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Armenians have sought their fortunes and found sanctuary in Arab countries for centuries

Arab News
Dec 23 2021

  • Armenians have a long history as one of the most ancient and sophisticated communities in the Middle East 
  • Those who escaped the 1915 genocide found a warm welcome in the cosmopolitan cities of the Levant 
JAMES DRUMMOND

LONDON: When Armen Sarkissian, the president of Armenia, stepped off his plane in Riyadh in October this year, he became the first president of the small, former Soviet republic to visit Saudi Arabia. 


For nearly 30 years, since Armenia declared its independence from the former Soviet Union in 1991, there have been virtually no diplomatic relations between it and some Islamic countries. 
One reason for the absence of ties is the long-running Nagorno-Karabakh dispute, which, on the face of it, pits Christian Armenia against Muslim Azerbaijan. This, along with the Armenian genocide of 1915 by Ottoman Turks, dominates Yerevan’s relations with many Middle Eastern countries. 
Geopolitically, the continued presence of several thousand Russian troops in Armenia has ensured the country remains firmly within Moscow’s sphere of influence, leaving successive governments with little room to maneuver. 




The first Armenian presidential visit to Saudi Arabia since it achieved independence. (AFP)

Beyond politics, however, relations between Armenians and Arabs, especially on a personal level, have been a good deal closer. Indeed, Armenians have been seeking their fortunes and finding sanctuary in Arab countries for centuries, for the most part harmoniously, albeit often as members of a low-profile community.  
Armenia, a country of 3 million, is a small land-locked state, plagued by earthquakes and hemmed in by Turkey to the west, Georgia to the north, and Azerbaijan to the east. Yerevan, the capital, is a Tsarist gem with an overlay of Soviet kitsch and striking modernism. 
The ruins of the medieval capital at Ani bear testament to the fact that, before the First World War, Armenians lived west of Mount Ararat across much of eastern Turkey. But the events of 1915 (and before) propelled tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of Armenians into a diaspora to the south. 
There they found a warm welcome in the cosmopolitan cities of the Levant among existing communities of their compatriots.  




Armenians were major builders in the Ottoman Empire. (AFP)

Armenians were famous builders. Indeed, Sinan Pasha, the great architect of the Ottoman Empire, was reportedly of Armenian heritage. Many in the diaspora carved out niches as middle-men, translators, bankers and merchants. One such character, a Mr. Youkoumian, is an anti-hero of Evelyn Waugh’s comic novel “Black Mischief,” set in a fictionalized Ethiopia in the 1930s. 
The Armenians were able to maintain their identity through the Ottoman Empire’s millet system and later through the colonial mandates. Under these systems, payment of taxes and settlement of personal status disputes involving births, deaths, marriage and inheritance were devolved to religious leaders. 
As such, the Armenian bishops and archbishops were responsible for the behavior of their communities. From Aleppo to Cairo, from Basra to Beirut, the church was, and is, the center of Armenian life, providing welfare to the needy and education to the young. 
This has resulted in a strong sense of community and identity, which was nurtured and supported by philanthropy. Calouste Gulbenkian, for instance, an early Armenian pioneer of the oil industry, became fabulously wealthy and funded dozens of Armenian schools, orphanages and churches across the Middle East through his foundation. 



For the most part, these communities were apolitical. An exception to this was the career of Nubar Pasha, a famous prime minister of Egypt in the late 19th century. He served three terms of varying lengths, helped negotiate the terms of the construction of the Suez Canal, reformed the system of consular courts under which the colonial powers maintained a parallel justice system, and managed fickle rulers such as the energetic but spendthrift Ismail Pasha. 
Nubar Pasha’s patron, Boghos Bey, was an Armenian who became secretary to Muhammed Ali Pasha, the founder of modern Egypt. When Alaa Al-Aswany chose the title for his brilliant novel “The Yacoubian Building” he was paying homage to the Armenian contribution to Cairo. 
In the eastern Mediterranean, Beirut’s Burj Hammoud is often seen as the Armenian area of the Lebanese capital. It was formed first as an area of refugee settlement after the First World War and took in thousands who had fled the massacres in eastern Turkey and northern Syria. 

29,743 square km – Area of Armenia

3 million – total population according to 2011 consensus

Inland, Anjar on the Beirut-Damascus highway is also an Armenian town known for its beautiful archaeological remains and as the former headquarters of Syrian military intelligence in Lebanon. 


