Azerbaijan expels French diplomats amid Armenia tensions

DW – Deutsche Welle
Dec 26 2023

The Foreign Ministry in Baku said two French diplomats were named personae non grata and the ambassador was summoned in protest. However, the ministry did not specify reasons for the dispute.

Azerbaijan's Foreign Ministry on Tuesday said that two French diplomats had been ordered to leave the country over actions "incompatible with their diplomatic status." 

The ministry said in a statement that it had summoned French ambassador Anne Boillon to voice a "strong protest over the actions of two employees of the French Embassy." 

It said the pair were given 48 hours to leave the country. 

But the statement did not provide the exact reason for the two diplomats being sent home.

The move comes amid strained ties between Baku and Paris as  European powers attempt to mediate between Azerbaijan and neighboring Armenia. 

Azerbaijan reclaimed the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, over which the rivals fought two wars in recent decades, in a lightning offensive in September against Armenian separatists who had controlled it since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

In October, President Ilham Aliyev refused to attend a round of talks with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, citing what he said was the EU and France's "biased position" on the dispute. 

France's President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and European Council President Charles Michel had been set to mediate at that meeting.

In November, Aliyev accused France of inciting conflicts in the Caucasus in recent decades by arming Armenia.

France is home to a large Armenian diaspora and has often been accused of partiality by Baku.

Azerbaijan Announces Expulsion of Two French Diplomats

Voice of America
Dec 26 2023
AFP - Azerbaijan's foreign ministry said Tuesday that two French diplomats had been ordered to leave over actions "incompatible with their diplomatic status."

The ministry said in a statement it had summoned French ambassador Anne Boillon to express a "strong protest over the actions of two employees of the French Embassy."

Without providing further details, it said the two had been declared personae non gratae and ordered to leave the country within 48 hours.

The move came amid tense relations between the countries as Baku has accused France of being biased towards Armenia during European-mediated peace talks with its arch-foe.

In November, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev accused France of inciting conflicts in the Caucasus by arming Armenia.

Azerbaijan and Armenia have fought two wars over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Baku reclaimed the enclave in September after a lightning offensive against Armenian separatists who had controlled it for three decades.

Armenia and Azerbaijan had said a comprehensive peace agreement could be signed by the end of the year, but internationally mediated negotiations between the ex-Soviet republics have made little progress.

Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan have met on several occasions for talks under the mediation of the European Union.

But in October, Aliyev refused to attend negotiations with Pashinyan in Spain, over what he said was France's "biased position".

French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz had been set to mediate the talks along with European Council President Charles Michel.

Home to a large Armenian diaspora, France has been routinely accused by Azerbaijan of pro-Armenian bias over the Caucasus countries' territorial conflict.

In Armenia, What’s Old is New Again

Forbes
Dec 26 2023
After a few thousand years of winemaking, Armenia is making its debut as a producer of quality wines for the modern drinker.

A small, land-locked country of not-quite three million—its diaspora is three times the number of its residents—you don’t hear much about Armenia. It was in the news briefly this fall during a border conflict with Azerbaijan, whose military bases overlook vineyards in Vayots Dzor, a prime production region. But in the wake of the larger conflict in Gaza occurring soon after, the Armenian-Azerbaijan situation has slipped from public view.

And that’s to the advantage of a wine industry undergoing a renaissance that just this year started exploring broader, international markets for commercialization. The concept of Armenian wine might be new to many, but the country’s wine production goes back at least 6,000 years. Evidence of systematic winemaking such as wine presses, jars and karases (clay vessels similar to amphorae) was found in the Areni-1 cave, a site from the Early Bronze Age in Vayots Dzor, and a stone’s throw from leading wineries today.

Like its Georgian neighbor to the north—another ancient wine culture—Armenia’s wine industry suffered under Soviet rule that prioritized bulk and brandy production over quality wines of place. It’s been only in the post-Soviet years that winemakers were able to reclaim their heritage and infuse the old vineyards with new technology and renewed stewardship.

