his 
popularity.

The party headed by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian officially announced on 
Friday its decision to replace Marutian by one of his deputies. It controls at 
least 54 seats in Yerevan’s 65-member municipal council empowered to appoint and 
dismiss mayors.

The council is scheduled to vote on Wednesday on a motion of no confidence 
proposed by its pro-government majority.

In a statement issued after a meeting with Pashinian held on Friday, the 
majority leaders said that Marutian quit Civil Contract in December 2020 and is 
not running the Armenian capital “with sufficient efficiency.”

Marutian’s spokesman, Hakob Karapetian, dismissed on Sunday the official 
rationale for the bid to impeach him.

“Thanks to his three-year work Mayor Hayk Marutian has a quite high approval 
ratings, and I think that one must look for reasons for this whole process 
behind this fact,” he told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.

Karapetian also accused council members loyal to Pashinian of sabotaging his 
efforts to improve public transport. He said that they attempted last February 
to block the purchase of hundreds of news buses for the city.

Some council members affiliated with the My Step bloc have openly disagreed with 
the move to remove Marutian. Two of them, Grigor Yeritsian and Gayane Vartanian, 
have resigned from the city council in protest.

Yeritsian said on Monday that the mayor’s relationship with Armenia’s political 
leadership was “in tatters” even before the September 2020 outbreak of the war 
in Nagorno-Karabakh. He said that following Armenia’s defeat in the war Marutian 
did not publicize his decision to leave the ruling party at the request of 
Pashinian’s entourage.

Marutian, 45, is a former TV comedian who actively participated in the “velvet 
revolution” that brought Pashinian to power in May 2018. He was handpicked by 
Pashinian to lead My Step’s list of candidates in the last municipal elections 
held in September 2018 and won by the pro-government bloc.



More Armenian POWs Freed
December 20, 2021

Armenia - Toivo Klaar, the EU's special envoy to the South Caucasus, accompanies 
Armenian soldiers flown from Baku to Yerevan,December19, 2021


Azerbaijan freed and repatriated at the weekend ten more Armenian soldiers 
captured during deadly fighting on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border that broke 
out last month.

The soldiers were flown to Yerevan by a plane chartered by the European Union. 
Toivo Klaar, the EU’s special representative to the South Caucasus, was also on 
board.

The EU said their release was the result of an agreement reached by Armenian 
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev at their 
December 14 meeting in Brussels hosted by European Council President Charles 
Michel.

“An important humanitarian gesture follows the efforts by EU to work with both 
countries to build on mutual trust,” it added in a statement.

Michel said after the Brussels talks that Aliyev and Pashinian pledged to 
de-escalate tensions on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border and restore rail links 
between the two South Caucasus states. Aliyev described the talks as 
“productive.”

A total of three dozen Armenian soldiers were taken prisoner during the November 
16 fighting on the border which left at least 13 troops from both sides dead. 
Azerbaijan freed ten POWs on December 4.

A few days later, Armenian courts allowed the Investigative Committee to arrest 
four of them on charges of violating “rules for performing military service.” 
They will face between three and seven years in prison if convicted.

Armenian opposition figures and human rights lawyers criticized the arrests, 
saying that Baku could exploit them to further delay the release of dozens of 
other Armenian servicemen remaining in Azerbaijani captivity. Pashinian’s 
political allies dismissed these warnings.


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2021 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Turkish press: Railway from liberated areas to Armenian border to be ready late 2023

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev attends a joint press conference with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg in Brussels, Belgium, Dec. 14 2021. (EPA Photo)

Arailway line from the liberated Azerbaijani territories to the Armenian border is expected to be ready toward the end of 2023, President Ilham Aliyev said on Sunday, indicating that Baku already started work.

“We hope that by that time, Armenia will complete their part of the homework,” Aliyev said, speaking about his meeting with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and European Council President Charles Michel last week.

