Armenia celebrates the 31st anniversary of independence

               Egypt – Sept 25 2022
Hrachya Poladyan
Saturday 24 Sep 2022

On the 21st of September, 1991 Armenia regained independence. Since then, our country has constantly been among the states which contribute to a more equitable and peaceful world. Several months ago we celebrated the 30th Anniversary of the establishment of Armenian-Egyptian diplomatic relations. However, the contacts between our peoples have a much longer history, and Armenians have always played a remarkable role in the life of Egypt.

In this context, we can mention, for example, the first Prime Minister of Egypt, Nubar Pasha (1825-1899), the first Minister of Foreign Affairs of Egypt, Poghos Yusufian Pasha (1775-1844), etc.

It is noteworthy that the very first Embassy of Armenia in the Middle East was opened in Cairo. It began its work in September, 1992. Meanwhile, the Egyptian Embassy was opened in Yerevan next year – in 1993.

From the very first days of the independence Armenia emphasized the vital importance of the Middle East for its foreign policy. Today eleven Armenian diplomatic representations operate in the region, and I am sure that this number will increase.

The last thirty years of Armenian-Egyptian relations are considered as a significant period, full of developments, as a result of which Armenia and Egypt are friendly states that have no political contradictions, but only prospects for positive and effective cooperation. Many mutual visits took place.The two official visits to Egypt of the first and second presidents of Armenia worth mentioning here. A huge number of political and cultural events have been organized, more than 50 agreements were signed. Next year Armenia is looking forward to host the 6th session of the Armenian-Egyptian Intergovernmental Committee,some high-level visits to Armenia.

Our country appreciates the stabilizing political role of Egypt in the Middle East, considering official Cairo as a cornerstone in the security architecture of the region.

The Embassy of Armenia to Egypt is making great efforts to promote and enhance economic and trade cooperation between the two countries. Recently, the visa regimes have been mutually simplified which will promote the development of partnership in tourism sphere.

Today, a vibrant Armenian community in Egypt contributes actively to the strengthening of our historic friendship and cooperation.On top of that, there are Armenian churches, cultural clubs and schools. Armenian books and newspapers are being actively published in Egypt. Many Egyptian artists of Armenian origin are accepted and loved in this wonderful country. We highly appreciate the positive attitude and advertency of the President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi towards the Armenian community of Egypt.

It is widely recognized that Armenia has managed to make significant progress in the process of state-building. We have developed strong institutions of legislative, executive and judicial branches of power, which are marked by continuity and a high degree of proficiency.Over recent years our country has also made massive step forward in combatting corruption and enhancing the rule of law. In order to ensure sustainable economic growth and increase economic competitiveness, the development of a knowledge- and high-technology-based economy has been declared as a core long-term strategic objective. Despite the permanent blockade imposed by two of its neighbors – Azerbaijan and Turkey, our country is quite successful in strengthening its economy.

Talking about the tragedy of the Armenian Genocidein the Ottoman Empire, we should express our gratitude to all the countries and peoples who granted asylum to those of our compatriots who managed to escape from the massacres. Thousands found a second home here – in Egypt.

* The writer is H.E. Mr. Hrachya Poladyan, Ambassador of Armenia to Egypt.

 

Blinken says he met Pashinyan, discussed security of Armenia

 TASS 
Russia – Sept 24 2022


The meeting took place on September 22, US Secretary of State said

WASHINGTON, September 24. /TASS/. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said he met with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meeting in New York and they discussed the security of Armenia.

"We discussed Armenia’s security. We continue to urge the parties to engage in the peace process, as there can be no military solution to the conflict" between Baku and Yerevan, Blinken said on Twitter. He said the meeting took place on September 22.

https://tass.com/world/1512661

Armenia says Azerbaijan forces tried to circumvent Armenian troops to get into rear areas

 TASS 
Russia – Sept 24 2022


According to the ministry, there are no losses on the Armenian side, and the situation on the border is relatively stable

YEREVAN, September 24. /TASS/. The Armenian Defense Ministry on Saturday said an Azerbaijan military unit on Friday attempted to circumvent Armenian troops to get into the rear areas on the eastern stretch of the border.

"One unit of the Azerbaijani armed forces at 19:30 (18:30 Moscow time – TASS) on September 23 resorted to provocation, trying to circumvent from the rear one of the Armenian combat positions stationed in the eastern area of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. As a result of competent actions of the Armenian armed forces, the enemy was pushed back," the ministry said in a statement.

According to the ministry, there are no losses on the Armenian side, and the situation on the border is relatively stable as of 10:00 (09:00 Moscow time).

