The Fate of Dadivank: The Heart of the Caucasus

Nigeria – Dec 23 2021

When Russian peacekeeping forces arrived at Dadivank on November 13, 2020 the abbot of the monastery, Fr. Hovhannes, announced that he and the other clergymen would remain there. “The monastery belongs to us, we can’t leave. During this war our people have lost their loved ones, villages, homes, everything. They reject to lose Dadivank. We must stay here and pray for the protection of our monastery and the whole country,” Fr. Hovhannes, with a long grey beard and a silver crucifix around his neck, said.

“Not only is the monastery holy, like any house of God, it’s also a symbol of our Armenian identity as Christians that stretches back two millenniums,” Fr. Hovhannes says. It is an outstanding point of the Armenian pride to have been perhaps the first Christian country, even earlier than Romans, and is said that this heritage comes from this monastery specifically. Dadivank was founded in the 1st century by St. Dadi, a disciple of Thaddeus, the Apostle who spread the Christian faith to the region. It has persisted through Mongol, Persian, as well as the two more recent Azerbaijani-Armenian wars over Nagorno-Karabakh. When asked whether Fr. Hovhannes planned to organize the return of the precious carved crosses to the city of Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, he answered: “Who am I to remove stones that have been here for over 800 years.”

Currently, the clergymen of the monastery are in complete isolation. There are a large number of Azerbaijani servicemen on all sides of Dadivank. “Despite all this, there is absolutely no fear. The monastery complex is on its feet, nothing has happened to it, we are here at the cost of our lives, trying to not let the enemy touch it or destroy it”, Fr. Atanas said, completing Fr. Hovhannes thoughts.

Armenian people all over the world are extremely concerned about the fate of this unique heritage, despite assurances from the Azerbaijani officials who promise to preserve the historical and spiritual places. “I don’t trust the Azerbaijanis and their Turkish supporters. History shows that every bite they take just makes them hungrier. This is who our enemy is, and that’s why we can never trust them,” Fr. Hovhannes concluded. Meanwhile surrounded by high mountains, dense forests, and gorges, Dadivank monastery remains as one of the unique and wonderful places of the region and can be truly considered the heart of the Caucasus.

 

Armenia to launch Center for Integration of Repatriates

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 09:18, 21 December, 2021

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 21, ARMENPRESS. The Office of the High Commissioner for Diaspora Affairs of Armenia is launching a Center for Integration of Repatriates to make the government support for repatriates more coordinated and broader.

“Repatriation is a very important strategic point for the government,” the head of the program in charge of setting up the center Margarita Baghdasaryan told ARMENPRESS.

“Now, when moving to Armenia repatriates face a number of issues relating to various issues, such as paperwork and general integration. Our office is dealing with these issues now as well. We have a dedicated department working with repatriates every day. We realized that this work ought to be done more coordinated and on a broader scale and we came up with the idea of creating the Center for Integration of Repatriates, the mission of which will include encouraging repatriation and helping the persons going through this process to receive support from the very beginning to the completion,” Baghdasaryan said.

Being a repatriate herself, Margarita Baghdasaryan returned to Armenia from the United States. She says she didn’t face any major issues because she was born in Armenia and was familiar with the environment, the traditions and public trends. But despite this, she experienced certain difficulties.

“It was difficult for me too, I had to understand how the healthcare system was working, there were issues with paperwork such as stamps in the passport or bureaucratic issues. Imagine the difficulties facing the repatriates who’ve never lived in Armenia before, who don’t have any friends or family here. We are trying to address all these issues in a coordinated manner,” she said.

The center will also digitize repatriation data to analyze the information.

Baghdasaryan says there are thousands of people who are considering repatriation to Armenia. “There is a lot of interest, and we don’t want to miss this. Now, there is a lot of interest from Lebanon, from Russia, France and the United States. Recently we started receiving inquiries from the Armenian community of Argentina.”

Preliminary timeframes of the center’s opening is in mid-2022.

COVID-19: Armenian CDC reports 137 new cases, 11 deaths

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 11:11, 21 December, 2021

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 21, ARMENPRESS. 137 new cases of COVID-19 were confirmed in the last 24 hours, raising the total cumulative number of confirmed cases to 343,845, the National Center for Disease Control and Prevention said.

5932 tests were administered.

329 people recovered, bringing the total number of recoveries to 329,128.

11 patients died, bringing the death toll to 7914.

As of December 21, the number of active cases stood at 5309.

Launch of Persian Gulf-Black Sea route could boost economic cooperation – Armenian PM

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 12:13, 21 December, 2021

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 21, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan says that the implementation of the Persian Gulf-Black Sea international transportation corridor project could boost the economic cooperation.