“After the Second Karabakh War, there is an opportunity to open a new corridor everywhere, called the Zangezur Corridor,” Aliyev elaborated, referring to the corridor that will go from Azerbaijan to Armenia and then to Azerbaijan’s Nakhchivan autonomous republic, and from there to Turkey and Europe.

This will be an alternative route for transportation, the president added.

“Plus, we are actively working on the creation of the free zone close to Baku in the Alat district, which will be in operation next year and we hope that this geographic location and already diversified transportation network will help us attract investors who would prefer to work there.”

As stipulated in last November's cease-fire agreement, Azerbaijan and Armenia have been working on reopening regional transit lines.

Azerbaijan has focused on projects in the Zangezur corridor. Zangezur was part of Azerbaijan, but in the 1920s the Soviets gave the region to Armenia. After this move, Azerbaijan lost its link with Nakhchivan and some parts of the railway between the two countries were destroyed.

Meanwhile, in another step toward reconciliation, Azerbaijan handed over 10 more captive soldiers to Armenia upon the initiative of the EU, Baku's State Security Service said on Sunday.

In a statement, the agency said the soldiers were detained while attempting a provocation in the Kalbajar border region on Nov. 16.

Citing a recent trilateral meeting in Brussels on Tuesday initiated by Michel with the participation of Aliyev and Pashinian, the statement further said that the detainees were handed over as "a manifestation of (Azerbaijan's) commitment to the principles of humanism" and "through the mediation of the European Union."

"Warmly welcome Baku's release of 10 Armenian detainees in follow up to discussions with @azpresident and @NikolPashinyan," Michel wrote in a tweet on Sunday.

"An important humanitarian gesture demonstrating the mutual will to strengthen confidence as discussed in Brussels. EU facilitated transfer to Yerevan."

Azerbaijan had already handed over 10 prisoners to Yerevan on Dec. 4 following Russia-mediated talks, in the first concrete sign of a decrease in tensions since last month's fighting, which killed 13 people.

Those were the worst clashes along the shared border since a six-week war last year over Nagorno-Karabakh that claimed more than 6,500 lives.

Turkish press: Islam’s reformists: Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Pan-Islamism

Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, circa 1883. (WikiMedia Commons Photo)

Italian freemason Giuseppe Mazzini, a member of the Carbonari – an informal network of secret revolutionary societies – formed a political union called Giovane Italia (Young Italy) in the 19th century to create a national republic.

This revolutionary organization born in Italy begot the likes of Young Germany, Young Poland, Young France, Young Ireland, Young Serbs, Young Arabs, Young Ottomans (Young Turks), Young Egypt and more in different countries.

Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, a notable member of Young Egypt, lived in the Jewish neighborhood of Cairo. He was born in Iran. His family was Babi, a religion founded by Sayyed Ali Muḥammad Shirazi with roots in Shiism.

Al-Afghani studied in Karbala – in modern day Iraq – and traveled to Afghanistan and India, where he worked as a spy for Russia. He introduced himself as an Istanbulite, eventually ending up there, where he gave lectures at Istanbul University thanks to Hasan Tahsini, or Hoca Tahsin Efendi, a member of the Young Ottomans.

However, the masonic messages he included in his lectures disturbed Muslims. Finally, he was expelled from the city when he said that prophethood was an art that could be learned through studying, just like philosophy.

After leaving Istanbul, al-Afghani came to Egypt in 1871. He taught philosophy at Al-Azhar University. But here, too, he was accused of being irreligious and had to leave the university. He continued his lessons in his own home. The most famous of his students was Muhammad Abduh.

Al-Afghani, who entered many Masonic lodges in Cairo, also became the leader of a lodge called the Star of the East, which was under the United Grand Lodge of England. The members of the lodge included the likes of Tewfik Pasha, son of Isma'il Pasha who was the Khedive (Viceroy) of Egypt, and Abduh. Al-Afghani's friends were all freemasons. The most famous of these was Yaqub Sanu. Sanu, an Italian Jew, met the Carbonari in Italy and came to Egypt to spread Mazzini's ideas.