“During the Soviet era, much of the connection with traditional winemaking was lost except in home winemaking,” says Ara Sarkissian, head of wine at Storica Wines, a Massachusetts-based importer dedicated to Armenian fine wine. “After the fall of the Soviet Union, Armenia saw an influx of immigration; Armenians moved [back] to their homeland, bringing with them technology, knowledge and funding.

“This allowed for a reset of sorts in winemaking and people were open to bringing in new ideas, approaches and technology from Europe and elsewhere to rejuvenate commercial wine production.”

Storica was established in 2018 and today represents seven brands by five producers, who, in turn represent a new generation and mindset for the country’s winemaking. Though they’re far flung across a rugged landscape, they are closely bound by a common commitment to quality and defining the new Armenian terroir.

Armenia 101. In part, Armenia mirrors conditions in some of the world’s most prized regions—high-elevation vineyards—up to nearly 6,000 feet above sea level—on well-draining limestone and volcanic soils. But any geographic similarities to Europe end there: the heart of Armenia’s wine country is defined by valleys and, in large part, a dramatic mountainscape—ripples of brown hues in the highlands turning to purple and snow caps in the distance. In some places, it’s the only horizon the eye can see. Indeed, mountains make up about 70% of the land. Some vineyards are so remote, all there is to see are earth and sky.

“It’s not really a hospitable region—very dramatic and a little extreme and edgy,” said Vahe Keushgerian, who along with his daughter Aimee, produces traditional-method sparkling wine from 130-year-old ungrafted vines at Keush, established in 2010 in Vayots Dzor. From his vineyards 5,741 feet above sea level, the boundaries of all four neighboring countries—Georgia, Turkey, Iran and Azerbaijan—are in view.

His assessment is echoed by Arsen Mkrtchyan, director at Noa, a winery founded in 2017 on 35 hectares (~86 acres) of land formerly part of an “old-style vineyard more oriented to volume than quality.”

“When we bought the land, we didn’t expect it to be so stony and so much work, but now we can’t stop,” he said.

At this point, Armenia’s six wine-producing regions largely seem to be defined by their altitudes, and a visual reminder of this is Mount Ararat, a 16,854-foot dormant volcano, which, though in eastern Turkey, dominates the view for miles. The regional crown jewel is Vayots Dzor, with elevations up to 5,900 feet above sea level. Armavir, located in the Ararat plain (2,953 – 3,609 feet asl), is the largest and mostly focused on white wines. Ararat with (2,625-3,281 feet) follows in size. Aragatsotn is a northwestern outpost for quality-led boutique family wineries with the same elevations as Armavir. Keush’s French-trained winemaker Arman Manoukian says Armenia is about 20 years away from having an appellation system, so for now, valleys and elevations are the main markers.

The country is home to more than 350 indigenous varieties, about 80 of which have been DNA tested, Vahe estimated, with about 30 in commercial cultivation for still (dry) and sparkling wines are made. (Sweet wine production is limited and mostly consumed locally and is not part of the export strategy.) About 70% of Armenian wines are consumed in-country.

Thanks to those extreme elevations and diurnal temperature shifts, in general, the wines are crisp and have a linear fruit _expression_, ready for the modern consumer. Master of Wine Lisa Granik, author of Wines of Georgia and a market adviser to Armenia, calls them “well-balanced, approachable and appealing alternatives to the ubiquitous varieties in the current market.”

Storica focuses on five grape varieties that have the greatest potential to resonate with consumers in the American market. “We have decided to primarily import wines made with Areni, which is easy to pronounce, but is also approachable, being medium-bodied and low in tannin,” Sarkissian said. Some are crunchy-red-fruited wines that often can pass for Pinot Noir. The whites made of Voskehat can mimic a creamy-textured Chardonnay from the Burgundy villages.

The work starts in the vineyard. Starting with a clean slate means not only breaking ground, but also making viticultural decisions that will define the respective wineries: where to source grapes, how to farm them and how to manage resources, such as water, that are in scarce supply. The decisions are individual, but all the programming starts with a common desire to preserve and elevate what is truly Armenian.