Visits like Pelosi’s trip to Yerevan only aggravate conflicts — Belarusian top diplomat

 TASS 
Russia – Sept 25 2022


One should not rely on any peacekeepers from outside, Makey says

MINSK, September 25. /TASS/. Visits, such as US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s trip to Armenia, can only aggravate conflict, Belarusian Foreign Minister Vladimir Makey said on Sunday, summing up the results of his participation in the 77th session of the UN General Assembly.

"Such visits will not pacify these or those conflicts, on the contrary, they will only aggravate them. It is hardly ever appropriate to rely on foreign men and women," BelTA agency quoted him as saying.

"Visits of such hawks, who are painting themselves as peacekeepers, can bring about no good," the Belarusian top diplomat said. "Suffice it to recall her (Pelosi’s – TASS) visit to Taiwan, which entailed a dramatic aggravation of the situation in the region."

"As for the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization, a posy-Soviet Russia-led security bloc – TASS), I am profoundly convinced that we should not rely on any peacekeepers from outside. Those people who visited Yerevan are not interested in our organization’s effective work," he stressed. "Moreover, they represent an entire camp of countries, which used to be interested in maintaining permanent hotbeds of tension along the borders of the former Soviet Union, and now along the borders of Russia, which is seen by them as a key opponent, nearly a spawn of hell.".

U.S. Calls on Azerbaijan to Return Troops to Initial Positions

The destruction caused by Azerbaijani attack on Armenia’s sovereign territory


The United States called on Azerbaijan to return its troops to their initial positions, after Azerbaijani forces last week launched a large-scale attack on Armenia’s sovereign territory.

“We call on Azerbaijan to return troops to their initial positions,” said the U.S. Embassy in Armenia after being asked to comment by Channel 1 news. 

“We urge that the cessation of hostilities and disengagement of military forces be maintained, and work to resolve all outstanding issues between Armenia and Azerbaijan through peaceful negotiations continued.  The United States is prepared to do whatever it can to support these efforts,” the embassy added.

“There can be no military solution to the conflict, and the use of force is not acceptable,” the embassy said, urging both sides to respect the ceasefire that started last week after the attacks.

The embassy also commented on Azerbaijan’s reported targeting of civilians as well as the abuse by Azerbaijani soldiers of Armenian prisoners of war.

“We have observed first-hand damage to civilian infrastructure inside Armenia and have seen reports of Armenian civilian casualties, both of which are deeply concerning and underscore the need to prevent further hostilities and the importance of diplomatic engagement,” the embassy said.

“We have seen reports of capture of Armenian servicemembers and reports of torture.  The immediate, unconditional return of those captured in last week’s attacks, as well as the return of all other detainees, is an important step to achieving a lasting peace.  The United States condemns torture wherever and whenever it occurs and strongly urges governments to abide by their international obligations and end impunity for these crimes,” the embassy added.

On Friday, Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on the margins of the United Nations General Assembly.

Blinken highlighted the need for a comprehensive and long-term settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, a message also conveyed by Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi who led a congressional delegation to Armenia last weekend.

Pashinyan reportedly thanked Blinken for the U.S.’s “clear positions and evaluations” of Azerbaijan’s attack on Armenia last week.

“Pashinyan also emphasized the importance of the international community’s condemnation of Azerbaijani actions, the withdrawal of Azerbaijani units from the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia, the return of Armenian prisoners of war who are still kept in Azerbaijan, and an adequate response to other humanitarian issues,” said a press statement from the prime minister’s office.

Blinken, who earlier this week hosted a meeting between the foreign ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan, Ararat Mirzoyan and Jeyhun Bayramov in New York, voiced hope that such diplomatic dialogue will continue.

Blinken also emphasized the willingness of the United States “to continue its efforts aimed at the negotiation and peace process, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive and long-term settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, including for the people of Nagorno-Karabakh.”

President Joe Biden also touched on last week’s attack on Armenia, saying the recent hostilities “underscore the need to redouble our diplomacy.”

“We remain committed to working with you and other parties to promote a peaceful resolution to the conflict, including for the people of Nagorno Karabakh,” Biden said in a message on Armenia’s Independence Day.

Foreign Minister Mirzoyan had the opportunity to discuss these issues with Biden on Wednesday during a reception the U.S. president hosted on the margins of the U.N. General Assembly.

Asbarez Exclusive Interview with Artsakh Foreign Minister

[See video]

Asbarez Editor Ara Khachatourian on Friday sat down with Artsakh Foreign Minister David Babayan to discuss the latest developments in Artsakh and Armenia, as well as his recent visit to Washington.