Pashinyan delivered speech at the 11th session of the Armenian-Georgian inter-governmental commission on economic cooperation in Tbilisi, stating in particular: “The bilateral cooperation between Armenia and Georgia in the transportation sector is a priority for us. We are cooperating within a number of international transportation organizations, are attaching great importance to the implementation of the Persian Gulf-Black Sea international transportation corridor and other initiatives in the field. I would like to note that the route connecting Persian Gulf with the Black Sea can truly boost the economic cooperation. Moreover, I want to highlight one more important fact that Prime Minister Garibashvili said that we view the relations with Georgia not only in the bilateral, but also within the regional cooperation domain. This is highly important in the context of our relations. Yes, Armenia and Georgia have quite a serious field of cooperation, and we can mutually assist one another”.

He said that there are two projects by the Persian Gulf-Black Sea route – automobile route and railway route. “For the development of the automobile route, we are implementing the construction of North-South highway which connects the Armenian-Georgian border with the Armenian-Iranian border. For the further effective work of the road we are holding active discussions with our Iranian and Georgian partners, and it’s very important that we reach a complete mutual understanding here. Moreover, I want to draw your attention to the fact that if we manage to reach an agreement with Azerbaijan over the Armenia-Azerbaijan automobile communication, this project will significantly change, becoming North-South, East-West route”, the Armenian PM said. “As for the restoration of railway communication, we have already reached a principled agreement with Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev. The talk is about the restoration of Yerevan-Julfa-Ordubad-Meghri-Horadiz railway, and we hope to end that works within the next 2-3 years. Of course, we need to work so that our agreements are clearly recorded as they are”, Nikol Pashinyan said.

Muratsan University Hospital replenished with new equipment thanks to 100 mln AMD financial support from Karen Vardanyan

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 13:07, 21 December, 2021

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 21, ARMENPRESS. “Muratsan” University Hospital has been equipped with the modern medical equipment: mobile X-ray machine, neonatal therapeutic hypothermia and artificial respiratory devices, neonatal intensive care unit (NICU), infant radiant warmer, electroencephalography monitoring system.

To enable the high level care and treatment of newborns in the pediatric intensive care unit of the hospital, benefactor Karen Vardanyan donated new 11 Japanese and European modern life-saving medical equipment.

The total budget of the program is 100 million drams.

[see video]

Armenia’s new road projects: no simple endeavour

Dec 22 2021

The new Ltsen-Tatev road under construction near Ltsen.


By Neil Hauer in Ltsen 

There are few regions in which the importance of international connectivity, or the lack thereof, is on starker display than the Caucasus. Three decades ago, the region went from an integrated province to an isolated backwater nearly overnight. The collapse of the USSR, and the wars that followed, left an erratic set of Soviet-drawn borders interspersed with war-torn separatist enclaves to create a new geography of chaos.

Nowhere was this breakdown felt more than Armenia. As a result of its own war in Karabakh, the newly independent state found itself with 80% of its borders closed, a near-death knell for a landlocked country. That only increased the importance of those few outlets that remained: the border with Georgia in the north, and the distant outlet to Iran in the south.

It is that latter lifeline that has come under threat in recent months, part of the new reality faced by Armenia in the wake of its defeat by Azerbaijan in last year’s Second Karabakh War.

On a stony hillside outside the village of Ltsen, in southern Armenia’s Syunik province, a group of excavators and lorries rends the terrain. Just ahead of them, the remainder of the road they are improving is visible – little more than a dirt track, seldom used even by locals.

“This road will go all the way to Tatev and the monastery there,” says Derenik Hovhannisyan, the Ltsen village head. “They’ve done about seven kilometres already. When it’s finished in the spring, even cargo trucks will be able to use it,” he says.

Hovhannisyan is one of perhaps a hundred residents of Ltsen, an otherwise unremarkable settlement that is now set to lie astride one of several new major north-south highways under construction in southern Armenia.

“This road will lead to Tatev village, where it will intersect with the larger road there,” says Hovhannisyan, sketching out a crude map of several of the new arteries. “From Ltsen, it’ll connect onwards to Sisian or the main road north of here – it’s not clear how yet,” he adds.

Formidable terrain

These new projects have taken on crucial significance in the past few months.

Following last year’s war, the parts of Azerbaijan bordering southeast Armenia returned to Baku’s control for the first time since 1993. Among these gains were several stretches of land where the highway between Goris and Kapan – the main north-south roadway in Armenia, leading from the Iranian border to the capital Yerevan and beyond – passed into Azerbaijani territory. While Armenia remained able to use this road for a time, Azerbaijan eventually decided to erect customs points along the stretches it controlled, effectively closing it to Armenian traffic and severing the country’s primary north-south highway.