Aimee Keushgerian, who grew up in Tuscany and repatriated from the United States, established Zulal (“pure” in Armenian) in 2017, making dry wines micro-vinified from grapes that were on the verge of extinction. She sources from small growers in Vayots Dzor and Artashat. Noa is working with a consulting oenologist on the winery’s sustainability program, focused on water conservation and other organic best practices. The winery is in its first year of pursuing the three-year organic certification.

Over at Voskevaz, winemaker Ghevond Petrosyan says “we’re trying to reactivate traditions in a modern style, but respect native varieties, natural root stocks and methods like fermenting the grapes in karas.” Indeed, ownership at Voskevaz has a foot in both the past and future: The former Soviet winery was founded in 1932, “reborn” through an acquisition by the Hovhannisyan family in 1997 and “born again” in 2013 with a significant restoration that includes a castle-like folly set up for enotourism.

And at Van Ardi, a winery at 3,356 feet in Aragatsotn, Varuzhan Mouradian, repatriated from Los Angeles to start what is widely considered Armenia’s first boutique winery. His mission, he said, is “to put Armenia on a fine-wine map and to reeducate Armenians about [their] wine heritage.” Certified organic, Van Ardi employs methods often found in biodynamic vineyards, such as farming by a lunar calendar and playing music for the vines and constructing a bell tower that gives off vibrations on the “do” note. “We consider the vines communicate with each other and have feelings,” he says. “We are always experimenting and adapting: It’s a process.”

Finding a market. All this bodes well for a nascent wine market in which consumers value stewardship and authenticity, though Sarkissian says it’s not without its challenges.

“They are twofold: One is that the grape varieties are unknown, the other is that Armenia is not known as a wine producer due to the break during Soviet times,” he said. “Armenia is behind Greece and Georgia by about 15 years in terms of the ability of U.S. consumers to have a basic understanding of [its] wine personality.”

However, it is his job, along with the new generation of winemakers, to suss out a narrative that will attract consumers who, increasingly, are interested in off-the-beaten path wines.

“While currently the market potential rests among consumers willing to venture beyond, say, Chardonnay and Bordeaux varieties, the value and quality of Armenian wines should allow them a toehold in the growing demand for ancient varieties from ancient wine growing areas,” says Granik.

But if Greece and Georgia, both with similar challenges can surmount them, so can Armenia with its backstory still in development.

“Areni has been shown to be the grape variety that was vinified in the Areni-1 cave, making it the oldest continually used grape variety that we know of. This certainly helps the story,” Sarkissian says.

https://www.forbes.com/sites/lanabortolot/2023/12/26/in-armenia-whats-old-is-new-again/?sh=299935487cdd

Armenian Prime Minister rebukes Putin and Lukashenko at summit in Russia

MSN
Dec 26 2023
RBC Ukraine
Story by Liliana Oleniak

Ameeting of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council was held in St. Petersburg on December 25. During the meeting, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan made remarks about his country's position on the separation of economic and political issues, according to Azatutyun.

The head of the Armenian government says that "the Eurasian Economic Union is an economic association that should not have a political, let alone a geopolitical agenda."

"We continue to perceive it in this way and develop interaction within the framework of our economic cooperation in this context, seeking to stop all attempts to politicize Eurasian integration," Pashinyan says.

According to him, the EAEU and its economic principles should not correlate with political ambitions.

"The EAEU and its economic principles should not be associated with political ambitions. The fundamental freedoms of trade and integration cannot and should not be restricted for political reasons, as this will lead to corrosion of the fundamental principles of the association," the Prime Minister says.

In contrast to Pashinyan, Russian and Belarusian dictators Vladimir Putin and Alexander Lukashenko regularly advocate the politicization of all associations in the post-Soviet space.

Deterioration of Armenia's relations with Russia and Belarus

The Armenian authorities have repeatedly expressed their dissatisfaction with the lack of effective support for the Collective Security Treaty Organization in the framework of international cooperation among its member states. In particular, the last such complaint about the presence of Russian military bases on the territory of the country was expressed by Armenia during active hostilities in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The CSTO members are Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.