Babayan underscored the need to understand that without Artsakh, Armenia’s entire statehood is in danger, calling on all Armenians around the world to make Artsakh and its salvation the number one priority.

Babayan is visiting the United States at the invitation of the ANCA-Western Western Region to participate in its Grassroots Conference on Saturday, September 24. He will receive the organization’s “Freedom Award” during the ANCA-WR Banquet on Sunday, September 25.


Asbarez: Pashinyan Warns of New Azerbaijani Attacks on Armenia During U.N. Speech

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan addresses the U.N. General Assembly on Sept. 22


Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Thursday warned the United Nations General Assembly that Azerbaijan is planning to occupy more land on Armenia’s sovereign territory, calling last week’s attack on the Gegharkunik, Syunik and Vayots Dzor province military aggression against Armenia.

“In the wake of this attack, the official narrative and other sources of information suggest that Azerbaijan intends to occupy more territories of Armenia, which must be prevented,” he said in a his address to the U.N. General Assembly.

“I want to stress that the risk of new aggression by Azerbaijan remains very high, especially given that every day Azerbaijan violates the ceasefire and the number of causalities and those injured could change any moment,” Pashinyan emphasized.

Despite reiterating Yerevan’s readiness to sign a so-called peace treaty with Azerbaijan, Pashinyan suggested that Azerbaijan only wants an agreement that would be beneficial to its interests and allow Baku to claim or occupy more territory in Armenia.

He challenged President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan to “show a map of Armenia” that is amenable to Baku’s interests.

“Could you show a map of Armenia that you recognize or are ready to recognize as the Republic of Armenia?” he said citing Aliyev’s repeated claims that much of modern-day Armenia is “historical Azerbaijani lands.”

“If Azerbaijan recognizes territorial integrity of Armenia, not theoretically but concretely — I mean the integrity of our internationally recognized territory of 29.800 square kilometers — it will mean that we can sign a peace treaty mutually recognizing each other’s territorial integrity,”

“Otherwise,” Pashinyan added. “We would have a phantom peace treaty and after that Azerbaijan will use the border delimitation process for new territorial claims and occupation.”

Pashinyan also said that “some of our international partners are silent,” presumably a jab at Russia and the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization, know as the CSTO, for its lack of support following last week’s attacks by Azerbaijan.

Instead had earlier praised the United States and Iran for their reactions to the Azerbaijani attacks during meetings with Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Iran’s President Ibrahim Raisi on the margins of the U.N. General Assembly.

[SEE VIDEO]

Pashinyan’s office disseminated the text of his speech, which is presented below.

Mr. President,
Excellences,
Ladies and gentlemen,
It is an honor to return to the General Assembly, though I wish I was here with a more positive message, given all the challenges and tribulations the world has been through in the past few years.

But my statement will focus on the latest Azerbaijani unprovoked aggression against the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia and its overall impact on the stability in the South Caucasus.

On September 13, Azerbaijan launched an unprovoked and unjustified military aggression against Armenia. Using heavy artillery, Multiple Rocket Launchers and combat UAVs, the Azerbaijani armed forces shelled 36 residential areas and communities, including towns of Goris, Jermuk, Vardenis, Kapan, Geghamasar deep within the sovereign territory of Armenia. This was not a border clash. It was a direct, undeniable attack against the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Armenia, which was condemned and addressed during the latest UN Security Council meetings and beyond.

The Azerbaijani attack deliberately targeted civilian population and vital civilian infrastructures: Jermuk is one of the main health tourism and resort places of Armenia and now as a result of Azerbaijani aggression all the hotels, resort and health centers of Jermuk are closed. All the residents of this town are displaced. Overall number of those temporarily displaced from Gegharkunik, Vayots Dzor, and Syunik regions of Armenia is more than 7600 persons, mostly women and elderly people, among them 1437 children and 99 persons with disabilities.
Around 192 houses, 3 hotels, 2 schools, 1 medical facility, 1 medical facility, partially or completely destroyed. 7 electrical infrastructures, 5 water infrastructures, 3 gas pipelines, 1 bridge were damaged. 2 ambulances, 4 private cars were shelled. The Kechut water reservoir was targeted and shelled. Journalists and ambulance vehicles were targeted and shelled as well.
As a result of the aggression, the number of victims and missing persons at the moment exceeded 207, among them 3 civilians were killed and 2 civilians are missing. 293 servicemen and 8 civilians were wounded, at least 20 servicemen were captured. There are evidences of cases of torture, mutilation of captured or already dead servicemen, numerous instances of extra-judicial killings, and ill-treatment of Armenian prisoners of war, as well as humiliating treatment of the bodies. The dead bodies of Armenian female military personnel were mutilated and then “proudly” video-recorded with particular cruelty by the Azerbaijani servicemen. The videos featuring such gruesome war crimes and crimes against humanity are being shared and praised on Azerbaijani social media by individual users.