Under Lebanon’s confessional system, Armenians are guaranteed six seats in the 128-seat parliament, but have maintained a low political profile. 
To the south, the Cathedral of St James is at the center of the Armenian area of the Old City of Jerusalem, the smallest of the four quarters. 
The Armenians are one of the three primary custodians of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, reputedly built on the site of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ in the Old City. The monks in their distinctive black cowls kept the traditions of the Armenian church alive during the long decades of Soviet atheism in Armenia itself.
In Syria, Aleppo was the center of the Armenian population. The famous Baron Hotel in the city was owned and managed by the Mazloumian family. There, as a relatively prosperous minority, the Armenians are believed to have largely supported the Assad regime. 
As a result, Jdaideh (New), an historic area outside the old walls of Aleppo and the quarter most associated with the Armenians, has been heavily damaged in the course of the civil war. Distressing images of old palaces and museums being blown up pervade the internet. 

And in Iran, from which modern-day Armenia receives much of its energy supplies, there is the famous Holy Savior Cathedral, also referred to as the Vank, in the district of New Julfa in Isfahan. 
In the early 17th century, as part of a scorched earth policy to try to head off the Turkish armies, Shah Abbas of Persia forcibly settled thousands of Armenians south of the river Zayande that runs through Isfahan. Armenians remain a sizable minority in Iran. 
Today the Kardashians, Cher, Andre Agassi and Charles Aznavour, to name just a few, are famous scions of Armenia internationally. But, closer to their homeland, the Armenians have a long history as one of the most ancient and successful communities in the Middle East. 

https://www.arabnews.com/node/1991596/middle-east


Also at: 
The Arab Armenians Are Here to Stay!
https://www.albawaba.com/editors-choice/arab-armenians-are-here-stay-1460035
View the videos of the interview:

https://www.arabnews.com/node/1991456/world

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5m4mBuKOYvg


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KuvET03uqjM


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UQqxjALnD0U


Post six-day war footage of Egyptian Monastery made public by Israel’s national library


Dec 23 2021


Russian fighter aviation holds drills in skies over Armenia

TASS, Russia
Dec 23 2021
Military & DefenseDecember 23, 12:14

ROSTOV-ON-DON, December 23. /TASS/. The crews of MiG-29 fighters of Russia’s Erebuni Air Base intercepted notional enemy targets in the skies over Armenia during drills, the press office of the Southern Military District reported on Thursday.

"The crews of MiG-29 fighters of the Southern Military District’s Erebuni Air Base stationed in Armenia intercepted the mock enemy’s aerial targets during training flights," the press office said in a statement.

Intercepted targets simulated the enemy aircraft during the drills, it specified.

The military pilots operated in air pairs to perform simple and complex aerobatic maneuvers in the mountains in adverse weather conditions. The pilots also practiced measures to compel intruder aircraft to make a forced landing, the statement says.

In 2021, the pilots of MiG-29 fighters of the Russian Air Base in Armenia conducted over 1,200 training and combat training flights, employing the aircraft armaments both in tactical drills and combat alert missions, the press office specified.

After the break-up of the Soviet Union, Russia and the Republic of Armenia signed an agreement on August 21, 1992, on the Russian troops stationing on Armenian soil. On September 1, 1994, the Russian 102nd military base was set up in Armenia with its units stationed in Gyumri and Erebuni. Russia pays no rent for its military base in Armenia. The base’s legal status is based on the Russia-Armenia interstate agreement with an option of its further prolongation. The current agreement is valid through 2044. The Russian 102nd military base in Armenia has about 5,000 personnel.

The Russian military base in Armenia is subordinate to Russia’s Southern Military District. It is Russia’s sole military base in the South Caucasus and is part of the joint Russia-Armenia group of forces. The base is intended to protect the integrity of the CIS borders and safeguard Russia’s interests in the region.

The military base’s air task force is stationed at the Erebuni airfield near Yerevan. Initially, the 426th aviation group had been stationed there since 1995 and in November 1998 the 520th aviation commandant’s office was added to it. At that time, Russian MiG-29 multirole fighters were redeployed to the Air Base. In July 2001, the 3624th Air Base was set up to integrate the aviation units stationed at the Erebuni airfield. The Air Base operates MiG-29 and upgraded MiG-29S multirole fighters, MiG-29UB combat training aircraft, Su-30SM multirole fighters, Mi-8MT transport helicopters, and Mi-24P gunships as its available and planned fixed-and rotary-wing aircraft.