In the summer, Armenia refused to participate in the Skela-2023 exercise in Belarus under the auspices of the Collective Security Treaty Organization.

At the end of October, it became known that the Armenian authorities were considering closing down Russian state TV channels because they had committed violations.

In early November, the Russian Federation stated that it perceived Armenia's participation in the Ukrainian peace formula summit in Malta as a "demonstrative anti-Russian gesture."

https://www.msn.com/en-ca/news/world/armenian-prime-minister-rebukes-putin-and-lukashenko-at-summit-in-russia/ar-AA1m3l7f



LCF Armenian Class Celebrates Holidays Through Music

Dec 26 2023
The Armenian after-school program for LCE, PCR, and PCY elementary school students celebrated its first Christmas concert and performance on Dec. 19.
Led by the highly experienced and dedicated teacher Marianna Khachatryan, the students memorized and recited Armenian holiday poems, sang Armenian Christmas songs and played instruments.
The enthusiastic students included PCY first grader Emin DerHartunian, PCY fourth grader Mihran DerHartunian, PCY second grader Vahan Gozumian, LCE first grader Arka Terzian, LCE transitional kindergartner Arpi Terzian, and PCR fourth grader Alec Tsaturyan.
The students were also recognized for their personal achievements and were awarded certificates, highlighting their strengths in their learning. Parents were invited to the classroom to see the performance and experience the progress the students made in their Armenian language skills throughout the school year.
This initiative, which embraces diversity and inclusion in our community, is taught by the Davidian and Mariamian Educational Foundation. It is a reputable organization that has successfully implemented similar programs in 25 schools across Southern California.
The program officially started for the three elementary schools in February 2023 and offers a six-year curriculum that includes Armenian language and cultural components. Open to any elementary school child in the La Cañada school district, the program accommodates students of all proficiency levels. Currently, the class is divided into beginner and intermediate levels. Upon completion of the program, students will receive a graduation ceremony, marking their linguistic and cultural accomplishments.
For those interested in enrolling, classes are currently held on Tuesdays from 3:30 to 5:30 pm at a La Cañada Unified School District office classroom and will begin on Jan. 9. Further details can be found at DMEF.org.

https://outlookvalleysun.outlooknewspapers.com/2023/12/26/lcf-armenian-class-celebrates-holidays-through-music/

Are India and Armenia Moving Toward a Strategic Partnership?

The National Interest
Dec 26 2023

India’s robust relationship with Armenia may be put on hold by the shift in the Caucasus’ balance of power.

by Abhinav Pandya Follow @abhinavpandya on Twitter

When it comes to Indian geopolitical maneuvers, the global strategic community feels that India punches much below its weight, mostly confined to South Asia. Until recently, India’s strategic calculus was primarily limited to Pakistan, followed by China. Its outreach to the Western world was largely economic and cultural, barring a minor strategic component dwelling upon defense deals. However, after the Chinese incursions in Doklam and Galwan worsened the India-China relationship and the involvement of extra-regional actors like Turkey in the Kashmir conflict, India’s foreign policy vision, approach, and strategic calculus are expanding beyond South Asia. Some of its manifestations include India’s interest in the Indo-Pacific, global strategic connectivity projects like IMEC, an upsurge in India-Greece bilateral ties, and New Delhi’s enthusiastic showmanship during its G20 presidency.

India’s outreach to Armenia, a faraway country in the South Caucasus, is part of this new change. The October 2021 visit of Dr. S. Jaishankar, India’s External Affairs Minister, to Yerevan is historic because it’s the first such visit of the Indian foreign minister to Armenia in the last thirty years. Before this, Prime Minister Modi met his Armenian counterpart, Nikol Pashinyan, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York, seeking Yerevan’s support in finalizing a trade arrangement with the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU). 