No doubt, committing such unspeakable atrocities is a direct result of decades long policy of implanting anti-Armenian hatred and animosity in the Azerbaijani society by the political leadership.

In the wake of this offensive, the official narrative and other sources of information suggest that Azerbaijan intends to occupy more territories of Armenia, which needs to be prevented. I want to stress that the risk of new aggression by Azerbaijan remains very high, especially taking into account that every day Azerbaijan violates the ceasefire, and the number of causalities and those injured could change any moment. Another factor for further escalation can be inappropriate reaction to this situation by the regional security organizations, which raised very hard questions among Armenian society.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
Despite the above-mentioned facts Azerbaijan is trying to pose itself as a country seeking peace in our region, peace with Armenia. Hearing from aside what Azerbaijan is saying, you can even be impressed by its devotion to peace efforts. And for staging this impression Azerbaijan is using the subjects of Peace treaty with Armenia, border delimitation, and regional communication opening agenda.

Why we have no tangible progress in these directions. The reason is very simple. Azerbaijan is using all those topics for territorial claims against Armenia. For example – one of the most important subjects of peace treaty is bilateral recognition of territorial integrity between Armenia and Azerbaijan. We have already declared that we are ready to do so, but Azerbaijan hasn’t done it so far. On the contrary, Azerbaijan has been publicly voicing that the entire South and East of Armenia and even the capital city of Yerevan, is an Azerbaijani land. On the other hand, Azerbaijan is keeping under occupation tangible territories of Armenia, and as I said the risk of new aggression by Azerbaijan remains very high.

In this regard I’m posing an official and public question to the Azerbaijani president. Could you show the map of Armenia, that you recognize or are ready to recognize as the Republic of Armenia? Why I’m asking this. Because it can come out that from the point of view of official Azerbaijan only half of Armenia and even less – is the Republic of Armenia. If Azerbaijan would recognize territorial integrity of Armenia, not theoretically, but concretely, I mean the integrity of our internationally recognized territory of 29.800 square kilometers, it would mean that we can sign peace treaty by mutually recognizing each other’s territorial integrity. Otherwise, we would have a phantom peace treaty and after that Azerbaijan will use border delimitation process for new territorial claims and occupation.

As you may know bilateral commission of border delimitation and border security was formed in May and two meetings of the commission have taken place. Before the formation of the commission, last year Azerbaijan occupied more than 40 square kilometer territories of Armenia. And then, one of the excuses of Azerbaijan about the reasons they have done this – was that Armenia, according to them, refuses to form border delimitation commission. Of course we didn’t refuse to do that but only insisted that simultaneously a mechanism of border security should be established.

In the end, according to our international partners’ request, who argued that the border commission work itself will be a reliable factor for border security, we agreed to start the work. And now that border delimitation and security commission has been formed and is working, Azerbaijan initiated a new phase of aggression. And some of those international partners are silent. But what is now the explanation for aggression of Azerbaijan. You know, if someone has excess of aggressiveness the reason always will be there. As it is said in a movie it is always possible to find a reason. For example, why they killed prince Hamlet. Who killed, how, when and why – it doesn’t matter. The reality is that Azerbaijan is trying and will continue to use delimitation process for territorial claims against Armenia.

Another such a topic is the opening of regional transport communication links. Azerbaijan is trying to represent Armenia as a destructive side in this discussion. The reality is, that Armenia is ready to open its roads for Azerbaijan in the framework of our national legislation. Moreover, recently the draft decision of government was published, that supposes to open three check points in the border with Azerbaijan for implementation of the article 9 of the trilateral statement from November 9, 2020. According to that draft, citizens and goods of Azerbaijan would be eligible to use the existing roads of Armenia to commute from main Azerbaijan to the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic. The Armenian government had political will to unilaterally accept that decision. But Azerbaijani officials tell us, that they don’t want to have those routes. What do they want? They want a new route to be constructed. It is also acceptable for Armenia, but according to the 9th article of the trilateral statement from November 9, 2020, a new route can be constructed with the consent of the sides. Armenia is ready to construct such a route which would operate according to the legislation and within sovereign control of the Republic of Armenia.