Boston: Ceremony Amplifies Importance of Genocide Education as Baker Signs Bill

NBC Boston
Dec 23 2021
GENOCIDE

The Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education is in the process of developing a genocide education framework three weeks after Gov. Charlie Baker signed a bill mandating public schools teach students the history of some of the world's worst atrocities.

The education law, passed by the Legislature in November, is heralded by supporters as one way to make sure younger generations do not forget about mass killings and genocides. At a ceremonial bill signing on Wednesday in the State House Library, Baker said it will go into effect "as soon as that framework is developed and processed with our colleagues in local education."

"Generally speaking, while this is a requirement, we do want to make sure we process this through our colleagues in local government because they are the ones who will ultimately be responsible for delivering it," Baker said.

According to a Dec. 6 update from state Education Commissioner Jeff Riley, local school districts must comply with the law starting in the 2022-2023 school year and instruction on the history of genocide must stay consistent with standards in the Massachusetts History and Social Science Curriculum.

Both Jewish and Armenian advocates and legislators joined Baker on Wednesday at the signing including Anti-Defamation League New England Regional Director Robert Trestan, who said genocides like the Holocaust and Amernian Genocide "received a second life" as a result of the law.

"Their murder and the factors that allowed it to happen will be known and will be understood by all who live in the commonwealth. And while the focus of genocide education is about the lessons of the past, our focus must be on the future," Trestan said. "Prioritizing genocide education is an investment in a commonwealth free of hate and bigotry, and a world without genocide."

The law mandates public schools in Massachusetts teach the history of genocide and also sets up a Genocide Education Trust Fund to help districts develop curriculum, host trainings, and provide professional development courses. A portion of the money used to fill the fund would come from fines imposed for hate crimes or civil rights violations.

Baker formally signed the proposal into law at the start of December, setting up a requirement for schools to teach students about mass atrocities. About 19 other states had already enacted similar requirements at the time of the signing.

Armenian Assembly of America Massachusetts State Chair Herman Purutyan said he knows what it's like to grow up in a community where genocide was not taught, not acknowledged, and denied. Born in Istanbul, Turkey, Purutyan said he came to learn that asking questions about Armenians in the country "was to open ourselves to threats."

"In fact, I first learned about the genocide when I came to this country in my 20s," he said. "Continuous animosity, division, fear, and isolation prevented Armenians and other minorities from accessing their full potential as free and responsible citizens in Turkey."

Education Committee House Chair Rep. Alice Peisch, D-Wellesley, said Massachusetts generally leaves decisions on what is taught in classrooms to local officials, but this law is "one of those rare occasions" where the Legislature thought a mandate was appropriate.

"We all realized that too many districts were failing to teach to the state standard regarding genocide, thus increasing the probability that history could repeat itself, a concern unfortunately heightened by recent increases in anti-Semitic and racist behaviors in some of our schools," the Wellesley Democrat said.

Rep. David Muradian, R-Grafton, an Armenian American, said Armenians have grown up with stories passed down from generation to generation "of the horrific events carried out at the hands of the Ottoman Empire, each story seemingly more gruesome than the previous."

"Yet, we as Armenians have never let that define us. In fact, we have used it to drive us. We are driven to be contributing members of society and even more importantly, it drives us to be educators, and informers," he said. "We are committed to ensuring our youth, now and in the future, know our past so that we do not hopefully have anyone to repeat it in the future."

Copyright State House News Service
https://www.nbcboston.com/news/local/ceremony-amplifies-importance-of-genocide-education-as-baker-signs-bill/2597674/

Love Nature 4K launches on Uсom in Armenia

Dec 23 2021

Wildlife TV channel Love Nature 4K is now available for subscribers of the Uсom on-demand service in Armenia.

In Russia and the CIS countries, the channel is distributed by THEMA RUS, a Canal + International group company.

Natalya Kabikova, managing director of THEMA RUS, commented: “We are very pleased that the high-definition format is gaining popularity not only among Russian operators, but also among our partners in CIS. Winter is a great time to discover the fascinating educational content of Love Nature 4K, and we wish the viewers pleasure in watching the channel's programmes.”