In the last three years, India has emerged as a major weapons supplier to Armenia. These big-ticket defense deals include the sale of Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers, a $40 million contract of SWATHI weapon-locating radars, ammunition anti-tank missiles, and 155 mm artillery guns. The author’s interlocutors in India’s Ministry of External Affairs informed that Armenia is interested in more defense deals, including drones and counter-drone systems, loitering munitions, and mid-range surface-to-air missiles. In October 2022, Armenia’s defense minister, Suren Papikyan, visited the New Delhi defense expo and met his Indian counterpart, Rajnath Singh. 

In Sept 2022, both countries signed memoranda of understanding (MOUs) in culture, digital infrastructure, and renewable energy to promote business ties at the India-Armenia Conference 2022 in Bengaluru. The delegates explored the trade and investment potential in pharmaceuticals, agriculture, information technology, cinema, and tourism. Additionally, one can witness an uptick in think tank-level cooperation between India and Armenia. Most recently, the author represented the Usanas Foundation at the Yerevan Dialogue Series organized by the Armenian Prime Minister’s Office in collaboration with Armenia’s top-level think tank, Applied Policy Research Institute (APRI). APRI will also organize the next dialogue series with the Observer Research Foundation, another Indian think tank, and the Raisina Dialogue organizer in partnership with the Ministry of External Affairs. 

All these developments rest on the solid bedrock of robust cultural and historical ties between the two countries that have existed for centuries. The Armenian business community has lived in India for over four centuries. Kolkata is home to centuries-old Armenian churches. The first draft of a constitution for the Armenian nation was drawn up in Chennai. 

Strategic Connectivity and Geopolitics

Until the 2020 war, India more or less had a clear stand, backing Armenia against Azerbaijan’s territorial aggression. Turkey and Pakistan’s support of Azerbaijan made it all the more essential for India to support Armenia. In 2017, Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Pakistan signed a trilateral ministers’ agreement to boost defense and strategic ties. Notably, Azerbaijan has declared its support for Pakistan on the Kashmir issue, whereas Armenia supports India. Turkey-Pakistan relations extend back to 1947. After India abrogated Kashmir’s special status in 2019, Turkey emerged as a diehard proponent of Pakistan’s position against India. Under Erdogan’s Islamist leadership and Pan-Turkic ambitions, Ankara’s interest and support of Pakistan strengthened, and anti-India diatribes have become vitriolic. More recently, the author’s interlocutors have suggested that Erdogan’s private paramilitary force, SADAT, may be active in sending highly trained mercenaries to Kashmir. 

In addition to counter-balance Turkey and Pakistan, India also looks at Armenia as a nodal point to expand its strategic and economic outreach to the South Caucasus. Delhi’s most critical interests in this region lie in the strategic connectivity projects. India’s interest in the INSTC (International North-South Corridor), of which Armenia is a part, is firmly rooted in its quest for land connectivity to Eurasia, Central Asia, and Europe through the Iranian plateau, otherwise blocked by Pakistan and Afghanistan. With this intent, India aims to extend INSTC to Armenia, connecting Chahbahar port in South East Iran to European and Eurasian markets. India and Iran have two options- railway lines connecting North Western Iran to Russia or the Black Sea through Armenia’s Syunik province or via the Caspian Coast through Azerbaijan. Armenia is a natural choice for India because of Azerbaijan’s proximity to Pakistan and Turkey. Armenia is also keenly interested in INSTC. Yerevan announced an alternate road to Iran in May 2021 to connect Iranian ports to Georgian ports via Armenia. During the Indian foreign minister’s 2021 visit, Armenia also proposed a scheme allowing the transportation of Indian products to Russia and the Black Sea via Armenia. All these initiatives bring the INSTC closer to reality. 

Given the abovementioned developments, it is reasonable to conclude that both countries are moving towards a robust strategic partnership. However, India’s relative silence after the fall of Nagarno-Karabakh in 2023 indicates a moderate decline in New Delhi’s enthusiasm for the relationship and a sense of guarded optimism bordering on skepticism. Perhaps, after Azerbaijan cemented its control over Nagarno-Karabakh, India now feels insecure about its investments and plans for strategic connectivity projects in this region. India may reconsider its abovementioned preference for the Syunik transit route because of the Zanzegur region that falls within it. Baku has made claims to the Zanzegur corridor as it provides unimpeded access to its exclave of Nakchivan. Given the revisionist intent of Azerbaijan, these threats originating from Baku can not be underestimated. Hence, the prevailing instability and volatile security situation may dampen India’s enthusiasm for a transit route through Syunik.