So what is the point of Azerbaijani claims? Azerbaijan is hinting that Armenia has to provide an extraterritorial corridor and according to them the 9th article of the trilateral statement from November 9, 2020 is supposed to do that. The trilateral statement is a public document and in the 9th article there is nothing about corridor, extraterritoriality etc. So what is the purpose of Azerbaijan? To create a new crisis as a pretext for a new aggression against Armenia and for a new territorial claim.

We have shared packages of proposals with Azerbaijan on the topic of opening communications, and if Azerbaijan accepts that those routes must operate according to national legislations, we can decide on this very quickly.

By the way, the trilateral statements from November 9, 2020 and January 11, 2021 imply that not only Armenia should provide roads to Azerbaijan, but Azerbaijan should provide roads to Armenia too. And we haven’t received anything so far either.

As for the corridor wording, it is very important to note that in the trilateral statement from November 9, only one corridor is mentioned, and it is the Lachin corridor for Nagorno-Karabakh.

Ladies and gentleman,
One of the crucial factors of regional stability is the comprehensive settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict where the rights and the security of the Armenians living in NK will be addressed and guaranteed.

Latest aggression is happening while the humanitarian consequences of the 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh have not been addressed yet. The post-war rehabilitation of Nagorno-Karabakh, the psycho-social issues of the displaced population, the repatriation of Armenian POW’s and the preservation of cultural and religious heritage remain on the agenda of our Government.

Nevertheless, the Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh are in need of the support of the international community. We call to support the secure and unhindered access of UN humanitarian agencies to Nagorno-Karabakh in order to assess the humanitarian, human rights situation and ensure protection of cultural heritage on the ground. We think that the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and the independent fact-finding mission of UNESCO should have access to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone.

Unfortunately, Azerbaijan has been blocking both missions by making artificial, political preconditions, essentially blocking the access of an independent fact-finding mission in Nagorno-Karabakh.

It is also reprehensible that Azerbaijan stalls the repatriation of Armenian Prisoners of War, inter alia subjecting them to artificial trials in gross violation of international humanitarian law, its own commitments, and contrary to the calls of the international community.

Mr. President,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Sustainable regional peace and stability is our objective. Last year through democratic snap elections our people strongly supported the peace agenda of the Government and re-confirmed the commitment of Armenia to pursue the democratic path.

It is very important to state that the target of Azerbaijani attacks isn’t only the independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Armenia, but democracy of Armenia too. Despite the expectation of some forces Armenia stayed democratic after devastating war of 2020, using the tool of free fair and democratic elections as a way out from internal political crisis. International community unanimously recognized and praised this fact.

The Armenian democracy is struggling in an atmosphere, when Azerbaijan is using force every day, to impose its plans unilaterally, to bring to the end the Armenian statehood, independence and democracy.

But I’m here to announce that we are determined to defend our democracy, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity by all means. I want to underscore that diplomatic solutions are an absolute priority for us and the full engagement and support of international community is crucial. In this regard I would like to mention, that the international observation mission to the Armenia-Azerbaijan bordering areas would be an important factor for regional stability.

Undeniably, in the interests of regional stability and in accordance with norms and principles of international law Azerbaijani military forces must be withdrawn from the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia.
Ladies and gentlemen, I want to stress again: we are determined to build peace in our region, but we need the full support of international community, which will stand by the sovereign and democratic country and people subjected to aggression against the norms and principles of international law.

I believe in the potential of establishing long-term stability, security and peace and Armenia is committed to continuing diplomatic efforts to this end.

Thank you for your attention.

Azerbaijan Continues to Violate Ceasefire

Soldiers of the Armenian Armed Forces


Azerbaijani forces continued to violate the ceasefire on the border with Armenia, with reports of shooting in the Gegharkunik province on Friday.

Armenia’s Defense Ministry reported that beginning at 7:40 a.m. local time, Azerbaijani forces opened fire at Armenian positions.

Karen Sargsyan, the governor of Armenia’s Gegharkunik Province confirmed to Azatutyun.am that on Friday morning Armenian positions in the Kutatkan village came under fire from Azerbaijani forces.

Sargsyan added that there have been no evacuation orders, although only 10 men remain in the village who said they are there “to defend their homes.” He added that women and children abandoned the village after Azerbaijan’s attacks on September 13. They are part of the more than 7,800 people who have been displaced as a result of this attack.

Another resident told Azatutyun.am that sporadic shooting by Azerbaijan also took place around 2 p.m. local time, lasting 20 minutes.

An Armenian soldier was wounded late Wednesday night as result of Azerbaijani shooting, which was reported to have occurred at around 8 p.m. local time on Armenia’s Independence Day.