Muhammad Abduh (C) with Ali Kemal (C-L) the grandfather of British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, in Paris, France. (Photo courtesy of Mehmet Hasan Bulut)

Young Egypt openly took a front against Khedive Isma'il. They formed a secret society of low-ranking fellah (peasant) officers of the Egyptian army. They sought an Egyptian Napoleon to lead the society and they found the man they were looking for in a naive officer named Ahmed ʻUrabi, who resembled Turkey's Enver Pasha.

The Young Egyptians provoked the military students, causing Europe to intervene. Upon the pressure, Khedive Isma'il left his homeland, giving up his throne to his son Tewfik. Thus, al-Afghani's mission in Egypt was completed. Because he did not believe in a creator, he was expelled from the Masonic lodge he was leading and sent to India. But his heart was at ease as he left Abduh behind.

Abduh met English spy Wilfrid Scawen Blunt in 1881. Blunt was traveling through Ottoman lands seeking a humanist reform of Islam and to drive the Turks out of Arabia. When he saw Abduh in Egypt, he realized that he had found the most suitable candidate for his mission. He bought a large piece of land outside Cairo, established a farm there and settled there with Abduh.

With the arrival of Blunt, the Young Egypt society was revived. Their purpose: separating Egypt, which they wished to turn into a republic, from the Ottomans. But Blunt's main goal was to use the Young Egyptians to enable England to invade Egypt and make the African country the center of Islamic reform under British auspices.

The Young Egyptians, through ‘Urabi Pasha, provoked the soldiers into revolt and formed a nationalist regime by staging a coup against the government. Britain, waiting for this moment, invaded Egypt, using the financial policies of the Nationalists and the uprisings as an excuse.

After the occupation of Egypt, al-Afghani, Abduh and Sanu met in Paris. They published a newspaper called Al-Urwah al-Wuthqa (The Firmest Bond). By spreading the newspaper throughout the Islamic world, they called for Islamic unity against British imperialism. But they were secretly engaged in activities to break up the unity of Islam and take the caliphate from the Turks. On the other hand, in the articles they sent to French journals, they accused all religions, including Islam, of hindering science, free thought and progress.

Al-Afghani also would host old friends like Helena Petrovna Blavatsky – the leading theoretician of Theosophy – in his Paris apartment. Russian-born Madam Blavatsky had founded the Theosophical Society in New York in 1875. They believed that there was a perennial philosophy called “Ancient Wisdom” that served as the basis of all religions and beliefs in the world, and that religions emerged as a result of its falsification. They wanted to lay the foundation of the Universal Brotherhood of Humanity by uniting all people in this wisdom, regardless of race, color or creed. The reason for their visiting al-Afghani was to talk about one of Al-Afghani's disciples, namely Muhammad Ahmad, who had declared himself the Mahdi and led a rebellion in Sudan.

Al-Afghani, who went to London in July 1885, stayed at Blunt's house for three months. Blunt wanted to meet with Sultan Abdülhamid for him to lead the religious reform project, but the sultan, who was a sincere devotee, did not accept him or his offer. Blunt and Al-Afghani talked about the transfer of the caliphate to the Arabs. Al-Afghani said he once offered it to the Sharif of Mecca. But the Sharif refused, saying that this was impossible without armed support and that the Arabs would unite only in the name of religion and not in the name of nationalism.

Blunt also brought his guest Al-Afghani to meet with his friend Lord Randolph Churchill, who was the Secretary of State for India. He told Churchill what al-Afghani had done in Egypt and India and said, “He is in the black book of everyone here, and an enemy of England. But if he was not he would be of no use to us.”

Al-Afghani, who left England with his new duty, went to Iran. Al-Afghani's home in Iran soon became the center of the opposition to Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, the shah of Iran. Thereupon, the shah expelled him.