Ucom CEO Ara Khachatryan added: “At Ucom we try every day to anticipate the wishes and demands of our subscribers. This time, we were the first to make Love Nature 4K channel available in Armenia, and this deal became possible thanks to the co-operation with THEMA RUS. I am sure that this channel will delight viewers with its programmes about wildlife, as well as vivid images in stunning quality.”

In January, Love Nature 4K will premiere the programme A Wild Year on Earth. It looks at how animals around the globe navigate the changing seasons, with spectacular migrations, rebirths, and transformations as the planet’s patterns become less predictable.

https://www.rapidtvnews.com/2021122361798/love-nature-4k-launches-on-u-om-in-armenia.html#axzz7FtfjDM2J

Armenia establishes national emergency medical team to strengthen emergency preparedness and response

World Health Organization
Dec 23 2021

When disaster strikes or an outbreak flares, WHO-certified Emergency Medical Teams (EMTs) stand ready to deliver rapid health care where most needed, in the shortest time possible. To strengthen national emergency preparedness, a national Emergency Medical Team will be created in Armenia following consensus at a high-level stakeholders meeting that was co-chaired by the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Emergency Situations on 18 November 2021.

Armenia's national EMT, which consists of doctors, nurses, paramedics and supportive staff, will aim to achieve the status of a globally classified team with high-quality standards of care through the EMT Global Classification Process.

“Having an internationally classified EMT is a priority for Armenia, as it will allow us to respond promptly to possible emergencies in our country and to carry out international humanitarian missions in case of need,” says Anahit Avanesyan, Armenia’s Minister of Health.

The national EMT will be established under the leadership and support of WHO and its EMT Secretariat, as well as the office in Georgia of the German aid and welfare organization Arbeiter-Samariter-Bund, which is funded by the European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations.

“With natural disasters increasing in frequency, intensity and severity, and impacting the sustainable development of countries, there is an urgent need to unite efforts and increase the level of both preparedness and response,” says Andranik Piloyan, Armenia’s Minister of Emergency Situations.

The WHO EMT initiative assists countries to build capacity and strengthen their health systems by coordinating the deployment of qualified medical teams in emergencies. WHO classification means that the team has been accredited as compliant with international WHO standards for being proficient in the direct treatment of patients.

“Global experience shows that having a trained EMT workforce enables delivery of high-quality health care assistance in critical situations,” says Oleg Storozhenko, WHO Special Representative in Armenia. “The COVID-19 pandemic unveiled the importance of the availability of standardized surge medical capacities within the country to support the national health care system when international emergency response resources are limited or exhausted. Along with partners, WHO has committed to supporting Armenia in establishing the national EMT and reinforcing the country’s health emergency preparedness and response capacities.”

Grigoryan: opening of Kars-Gyumri railway to create Armenia-Turkey economic interdependence

Vestnik Kavkaza
Dec 23 2021
 23 Dec in 12:40

The opening of the Kars-Gyumri railway branch would create economic interdependence between Armenia and Turkey, Secretary of Armenia's Security Council Armen Grigoryan said in an interview with Armenia's Public Television.

"There are opportunities now in the region in a broad context. For example, the opening of the Kars-Gyumri railway branch would create great opportunities for Armenia and Turkey and would create also economic interdependence, which is an important factor of stability and security,"  ARKA cited him as saying.

Grigoryan expressed readiness to visit Ankara and Baku, if necessary, and to host representatives of Turkey and Azerbaijan in Armenia to discuss regional problems.

Coordination Steering Group Armenia: Secondary data review (SDR) matrix

Relief Web
Dec 23 2021
Format
Assessment

 

Source
  • REACH
  •  

 

Posted
23 Dec 2021

 

Originally published
23 Dec 2021

 

Origin
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Context

A year has passed since the outbreak of the Nagorno Karabakh (NK) conflict in September 2020, which left over 90,000 people of NK displaced from their homes and relocated to Armenia. As of May 2021, the majority of these people have returned to NK , and those who remain (approximately 28,719 people ) are expected to stay for the longer term, due to the movement of their areas of origin (AoO) under Azerbaijani control and other factors (such as security concerns and socioeconomic challenges) that increase their vulnerability.
Additionally, the movement dynamics are still changing, though much slower than at the onset of the conflict outbreak and displacement to Armenia.