On Thursday, Armenia’s Defense Ministry spokesperson Aram Torosyan said that the Wednesday night skirmishes took place in the Sotk village of the Gegharkunik Province, which was heaving damaged as a result of last week’s attack on Armenia’s borders.

He also reported that two Armenian soldiers who were surrounded by Azerbaijani forces for nine days were safely extracted from captivity.

“We successfully extracted Captain Artyom Gevorgyan and Junior Sergeant Arman Pilosyan who were besieged for 9 days,” Torosyan said in a statement.

Azerbaijan and Armenia: War or Peace!

Sept 24 2022
Saturday, – 07:15 Issue Number [16006]
Omer Onhon

Military forces of Armenia and Azerbaijan fought a brief war with dozens of casualties on both sides. At a time when the war in Ukraine continues with major implications all over the world, the tension turned physical in the Caucasus has been extra concerning.

Armenia and Azerbaijan, which were both part of the former Soviet Union, engaged in a war soon after they declared their independence following the demise of the USSR. Armenia was victorious and captured large pieces of territory from Azerbaijan, including Nagorno-Karabakh. The war ended with a Russian-brokered ceasefire in 1994.

The following three decades have been marked by half-hearted diplomatic attempts to find a solution as well as occasional military clashes. The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) led the way in efforts to find a solution to the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict.

In 1992, the OSCE established the Minsk Group (co-chaired by the US, Russia, and France) to deal with the issue. The group has not succeeded because of international power politics as well as Armenia’s unwillingness to engage as the country with the upper hand in the field and the belief of Azerbaijan that the co-chairs of the group were pro-Armenian.

Nothing changed until the six-week war in 2020 (the second Karabakh war) when, this time, Azerbaijan inflicted a crushing defeat on the Armenian side and claimed back almost all of its territories under occupation.

There are various factors that are part of the bigger picture in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

Armenia is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization which was founded in 1992 by Russia as a tool to consolidate and safeguard its position in what it considers near abroad. Russian bases and troops are in Armenia to protect the country’s external borders.

During the second Karabakh war in 2020, Russia did not interfere as the Azeri offensive did not target Armenia but covered its own territories under Armenian occupation, namely Nagorno-Karabakh. Russia was also not unhappy with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, which it considered pro-western, coming under some serious pressure.

Eventually, the war ended, once again, with a Russia-brokered peace agreement. (The Statement by the President of Azerbaijan, Prime Minister of Armenia, and President of Russia agreed on November 10, 2020).

Articles 3 and 4 of this statement are about the deployment of Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh. According to these articles, Russia will have 1,960 peacekeepers armed with firearms, 90 armored vehicles, and 380 motor vehicles. The Russian troops have been deployed along the contact line in Nagorno-Karabakh and the Lachin Corridor for a period of five years. That term can be automatically extended for subsequent five-year terms unless either Party notifies about its intention to terminate.

The terms of the Collective Security Treaty and agreement of November 2020 have provided legal basis and host nation consent for Russia in areas in what it calls its near abroad.

Then, there is the Turkish-Armenian aspect of the problem. Turks and Azerbaijanis are kin and their relations are phrased as “one nation, two states”. Turkey has always supported Azerbaijan and had an important role in the 2020 victory over Armenians.

Back in 1991, Turkey recognized Armenia as an independent state, at the same time it recognized other former parts of the Soviet Union. But the two countries have never established official diplomatic relations. Turkey closed its borders with Armenia in 1993 in response to its occupation of Azerbaijan territory.

After an unsuccessful try for reconciliation in 2009, Turkey and Armenia agreed to give it another try. In December 2021, after the second Karabakh war, both countries appointed special representatives. Since the beginning of the year representatives have met four times. Now, direct flights between the two countries have started. They have also agreed to take steps on other issues including the opening of borders for third-country citizens.

But overall, Turkey-Armenia relations are always closely knitted to the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. The previous attempt to reconcile failed, among other reasons, also because of Azerbaijan’s dissatisfaction with Turkey trying to reconcile with Armenia occupying its territories.

Referring to the most recent tension on the Azerbaijan-Armenia borderline, highest-level Turkish officials called on Armenia to stop provoking and focus on peace negotiations.

Iran is another important country in the region and has traditionally been closer to Armenia. Its policy toward Azerbaijan and Armenia is shaped by a number of factors, including its own Turkic/Azeri minorities which are estimated to make up around one-third of the country. Iran’s relations with Turkey and Russia is another important factor.