As a result, the state found itself scrambling to improve alternative roads, or construct them from scratch. The Ltsen-Tatev road is one of at least seven bypass roads currently under construction.

At the road’s terminus, at the village of Tatev, reconstruction of the current north-south alternative has already finished, bringing hope to locals but not alleviating the problems caused by recent closures.

“We are very happy with this new road,” says Donara Badalyan, a Tatev local, speaking of the Tatev-Kapan road that was recently repaved with commercial-grade asphalt following the Goris-Kapan road’s shuttering. “Before, it used to take two hours to get from here to Kapan. Now it’s just 40 minutes,” she says.

Photo: Neil Hauer, bne IntelliNews

The upgraded road snakes its way across formidable terrain, with switchbacks climbing a half kilometre in elevation just before reaching Tatev. The very nature of the terrain makes it unsuitable for heavy cargo trucks, something that is already becoming clear.

“There are many crashes on this road now with the [commercial] trucks using it, one or two every day,” says Ruzana Aleksanyan, another Tatev villager who sells dried fruits at the famous nearby monastery. “The road is too narrow for these large vehicles. It will be even more dangerous in the snow – winter here is terrible,” Aleksanyan adds.

The Tatev-Kapan road is not meant as a permanent industrial artery, but a stopover while the main alternative is built. Connecting the far south town of Kajaran with the city of Sisian, about 10km to Ltsen’s northwest, the planned new highway will be a mammoth project, involving blasting some 8km of tunnels at a cost of nearly $1bn, and is still years away.

“They won’t announce the tender [for the Kajaran-Sisian road’s construction] until next year,” says Hovhannisyan, the Ltsen village head. 

But the project’s completion is even further on the horizon.

“The [Kajaran-Sisian] road won’t be finished until at least 2026,” Hovhannisyan reveals. “It will take a very long time.” In the intervening years, Armenian imports coming from Iran seem sure to suffer.

Rampant corruption

With last year’s war having exposed how dependent Armenia was on the now lost north-south road, many in the country have asked why the state is only now getting round to building a workable alternative. 

The answer, as with so many aspects of Armenia’s recent past, lies in rampant corruption.

The current infrastructure projects are just the latest incarnation of what began as the ‘North-South Road Program,’ an initiative begun under previous president Serzh Sargsyan in 2008. The plan was to construct a 556km-long set of highways reaching from the country’s border with Georgia all the way to Iran, including a four-lane highway in its main section.

But the project never got off the ground. Of the $1bn raised for the project in its early years, most of it was siphoned away by federal and local officials. By 2015, the only work that had occurred was on the easiest (i.e. non-mountainous) segments with no sections completed, leading one newspaper to deem it a ‘corruption heaven.’ An investigation by Factor TV earlier this year found dozens of individual corruption schemes by companies and officials contracted to build specific sections of the road, totaling hundreds of millions of dollars. By 2017, just two years from the project’s announced deadline, a mere 6% of the work required had been completed.

The abject failure of this earlier highway project is just another of the poisoned chalices inherited by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan after the 2018 ‘Velvet Revolution’.

Stark reality

Amidst the stark reality of trying to play catch-up while under constant Azeri military pressure, the current roads under construction still represent something of immeasurable importance to southern Armenia’s local villages: hope.

For 40-year old Abgar Margaryan, one of the most ambitious residents of Ltsen, the new road past the village represents salvation.

Margaryan currently has a team of locals working on a major guest house project in the village’s center, erecting concrete slabs and drilling away on a mostly completed central building. 

“We started this project two years ago, and I think the house itself will be finished next year,” says Margaryan, speaking via video link from Finland, where he works for half the year in international shipping.

Born in Yerevan himself, Margaryan’s grandfather was from Ltsen, and in the early 1990s his father relocated the family back to their ancestral village before passing away just a few years later.

“My father moved back to the village to keep it strong, at a time when villages were emptying,” says Margaryan. “He had the beginnings of this [guest house] project in his mind then, but only now am I finally able to make it a reality,” he says.

The new guest house already employs about 20 people, and once auxiliary facilities are completed – which Margaryan plans to include a horse farm, shooting range, and recycling plant – the hope is to employ over 100.

A strong sense of patriotism – and of the need to develop Armenia’s rural areas and not just the glitz of downtime Yerevan – drives Margaryan.

“For me, Ltsen is the symbol of Armenia,” Margaryan says. “These villages are the heart of the country, and improving them is how we make Armenia strong.”