Al-Afghani returned to London again in the summer of 1891. Together with the Armenian master of the Iranian masons, Mirza Melkum Khan, or Joseph Melkumyan, they began to publish works to overthrow the Shah. Professor Edward G. Browne, who had close ties with the Babis, joined them. They sent letters to Iranian scholars opposing the tobacco concession given to the British. In their newspaper Qanun, they accused the Iranian government of selling the country to “some foreign Jews.”

A report on al-Afghani submitted to Sultan Abdülhamid said: “Sheikh Jamal al-Din is one of the elders of the Babi Society and a bandit, and he is a man who is not respected or trusted by any party. And the aforementioned person has relations and secret communications with the Masonic society and Armenian committees and the Young Turks organization.”

Sultan Abdülhamid kept his friends close to him and his enemies closer. The Sultan, who closely followed the works of this turbaned revolutionary, invited him to Istanbul. His purpose was to keep this revolutionary under control, as he was inciting the Arab sheikhs to revolt against the Turks with the articles he wrote. Al-Afghani accepted the invitation, thinking that he could persuade Sultan Abdülhamid, the charismatic leader of the Islamic world, to reform.

Sultan Abdülhamid placed al-Afghani, whom he wanted keep in his sight, in a guesthouse in Nişantaşı, close to Yıldız Palace. Through his spies, he had al-Afghani's every step and his meetings with the Babis followed closely. When the pressure on him increased, al-Afghani wanted to leave Istanbul with a British visa. He claimed that he was an Afghan national, thus under British protection. But the Sultan did not allow this.

While in custody, al-Afghani was in touch with Melkum Khan through an Ismaili – a person belonging to a sub-sect of Shiite Islam. He convinced his student Mirza Reza Kermani, who came to visit him, to kill the Shah. Mirza Reza was a Babi who made propaganda in favor of the Young Turks in Iran. Having received al-Afghani's endorsement, he returned to Iran and killed the Shah in May 1896.

After the assassination, al-Afghani was no longer allowed to publish or talk to people in any way. Al-Afghani, who had jaw cancer, died in the arms of his Christian servant in 1897. He was buried in Istanbul's Nişantaşı. John D. Rockefeller's friend and head of the Robert College board of trustees in Istanbul, Charles R. Crane, built a beautiful tomb for him years later.

After leaving his master al-Afghani, Abduh devoted himself to reform in religion. He quickly climbed the career ladder in Egypt, where he returned to in 1889. After serving as judge in the city of Benha, he was appointed head of the administration of the Al-Azhar University in 1895. Despite the fierce opposition of the conservative ulama (scholars) of Al-Azhar and Khedive Abbas, who knew him for a long time, with the support of the British he implemented the religious reforms he had always wanted and reorganized the Al-Azhar curriculum.

Abduh, together with his Syrian student Muḥammad Rashid Riḍa, began publishing the newspaper Al-Manar in 1898. They wrote a commentary on the Quran based on Darwin's theory of evolution and technical and other scientific developments of the time, such as the telephone, radio and microscope, and interpreted the verses accordingly.

At Blunt's request, the Governor of Egypt, Lord Cromer, dismissed the former mufti (Islamic jurist), who had opposed the reforms, and made Abduh chief mufti of Egypt in 1899. Abduh, who remained in this position until his death in 1905, trained many reformist students, especially Rashid Rida.

Blunt, in his book “The Future of Islam” published in 1882, emphasized the importance of reforming Islam for the Humanist New World Order.

“The main point is, that England should fulfill the trust she has accepted of developing, not destroying, the existing elements of good in Asia. She cannot destroy Islam, nor dissolve her own connection with her. Therefore, in God's name, let her take Islam by the hand and encourage her boldly in the path of virtue. This is the only worthy course, and the only wise one, wiser and worthier, I venture to assert, than a whole century of crusade,” Blunt wrote.

Thanks to the reforms that were to be made, the Turks would move away from their religion.

“It will be a strange revenge of history if the Ottoman Turks, whom Europe has for so many centuries held to be the symbolic figure of Mohammedanism (Islam), shall one day cease to be Mohammedan (Muslim). Yet it is a revenge our children or our grandchildren may well live to see.”