Regional transport and energy routes are also at the forefront of the considerations in determining Iran’s policies in the region. This can also be regarded in the framework of a competition between east-west and south-north routes of economic interaction.

Just before the recent fighting, there were some moves for a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The main element of such an agreement would be mutual recognition of borders, which would mean bringing to an end the Nagorno-Karabakh issue.

Among other things, an agreement of this kind would pave the way for bilateral and regional economic cooperation which is especially needed by Armenia whose economy is in dire straits.

In Azerbaijan, in particular, with regard to relations with Armenia, the nation is united behind President Aliyev. The Azeri population would back a peace agreement as they see the situation from the viewpoint of a victor’s peace.

It should be recalled that Azerbaijan is also one of the alternative gas suppliers to compensate for the lost Russian gas.

On the other side in Armenia and the wider Armenian world, there are obstacles. Despite losing Karabakh, Pashinyan won the elections in June 2021, but his election victory did not end the many serious challenges that he is facing.

Following the most recent fighting and setbacks, there have been fresh protests against him in Yerevan.

Dashnaks, an ultra-nationalist political force that came into being in 1890, Karabakh Armenians. who push to capture and keep Karabakh forever and many in the Armenian diaspora, meaning Armenians living in the US, France, and other parts of the world, lead the ultra-nationalist agenda.

Despite all difficulties, now that Armenia is back within its internationally recognized borders and as Azerbaijan has recovered its occupied territories, the time seems ripe for the two countries to resume diplomatic work for a peace agreement. Statements and declared positions indicate that almost all major actors in the international community are supportive of this.

 

Opinion | Armenia’s old allies have failed it, new ones have yet to appear


Sept 23 2022

 

Yerevan’s long-running alliance with Moscow has become increasingly meaningless, as evidenced by Russia’s inaction in the recent conflict. However, it is unclear what alternatives are available to Armenia.
Following Azerbaijani attacks on Armenia on 13 September, all that the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin had to say was that ‘any conflict between states close to us causes us serious concern’. While this was in line with the expressions of ‘deep concern’ offered by international bodies, to Armenians, his words and actions were acutely insufficient.

Armenia has a bilateral defensive pact with Russia, and is also a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) — a NATO-like military alliance between six post-Soviet states including Russia. Article 4 of the CSTO treaty states that an attack on one member will be considered an attack on all, and obligates members to provide military support. 

Given this context, Armenians had understandably hoped for something a bit more substantial as Azerbaijan, for the first time in the post-Soviet history of the two countries, attacked Armenia within its internationally recognised borders — capturing territories, shelling 36 settlements, and leaving 207 Armenian soldiers dead or missing. 

But Putin’s mild words and refusal to name the aggressor in a conflict that cost around 300 hundred lives from across the two countries was very consistent with Russia and the CSTO’s history of activity in the partnership. 

Despite the country’s two-fold commitment to providing military assistance to Armenia, all that it actually offered was recommendations to Armenia for how the situation might be ‘normalised’, the promise that the CSTO would dispatch a fact-finding mission, and, of course, its expressions of ‘serious concern’. 

For many Armenians, this was the last straw. Both the government and population broke with protocol, and began to publicly call out the shortcomings of their main  ‘strategic ally’ — an ally that appears to do nothing that would merit the title.

The Secretary of the Security Council stated that Yerevan had ‘no hope’ of the CSTO providing military assistance to Armenia, while Armenians took to the streets to protest. 

In mirror image to Russia’s inaction, the United States showed unprecedented and unexpected engagement in the conflict. It was the US that mediated the ceasefire, the US Secretary of State Antony Blinken who kept in touch with the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia in the tense days following the ceasefire, and finally, Blinken again who organised the first meeting between the foreign ministers of the two countries, less than a week after the fighting broke out. 

Arguably equally notable was the visit of US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi — the third highest-ranking official in the United States — to Yerevan, mere days after the clashes. 

US involvement in the conflict gave many Armenians and foreign commentators hope that a historic change in Armenia’s foreign policy was imminent. Some went so far as to suggest that Armenia should join NATO and the EU, and so reject alliance with Russia once and for all.

Such hopes of a swift turn away from Russian alliance are understandable, but unlikely to materialise anytime soon. Even if it does take place, such a shift is unlikely to be entirely positive for Armenia, as the country carries the legacy of thirty years of Russian colonisation. 

While anger at Russia has risen to levels not seen in Armenia in living memory, with several anti-Russian and anti-CSTO protests taking place following the war, untangling the country’s tight ties with Moscow is likely to prove painful at best. 

Fully severing ties with Russia would mean getting rid of Russian troops stationed in Armenia — a military presence that has persisted in the country for over two centuries. 