Nevertheless, India faces a tough choice. India is deeply invested in the Chahbahar project and eyes INSTC as a critical connectivity project to obtain overland routes to Europe. Despite the hindrances from sanctions against Iran and Russia and major differences over the arbitration issues with Iran, India has finalized a ten-year contract with Iran for the use of Chahbahar port. 

India’s West Asia expert and former envoy to many Middle Eastern countries, Ambassador Anil Trigunayat, said in a telephone interview that after the Ukraine war, Russians have become very serious about the rapid execution of INSTC to gain access to Chahbahar through the Indian Ocean, to counter the European sanctions. India does not want to miss this opportunity. He further said that if India shows a lack of interest, China will likely occupy that space as it already has strong ties with Russia. India’s dependence is further accentuated by the declining prospects of the IMEC (India-Middle East Europe Corridor) after the Israel-Hamas war. 

Hence, whether these vulnerabilities will compel India to explore the Azerbaijan route for INSTC against the backdrop of the Turkey-Pakistan-Azerbaijan alliance remains a million-dollar question. 

In addition to the abovementioned factors, the increasing involvement of global powers in the South Caucasus can also impede the transformation of the India-Armenia relationship into a strategic partnership. After Russia’s lukewarm response to the war with Azerbaijan, there is a marked Armenian shift toward the United States, which is making Moscow uncomfortable. In the recent Russia-Ukraine war, India had to face tremendous pressure from the Western powers to abandon Russia. Given its aversion to alliances, New Delhi would avoid getting caught in another cold war front between the United States and Russia. Also, India’s strong ties with Israel, Iran’s arch-enemy, and Iran’s with China, India’s arch-enemy, will make it increasingly challenging for India to continue and further its involvement in Russia-Iran-led INSTC. The worst-case scenario for India will be the passage of INSTC through Azerbaijan. Hence, it can be argued that in the prevailing uncertainty and instability in the South Caucasus, India will prefer to move ahead on a bilateral trajectory with Armenia, with a particular focus on defense deals and economic ties. 

Dr. Abhinav Pandya is a founder and CEO of Usanas Foundation, an India-based geopolitical and security affairs think-tank, and the author of Radicalization in India: An Exploration. His second book, Terror Financing in Kashmir, was released this month. He has a Ph.D. from OP Jindal University and an MPA from Cornell University.

https://nationalinterest.org/feature/are-india-and-armenia-moving-toward-strategic-partnership-208173

Lukashenko on integration prospects: Armenia will definitely be with us

SB.BY
Belarus – Dec 25 2023

When asked by journalists whether he was offended that Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan arrived to the EEU summit in St. Petersburg, but had not earlier visited the CSTO summit in Minsk, Belarus’ President Aleksandr Lukashenko noted, “What's the difference? St. Petersburg, Minsk… These are different formats.”

The Head of State said that, even during his telephone conversation with Pashinyan before the Minsk summit, he knew that he would go to St. Petersburg, “When I was talking to him, I asked: ‘Will you go to St. Petersburg?’ He replied: ‘Well, this is a different format, an economic one. We feel aggrieved with the military-political one, the CSTO, but this will focus on the economy’. That's why I knew he would come to St. Petersburg. I supported him in that then, and I support him now. What kind of offense could it be?”

“Won't we lose Armenia?” journalists asked.

“Well, if Armenia wants to die economically, then we can lose it. However, I do not think that Armenians are stupid people. They are smart, and I am sure that Armenia will not go anywhere. Didn’t it see how people were dying in Afghanistan, how they were clinging to the chassis? Do you remember that when Americans were going away? They will use Armenia in the same way and go away. This will be the case, it is their [Americans’] politics. Armenians are smart, they understand that this is exactly what will happen. Who will help them there? France is trying to do something. You see what is happening in France; they should better settle everything domestically before interfering with the Caucasus. They cannot resolve all issues at home, and Armenians see this,” the Head of State said.