With Blunt’s support, al-Afghani and Abduh founded modern pan-Islamism and left many followers in the Islamic world. Some of those influenced by al-Afghani include:

Hassan al-Banna, founder of Muslim Brothers and member of Jama'iyyat al-Shubban al-Muslimeen (Young Muslims Society); Indian poet Muhammad Iqbal; activist Abul Kalam Azad; Pakistan's founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah; philosopher Fazlur Rahman, whose Islamic reform works in the 1950s and 60s were funded by Rockefeller and the Ford Foundation; Bosnian leader Alija Izetbegovic, who was also a member of Mladi Muslimani (Young Muslims); Young Turks' Namık Kemal, Ziya Gökalp, Said Nursi, Mehmet Akif Ersoy; mason Shaykh al-Islam Musa Kazım; Ismail Hakkı; M. Emin Yurdakul; Ahmet Ağaoğlu; Yusuf Akçura; and Dean of Istanbul University Faculty of Theology Şemseddin Günaltay.

Turkish press: Next 3+3 Caucasus platform planned to be held in Turkey

Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu met with his Azerbaijani counterpart Jeyhun Bayramov on the sidelines of the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation (IOC) meeting in Islamabad, Pakistan, Dec.19, 2021 (AA Photo)

The next 3+3 South Caucasus Platform meeting is scheduled to be held in Turkey, Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu said Sunday, indicating that the issue and other regional developments were discussed with his Azerbaijani counterpart.

Çavuşoğlu, on the sidelines of Sunday’s Organisation for Islamic Cooperation (OIC) meeting in Islamabad, met with Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov.

Çavuşoğlu said that Turkey believes Georgia will also attend the upcoming meeting.

Ankara has made frequent calls for a six-nation platform comprising of Turkey, Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia for permanent peace, stability and cooperation in the region, saying it would be a win-win initiative for all regional actors in the Caucasus.

Turkey believes that permanent peace is possible through mutual security-based cooperation among the states and people of the South Caucasus region.

Russia this month hosted the inaugural meeting of the regional platform.

“We discussed the latest situation in the region, the normalization of relations between the countries of the post-conflict region, the results of the first meeting in the 3+3 format,” Bayramov tweeted after his meeting with Çavuşoğlu, while Turkey’s top diplomat underlined: “We will continue to act together at every stage of normalization in our region.”

Çavuşoğlu also spoke on the recent normalization steps with Armenia.

Reiterating the announcement that a special representative will be appointed and that the move was reciprocated by Yerevan, Çavuşoğlu said that some airlines had flight demands that will be answered.

Turkey appointed Serdar Kılıç, a former ambassador to the United States, as a special envoy, while Armenia appointed National Assembly Deputy Speaker Ruben Rubinyan as its special envoy.

The borders between the two countries have been closed for decades, and diplomatic relations have been on hold.

Armenia and Turkey signed a landmark peace accord in 2009 to restore ties and open their shared border after decades, but the deal was never ratified and ties have remained tense.

Relations between Armenia and Turkey have historically been complicated. Turkey's position on the events of 1915 is that Armenians lost their lives in eastern Anatolia after some sided with the invading Russians and revolted against the Ottoman forces. The subsequent relocation of Armenians resulted in numerous casualties, with massacres by militaries and militia groups from both sides increasing the death toll.

Turkey objects to the presentation of the incidents as "genocide" but describes the 1915 events as a tragedy in which both sides suffered casualties.

During the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict last year, Ankara supported Baku and accused Yerevan of occupying Azerbaijan’s territories.

Armenia and Azerbaijan have been locked in a decadeslong dispute over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which lies within Azerbaijan but was under the control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia since a separatist war there ended in 1994.

Moscow brokered a peace deal last November to end six weeks of fighting over the territory, during which more than 6,600 people were killed. The Russia-brokered truce allowed Azerbaijan to reclaim control over large parts of Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding areas that the Armenia-backed separatists controlled.