Hovhannisyan, the village head, approves of Margaryan’s plan, having borne witness to Ltsen’s decline himself.

“When I was a kid, there were about 500 people in Ltsen,” says Hovhannisyan. “Now, there’s a little over 100. There isn’t even a shop in the village anymore – it was unprofitable and had to close down. This road, and this guest house, are our hope to revive [Ltsen],” he says.


Perspectives | Don’t water it down: The role of water security in the Armenia-Azerbaijan war

EurasiaNet.org
Dec 22 2021
Nareg Kuyumjian Dec 22, 2021

Just three months after the end of last year’s war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, President Ilham Aliyev traveled to the Lachin district for a photo-op at the Gulabird hydropower plant, in territory that Baku had retaken as a result of the war. Fast forward another three months, and the most serious post-war flashpoint became Sev Lich, a borderland reservoir that Azerbaijani troops surrounded.

The role that water resources have played in post-war politics should come as no surprise. The rivers of this region, and the South Caucasus’s greater Kura-Aras river basin flowing into the Caspian Sea more broadly, have played a significant – yet overlooked – role in the pre-war, wartime, and post-war conflicts between Armenians and Azerbaijanis.

Climate change and regional hydrological patterns give the lands in and around Nagorno-Karabakh a uniquely vital role in providing water to the surrounding region, which is particularly prone to water scarcity.

Scientists have projected alarming climate-induced water vulnerabilities in Armenia and Azerbaijan. Armenia expects a 52 percent decrease in rainfall by 2040, while Azerbaijan’s diminishing water supply is projected to lead to a 77 percent decrease in crop yield over the same period – the worst in the region. The impacts of climate change have been and will continue to be felt most profoundly downstream in the Kura-Aras basin, where river flow is the lowest and agricultural demand the highest.

In this downstream region, Nagorno-Karabakh serves as a key source of water. It is home to the headwaters of eight major rivers, four major dams, and 33 hydropower plants. As depicted in the map below, the region is home to six major rivers – three tributaries of the Lower Kura (Tartar, Khachen, and Karkar) and five tributaries of the Lower Aras (Vorotan, Voghchi, Hakari, Ishkhan, and Chkhpor) – and four major dams.

Dam (completion date): (20) Meghri (planned); (21) Sarsang (1976); (22) Madagiz (1975); (23) Khachen (1964); (24) Khudaferin (1971); (25) Maiden Tower/Mil-Mugan (planned).

Yet, despite its strategic water resources, the region’s legal water norms have not been updated since the 1962 Arpa Agreement brokered by the Soviet Union. This is emblematic of the significant lack of water norms across the region. While the region shares the 188,400 square-kilometer Kura-Aras river basin as its main source of freshwater, no water management agreements have been signed among the riparian states since the collapse of the Soviet Union (with the exception of an agreement signed between Iran and Azerbaijan in 2016). Rather, states rely on 15 outdated Soviet-era water agreements signed bilaterally between the USSR, Turkey, and Iran that are marred with questions of enforceability and have proven unsuitable to today's climatic and geopolitical challenges. For these reasons, the Kura-Aras has been classified as a “high-risk of conflict river basin” by both scholars and international organizations.

Accordingly, the water factor has been almost completely left out of mediation efforts around the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The situation has been exacerbated by the fact that Azerbaijan is much more dependent, in multiple ways, on the region’s water supply than is Armenia.

First, unlike Armenia, Azerbaijan depends on the lower Kura-Aras for 70 percent of its drinking water. More generally, the country receives about 75 percent of its freshwater supply from outside its borders and thus is highly reliant on upstream water resources.

Second, this region’s water is a major input for Azerbaijan’s main agricultural lowlands. The Tartar River, for example, flows through Nagorno-Karabakh to irrigate 100,000 hectares in Azerbaijan’s climate-vulnerable agricultural regions of Barda and Tartar.

Third, Azerbaijan places a high importance on Nagorno-Karabakh’s water as a source of hydropower, which can reduce the country’s domestic natural gas consumption and free more of that resource for export through the recently commissioned Southern Gas Corridor. Gas now represents 82 percent of Azerbaijan’s electricity mix, but exporting more would both drive up revenue while helping the country achieve its domestic emissions targets.

Azerbaijan’s dependence on water has repeatedly exacerbated water relations with Armenia before, during, and after the Second Karabakh War.

In 2016, Azerbaijanis and European officials accused the de facto authorities in Nagorno-Karabakh of “deliberately depriving” Azerbaijan of water via its control of upstream water resources. The summer before the second war, Azerbaijan experienced dire water shortages, and officials blamed neighboring countries, including Armenia and Georgia. The problem was widely covered in Azerbaijani media and Aliyev publicly addressed the issue, demanding that all “relevant bodies […] showing indifference to this issue should be punished.” When the war started, some observers identified the water problems as contributing to Aliyev’s decision to launch the offensive.