Aleksandr Lukashenko explained what the key of the politics is, “The events happening publicly are one side, and the other side is what is occurring outside this publicity. The main processes are taking place there. Due to these processes, Armenia will definitely be with us, since the most important direction of their development is here.”

  

How far can Armenia go in getting closer to West: Expert opinion

MSN
Dec 24 2023
Story by Natalia Direyeva 
Armenia continues its path towards Western integration and expresses the desire to resume the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union, says to RBC-Ukraine Wojciech Wojtasiewicz, an expert on the South Caucasus at the Polish Institute of International Affairs (Warsaw).

Closer ties with the European Union

Armenia's Prime Minister, Nikol Pashinyan, affirms his commitment to diversifying security relationships. Concrete steps have been taken, including agreements for military supplies from France. In October, Defense Minister Sébastien Lecornu announced that Paris would provide a certain quantity of arms, including air defense assets. In November, it was disclosed that the planned transfer of light armored vehicles Bastion to Ukraine would be redirected to Armenia.

Since February 2023, a Civilian Mission of the European Union (EUMA) has been operating in Armenia. This neutral mission, exclusively active on Armenian territory, lacks executive functions. It is designed for a two-year term to contribute to stability in Armenia's border regions and normalize relations with Azerbaijan.

Additionally, an Agreement on Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership is in effect between Brussels and Yerevan. Pashinyan considers it one of the pillars of reforms in Armenia, expressing the ambition to draw closer to the EU and cooperate on police reform, the judicial system, education, and public administration.

The Armenian government aims to return to the signing of the Association Agreement with the EU

As the first step towards strengthening cooperation, on December 11, the EU expanded its mission from 138 to 209 personnel. Foreign Minister of Armenia, Ararat Mirzoyan, made a series of statements affirming a pro-European direction. He welcomed the decision to start negotiations on the EU accession of Ukraine and Moldova, not only on behalf of the government but also on behalf of the Armenian people. According to him, the process of democratization and reform in the country "will not stop for a moment."

Expert Wojciech Wojtasiewicz suggests that the authorities aim to return to the signing of the Association Agreement. The document was ready in 2013, but then-President Serzh Sargsyan received a call from the Kremlin and ultimately declined. Following this, Vladimir Putin initiated the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).

Armenia is eager to secure visa-free access to the EU

The Armenian government now seeks a new agreement with the European Union, with the expansion of the observer mission marking the initial move.

"Secondly, they want to obtain a visa-free regime so Armenians can travel to EU countries without Schengen visas. They also want a free trade zone. In principle, this is the most important. Additionally, negotiations are underway with the US and France on constructing a power plant to reduce dependence on Russian resources and gas. But implementing such decisions quickly is difficult; it will take time," Wojtasiewicz explained.

The details of what is happening in the triangle of Armenia – the West – Russia are discussed in the material by RBC-Ukraine.

Expert: To exit CSTO Armenia needs ‘strong security guarantees’ from West

MSN
Dec 25 2023
Armenia may decide to withdraw from the CSTO when they receive strong security guarantees from the West. However, this is also linked to Russia's war against Ukraine, says the expert on the South Caucasus at the Polish Institute of International Affairs (Warsaw), Wojciech Wojtasiewicz.

Armenia looks towards the USA

According to Wojtasiewicz, the Armenian authorities have not yet decided how to shape their foreign policy.

"In Yerevan, I often heard that the decision to review relations with Russia is not theirs but Russia's. After Armenians were left face-to-face with Azerbaijan in the Karabakh situation, they wanted to look towards the U.S. and European countries, not participating in the CSTO and CIS meetings. However, they have not explicitly stated an intention to leave these organizations," he noted.

Unofficially, it is said in Yerevan that about a year ago, they talked to American and European politicians about the desire to leave the CSTO. However, the response was that the time had not yet come, and there was a threat of Russia launching a military operation in Armenia.