Most of the refugee-like population has settled in Yerevan, which hosts larger livelihood opportunities, in Syunik, which is the closest marz to Nagorno Karabakh, and which hosts the vital route connecting Armenia to NK, and in marzes adjacent to Yerevan, such as Kotayk, Ararat and Armavir. Relatively smaller shares of the refugee-like population remained in the other marzes – Lori, Shirak, Tavush, Aragatsotn, Gegharkunik and Vayots Dzor.

According to the latest data, most of the refugeelike population rents an apartment and a smaller share of the population lives with a host HH or in an own apartment. Nevertheless, there is still a share of the remaining refugee-like population living in collective centres/sites4 , conditioning these groups being among the most vulnerable.
Given the continued presence of refugee-like population, there is a need to make a shift to early recovery programming and development response after the completion of immediate emergency assistance, especially as the Inter-Agency Response Plan (IARP) is being updated for the duration till the end of 2021. An understanding of continuing conflict and displacement-related needs, and the data challenges in assessing them, must be considered in longer-term.

Azerbaijani Press: Turkish-Armenian thaw and Azerbaijan

Azer News, Azerbaijan
Dec 23 2021

By Orkhan Amashov         

Perhaps at no point over the past 30 years, since the recognition of the newly-independent Republic of Armenia by Turkey in 1991, have the circumstances been so auspicious as to begin a lasting and sustainable normalisation of the relations between the two nations.

The present situation is a qualitatively new one, for it has been largely engendered by Azerbaijan’s military victory in last year’s war, by virtue of which, the Karabakh obstacle to the rapprochement seems to have been considerably curtailed, if not completely removed.  

Many would argue that the early 90s and the period from 2007 to 2009 were the two historic junctures at which the hopes for a diplomatic thaw were high. Although there have been, and still are, numerous thorny issues exclusively on the Turkish-Armenian front that exert ponderous complexity upon the normalisation attempts, at the end of the day, it was the Karabakh subject, or to be more precise, the then-ongoing Armenian occupation of Azerbaijani territories by Armenia, that rendered the very onset of the rapprochement impossible in the past.           

As a sign of goodwill, Ankara recurrently opened its land border with the Soviet Union from 1988, enabling EU shipments of grain to reach the earthquake-shaken Armenia. Turkey was the second country after the U.S. to recognise the newly-independent Armenia. There were some informal contacts between the governments of the two countries, and the sides were close to agreeing on some framework agreement. Despite this, Armenia’s illegal occupation of Azerbaijani territories rendered normalisation impossible and Turkey closed its eastern borders in a move of support for Baku in 1993.

The process that took place from 2007-09, facilitated by Switzerland, resulted in the signing of “Protocol on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations” and “Protocol on the Development of Bilateral Relations”. In Armenia, these protocols were submitted to the Constitutional Court so as to ascertain their constitutionality. The court issued its interpretation in such a way that made the Turkish side declare that the published grounds of the decision “had preconditions and restrictive provisions impairing the letter and spirit of the Protocols”. In addition, Ankara maintained that the normalisation was to be tied with a breakthrough in the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Neither side ratified the protocols, with Armenia officially annulling them in 2018.          

At present, however, the facts on the ground are different. The sides have already appointed special representatives (envoys). This means that there may be no need for third parties in negotiations. Turkey has appointed Serdar Kilic, top-notch and high-calibre diplomat, who previously served as a Turkish ambassador in the U.S. as its special representative, whereas deputy speaker of the National Assembly of Armenia, Ruben Rubinyan, will be the special representative of Yerevan.

Although the post-war resolution between Baku and Yerevan is still underway and has not reached its logical conclusion, there is no longer a necessity of linking the normalisation with a breakthrough in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict which, as Azerbaijan has consistently and emphatically declared, is over. Furthermore, some of the basic defects of the Zurich process are not applicable to today’s situation. The impression given is that during 2007-09, Baku was not duly consulted from the very beginning, which caused some considerable consternation both in Azerbaijan and Turkey.