Wartime developments, too, highlighted the strategic nature of water resources.

On the northeastern front, Azerbaijani forces advanced until the Madagiz Dam (map, 22) on the Tartar River and the Khachen Dam (map, 23) on the Khachen River. The fact that, by the November 9 ceasefire, the new line of contact ran along these two dams demonstrates the importance of water as a military objective during the campaign.

Heavy fighting in the vicinity of a fourth major dam, Khudafarin (map, 21), sparked apparent concern from Iran; the dam straddles the border between the two countries.

The ceasefire agreement stipulated the return of all territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh that Armenian forces had controlled since the first war between the two sides in the 1990s; that included Kelbajar, the source of both the Tartar and Hakari rivers, two major tributaries of the Kura and Aras, respectively.

After the war, post-war Azerbaijani rhetoric has celebrated its newly regained water resources and has heavily promoted its plans to invest in hydropower potential. The Gulabird ceremony is a symbol for what is to come. “We will restore all the hydroelectric power stations,” Aliyev said during his February visit to the plant. Immediately following the ceasefire, Baku began negotiations with Tehran over Khudafarin.

While it would be too much to claim that water is a main driver of the conflict, not recognizing the significance both Armenia and Azerbaijan give to the limited water resources would be remiss.  

Weak norms in the water relations between the two countries have repeatedly lent themselves to the military escalation of the conflict and pose the same risk moving forward.

The ceasefire agreement that ended the fighting makes no mention of water. But the Azerbaijani incursion around Sev Lich, and recent water shortages in the de facto capital of Nagorno-Karabakh, Stepanakert, highlight the continuing tension that unresolved water issues create.

The conflict continues to harbor many unresolved issues. The Armenian side continues to await the return of prisoners being held by Azerbaijan, while Azerbaijan is pushing for a quick demarcation of the international border between the two countries. Hanging over it all is the unresolved status of Nagorno-Karabakh itself. In the meantime, the lack of clarity around water means the conflict will continue to be vulnerable to inflammatory hydropolitics.

 

Nareg Kuyumjian is a recent graduate of Georgetown University’s Walsh School of Foreign Service with a B.S. in International Relations and a certificate in Eurasian, Russian and Eastern European Studies. 

Russia’s Tor-M2KM system shot down Turkey’s Bayraktar TB2 drone

PRAVDA, Russia
Dec 22 2021



 22.12.2021 19:26
Incidents

Russia's Tor-M2KM air defense complex has turned Turkey's Bayraktar combat drone into a pile of debris. The drone wreckage could be identified only by the preserved inscription.

Turkish officials earlier said that Russian Tor complexes were completely ineffective against Bayraktar combat drones. It now appears that Turkey was wrong as a Tor system successfully shot down a Bayraktar UAV, which tried to enter closed airspace. The Tor rocket hit the drone with precision, having smashed it into pieces. 

The Military Informant Telegram channel published the photos of the downed Bayraktar. It was clarified, however, that the incident took place about a year ago. The drone was shot down by Armenian military men. Noteworthy, Turkey and Azerbaijan did not announce any losses among its UAVs during the recent war in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The Tor missile system is a low to medium altitude, short-range surface-to-air missile system designed for destroying airplanes, helicopters, cruise missiles, precision guided munitions, unmanned aerial vehicles and short-range ballistic anti-munitions. The system is commonly known by its NATO reporting name, SA-15 Gauntlet. Tor was also the first air defence system in the world designed from the start to shoot down precision guided weapons like the AGM-86 ALCM day and night, in bad weather and under jamming conditions.


Russian Armed Forces guarantee peace in Syria, Karabakh, Defense Minister says

TASS, Russia
Dec 22 2021
It was mentioned that at the moment, no serious incidents had occurred

MOSCOW, December 22. /TASS/. Russian troops stationed in Syria and in Nagorno-Karabakh are a guarantee of preserving peace in these regions, Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoigu said on Wednesday.

"For over a year, Russian peacekeepers have been ensuring the conditions for facilitating a peaceful life in Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent regions, assisting in rebuilding relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia. To date, no serious incidents have occurred. Also, the contingent of Russian troops remains the guarantor of peace in Syria," he said at a plenary session of the Defense Ministry’s Public Council.

For instance, he reported that since the beginning of the year, Russian servicemen in Syria have conducted 348 humanitarian events with over 650 tonnes of food products and basic necessities distributed.