First settling in Armenia in the 19th century, Russian troops did not leave the country following the collapse of the Soviet Union, unlike in other countries in the South Caucasus. At the end of 1993, around 9,000 Russian troops were stationed in Armenian military bases. 

In 2022, the numbers remain much the same: Russia has at least 10,000 soldiers within Armenia’s internationally recognised borders, which includes roughly 4,500 border guards and around 5,000 troops in Gyumri. 

The border guards are mostly stationed along the Armenia–Turkey and Armenia–Iran borders, which span a total of 375 kilometres. The remaining 5,000 operate out of the Kremlin’s military base in Gyumri, which has permission to be stationed in Armenia for at least 22 more years with the possibility of further extension. 

Were Russian troops to withdraw from Armenia, the Armenia–Turkey border would be left unprotected. The Armenian army, significantly weakened since the 2020 war, would have huge challenges manning the borders while remaining ready to handle the real risk of border conflicts with Azerbaijan or even  large-scale war.

Needless to say, if Armenia were to request that Russian troops leave without having an international security ally, events could end tragically for the country. Taking into account Armenia’s additional economic dependence on Russia, the decision of whether to maintain close ties with its partner state is not one that Armenia can make freely. 

When the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War took place in 2020, Western countries maintained a typically polite distance from the conflict, taking no active involvement in ending the conflict or normalising relations between the two countries. This gave Russia ample room to act as the key mediator, and take on the role of ‘saviour’ of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. In doing so, Russia also secured its presence in the only post-Soviet conflict it did not yet have its boots in, by deploying over 2,000 peacekeepers to the region. 

Following the post-conflict withdrawal of the Armenian army from the contested region, Russian troops became the only guarantor of the security of over 120,000 Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh. However, the already limited Armenian forces, further weakened following the war, have continued to protect Nagorno-Karabakh’s borders with Azerbaijan and fought in several clashes following 2020, with little to no support from the peacekeepers. 

While the presence of Russian troops following the 2020 ceasefire has not prevented hostilities from erupting in Nagorno-Karabakh, nor prevented Azerbaijan from taking control of three settlements that were supposed to be under Russian control, the presence of Russian troops is still understood to be vital for the safety of the local Armenian population. 

Nonetheless, there was a distinct shift in mood in the region following the most recent attacks, with Russia’s inaction adding to growing doubts regarding the role the country plays in the region. 

In response, Arayik Harutyunyan, President of Nagorno-Karabakh, called anti-Russian sentiments the propaganda of foreign forces, and expressed his hope that the Russian troops would remain in the region for as long as possible. 

Since long before its troops were stationed in Nagorno-Karabakh, Russia has been using the conflict as leverage to extend its influence over Armenia and its policies. While it was seen as Armenia’s key ally against Azerbaijan, Armenia and Russia’s views on conflict resolution have not always aligned. This difference in approach had become more notable following the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. Now, in light of Russia’s failure to take any action in Armenia’s interests in the September conflicts, the countries appear to be working from entirely different playbooks. 

Russia’s military leverage in Armenia is already enough to make it incredibly difficult for the Armenian state to change its foreign policy alignment. On top of this, the Armenian economy is tightly bound to the Russian market and state. 

Armenia and Russia have strong economic ties, both bilateral and multilateral, the latter within the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Back in 2013, despite having initially been passionate about the possibility of an Association Agreement with the European Union (EU), Armenia instead decided to join the EAEU, effectively closing the door on any further integration with the EU. The current Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between Armenia and the EU is the highest level of cooperation accessible to Armenia as long as it remains part of the EAEU. 

Despite limited diversification of Armenia’s trade in recent years, Russia is still the largest importer and exporter of goods to and from Armenia; diversifying trade would require significant changes to the Armenian economy. 

And last but not least, the Russian state and business have shares in almost every sector central to Armenia’s economy and infrastructure: gas, electricity, railroads, and nuclear power plants. Names of Russian businessmen can also be found amongst the shareholders of Armenia’s largest mining companies, the largest and most developed field of industry in Armenia. 

The situation that Armenia now finds itself in is the result of the Armenian government’s decisions in the past three decades of independence, and Russia’s process of deliberate colonial creep. 

It may look like Armenia now has a historic opportunity to look West and find partners who will deliver on their commitments, but the situation is fraught with risk. Any reckless decisions by the Armenian government could be not just damaging, but suicidal for Armenia and the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. 

https://oc-media.org/opinions/opinion-armenias-old-allies-have-failed-it-new-ones-have-yet-to-appear/