Now Ankara has officially declared that it will be consulting its strategic ally at each single stage, and all future steps will be mutually agreed upon with Baku. This creates a tripartite construct within which Turkey and Armenia are direct players, whereas Azerbaijan is a semi-direct actor. This, coupled with the prospects offered by the 3+3 (or 3+2, given Georgia’s reluctance) platform, could lay the foundations for a stable peace and connectivity in the wider region, which would ensure that, on this occasion, the normalisation efforts could transform into a future reconciliation.                                        

The Zangazur corridor plan, the realisation of which is key to both Ankara and Baku's vision of the region, is a new dimension of the process. The corridor is a term that still sends shivers down the spines of most Armenians, some of whom view a sinister motive behind the project. For instance, Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Yerevan-based Caucasian Institute, believes the whole corridor concept is an ingenious scheme to take the Syunik province away from Armenia. In the same vein, Ruben Safrastyan, a former Armenian diplomat and scholar of Turkish studies, thinks that behind the joint Azerbaijani-Turkish proposal is a long-term objective of "Turkifying Syunik". Given the extent of the Armenian paranoia, it is vital that both Ankara and Baku exercise their powers of persuasion to the utmost, so as to convince the other side of the economic benefits of the Zangazur corridor.

The political will of the sides will be of immense importance. This is particularly important in the case of Armenia, which has long been hostage to the interests of its expatriate diaspora, and the toxic ambitions of the Kocharyan-Sargsyan tandem. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has survived the massive domestic political test and won the June elections, defeating the revenge-driven opposition. This new situation has provided him with tangible resources to change Yerevan’s official discourse and seek rapprochement on new grounds.

Pashinyan will need to revisit the normalisation policy pursued by the previous Armenian administrations, based on the requirement that the process should start without preconditions. Such an approach was calculated on the possibility of reopening joint borders and breaking free of the shackles imposed by this economically devastating isolation, and then pushing for certain conditions at a later stage.                                                  

Firstly, there is the issue of the mutual acceptance of internationally recognised borders and the territorial integrity of each side. Article 11 of the Armenian Declaration of Independence, adopted in 1990, refers to the Turkish province of Eastern Anatolia as "Western Armenia" and, as such, holds that the area is part of Armenia. Yerevan wants to open its borders and re-establish diplomatic ties without renouncing its claims on Turkish territory.                                    

Secondly, Armenia does not want to relinquish its state policy of achieving worldwide recognition of the events of 1915 by everybody, including Turkey. Ankara has repeatedly proposed the creation of a joint commission comprising historians from Turkey and Armenia and international experts. Yerevan believes the so-called "Armenian genocide" is a historic fact, the validity of which is not subject to verification.                                     

The existing Armenian view is that the Zurich protocols were not satisfactory, in light of the aforementioned subjects, and it is unclear to what extent Yerevan is ready to compromise on those two grounds in the context of the new effort.

The success of the new rapprochement between Turkey and Armenia will depend on a myriad of considerations. The present geopolitical conjecture is favourable to this normalisation, and therefore it is vital that momentum is efficiently utilised via drastic and quick measures. It is important that all those stakeholders, which extend beyond the negotiating sides and include a range of external actors, expedite the acceleration by supporting what is undoubtedly going to be a fragile and arduous process. The results achieved on the Baku-Yerevan front will have their own impact too.

The path to Turkish-Armenian rapprochement is not going to be a bed of roses. A challenging road lies ahead, replete with potholes and landslides. Pashinyan will need to resist the unhealthy influence and pressure of the Armenian diaspora and the Karabakh clan, which preach the “apocalyptic consequences" of the normalisation. A lot will also depend on Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev, who will be required to exert pressure on Yerevan, which should be considerable and effective, yet ultimately constructive in nature. 

Azerbaijani Press: Is Armenian president pushing his country to yet another war?

Azer News, Azerbaijan
Dec 23 2021

By political analyst Fuad Akhundov

The Armenian president has territorial claims for foreign lands once again.

There was this hit in the 80s, which went: “What does it cost to build a house? We will draw it and we’ll live!” Armenia decided that they can draw a map with the same ease, as well as announce foreign territories their own. In any case, Armenian President Armen Sarkissian's interview with  Asia Times leads to such conclusions.

A reminder that the Armenian president stated: “I was recently on a state visit to Italy. As part of it, I visited the University of Bologna and was on a very interesting tour of the library where they presented us with some of the old Armenian manuscripts that they had. There was very interesting material – an old map of the 16th or early 17th century depicting Armenian cultural and religious centres. The composers of the map actually based it on two places: Jerusalem and Constantinople. The map encompasses modern Turkey, modern Armenia, partially covers places in Iran up to Isfahan and other places. It also shows Nagorno-Karabakh with hundreds of medieval Armenian churches and cultural centres”.  