Armenia has de facto left the CSTO

Similar hints were made in November by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. Specifically, when asked about Armenia's continued membership in the CSTO, he said that they would be guided by national interests.

"Our partners in the CSTO must also understand us. If being CSTO members, we cannot receive the necessary assistance and support, and membership is an insurmountable obstacle to receiving assistance from other parties, then we must make decisions based on our interests," he said.

However, many analysts in Armenia emphasize that de facto the country has already left the CSTO, says Wojtasiewicz.

Under what conditions Armenia will leave the CSTO

"For them, reality is more important than official status. I think the Armenian government will decide to leave the CSTO when they receive strong security guarantees from the West. And the West can provide such guarantees only when Russia suffers a defeat in Ukraine. Before that, both the West and Armenia will be very cautious. Most likely, relations with Russia in 2024 will be the same as this year, within the framework of the so-called 'two steps forward, one step back' policy," the expert notes.

This formulation is valid for Armenia's relations with the West as well. Multivectorality is explained, in part, by the Georgian example. When under Mikheil Saakashvili, the course towards Eurointegration was taken, and in 2008, there was Russian aggression in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Currently, Russia plays a significant role in Armenia's foreign policy. Although they do not share common borders, there is a threat that if Yerevan refuses cooperation, Moscow may contribute to the overthrow of the government.

"After the Azerbaijani operation in Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023, anti-government protests took place in Yerevan. There were concerns that if the demonstrations turned into something more significant, Russia would use them to change the government," Wojtasiewicz added.

For more details on what is happening in the Armenia-West-Russia triangle, read the material by RBC-Ukraine.

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/world/expert-to-exit-csto-armenia-needs-strong-security-guarantees-from-west/ar-AA1m16kh



The president of FIAS is sure that Armenia set a new bar for organisation of competitions

Inside the Games
Dec 25 2023

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  •  Monday,

The President of the International SAMBO Federation, Vasily Shestakov, summed up the 2023 and talked about the New Year in his speech.

"In 2023, 4 continental championships were held. Perhaps their most important feature was the inclusion of a new discipline in the programme – Women's Combat SAMBO. And within the framework of the Asian and Oceania Championships, the opening championships for the blind and visually impaired were held for the first time," Shestakov said. 

Most importantly, two World Cup events were added to the calendar, as well as a new tournament in Armenia. "A new international SAMBO tournament was held under the auspices of the President of the Olympic Committee of Armenia Gagik Tsarukyan, which was remembered by the athletes not only for its brilliant fights but also for its substantial prize fund. I hope that this tournament will become an annual event." 

Armenia also hosted the 2023 SAMBO World Championships, and Shestakov is confident that it was a great event for all participants. "The World Beach SAMBO Championships took place in the city of Juan Dolio (Dominican Republic), the World Youth and Junior Championships took place in Bishkek, Kyrgyz Republic, and the World Championships took place in Yerevan, Armenia.

The main tournament of the FIAS calendar was a great event for all participants and spectators. By organising such a large and colourful event, the Armenian SAMBO Federation has set a new, higher bar for the conduct and organisation of competitions," said the FIAS President.

The inclusion of SAMBO in the programme of the World Combat Games held in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on 20-21 October can also be considered as one of the major achievements of the past year. Competitions were held in Sport SAMBO and Combat SAMBO for both men and women, as well as in SAMBO for the blind and visually impaired. 

As for 2024, Shestakov is confident that it will be a busy and truly exciting year for all SAMBO fans. "Next year, all SAMBO fans will be able to see our sport as a demonstration sport in the programme of the XIII African Games, which will be held in Accra, Ghana. Another important event for all of us will be the participation of SAMBO in the Asian Indoor and Martial Arts Games in Thailand. The decision taken this year to return SAMBO to the big stage of the World Games, which will be held in Chengdu, China, in 2025, can also be considered a great achievement," he concluded.

https://www.insidethegames.biz/articles/1143103/armenia-set-a-new-bar-for-organisation