Here is an explanation. First of all, among many forms of lies, there is this one: to tell something that seems to be the truth but so that the interlocutor misunderstands. Mr Sarkissian is trying to attempt a somewhat identical trick. He refers to the map of "Armenian cultural and religious centres", not Armenia as a state.

Moreover, if Mr Sarkissian also visited libraries in his native Yerevan. And would read the second volume of A.D. Papazyan's book "Persian Documents of Matenadaran", published by the Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR back in 1968. And there are papers where signed by the Armenian Catholicos, it is indicated that Echmiadzin and the surrounding lands are in Azerbaijan and there is no Armenia there.

So, one of the Catholicos points out that Vagharshapat is "one-third of a whole village called Uchkilsa from the villages of nakhne'Kyarbi, which is located in the country of Azerbaijan …". The document is dated 1428, and, as you can see, it directly says that the village of Uchkilsa, the very one that is today called Echmiadzin, is located in Azerbaijan.

Or one more document: when buying two years later the next land in the deed of sale for the village of Uchkilsa, renamed by the Armenians to Vagharshapat, and the monastery of the same name – in Echmiadzin, from 1430 it is said that Saru (Sary) Melik, the attorney of Sheikh Said-bek al-Sa 'Di, sold a third of the village of Uchkilsa, which was subordinate to the country of Azerbaijan in the Chukhur Sa'd vilayet to the patriarch of the noble Christian religion, the mutavalli of Uchkilsa, caliph Grigor. And there are many such examples. 

Furthermore, there really are ancient Christian churches and monasteries in Karabakh, but they aren’t Armenian, they are Albanian. And it is clearly written on the walls of Gandzasar monastery, which is even considered to be the main Christian centre of Karabakh, that this church was built under the patriarchate of the Albanian Catholicos. These are the very inscriptions that Academician Orbeli deciphered.

And if one wants more modern evidence, then the famous Russian film director Karen Shakhnazarov and his talks that his ancestors, in fact, were Christian Turks, and that Karabakh was never part of Armenia can be remembered.

On the other hand, the map of “religious and cultural centres” which the Armenian president refers to doesn’t prove anything at all. Armenians lived in many large cities of Persia, the Ottoman Empire, and even India. They had their own schools, churches and monasteries even back then. Today, Armenian cultural and religious centres can be easily found in Buenos Aires, Los Angeles, and Marseille, not counting Tehran or Baghdad. So what – to consider Argentina a part of Armenia?

And, finally, if this map, in the idea of Armen Sarkissian, has to confirm Armenia’s claims to Karabakh, does it mean that tomorrow on its basis, Armenia will present claims to the territory of Iran, right up to Isfahan? And how does he think Iran has to react to such “historical” calculations? 

But in the case of the Bologna manuscripts, Mr Sarkissian at least tries to preserve the semblance of decency and "secures himself" so that he is not openly caught by his tongue. But caution does not last long, and then the Armenian president declares as if “Comrade Stalin, who was a 'great master' of reshaping borders, in fact, a great master of creating problems between nations, including between Armenia and Azerbaijan, has given Karabakh and Nakhchivan to Azerbaijan back then. Because the Soviets wanted to help create a common border between Azerbaijan and Turkey since Turkish leader Ataturk was considered a great friend of Bolshevik Russia ".

And this right here is an explicit lie. First of all, in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia of 1926, in the article “The Armenian question” it is clearly written that in 1918 Armenia declared war on Azerbaijan making territorial claims to Karabakh and Nakhchivan, as well as on Georgia about Ahalkalaki and Borchalo. That is, in 1918, Karabakh was a part of Azerbaijan, but how, then, in 1921, the Caucasus Bureau could transfer it to Azerbaijan? That is why the Caucasus Bureau considered this issue but decided to LEAVE it as part of Azerbaijan. Leave, not hand over. Since, as opposed to 1918, in 1921 Armenia decided to peacefully request to have Karabakh transferred to them, but it was refused and it was left as part of Azerbaijan. And it is unlikely that Sarkissian really does not understand the difference.

Most importantly, that there is not a word about the need to respect the borders recognized by the world community, abandon claims to foreign territories and learn to live in peace with neighbours in the entire voluminous text. And even talking about the 44-day war that Armenia lost Mr Sarkissian doesn’t dare to say that Armenia should give up on aggression.  

Or maybe Sarkissian does not understand that he is pushing his country to yet another war? And now, obviously, without a chance of winning.