AW: Letter to the Editor | An economic benefit to human rights violations

By now, there have been newspaper publications and plenty of social media discussions of Azerbaijan’s blockade of the independent Republic of Artsakh in the South Caucasus.

No concrete international efforts have been made to provide relief to the 120,000 Christian Armenians, who for the past six months living on their native land, have been deprived of access to the internet, electricity, gas, medicine, food supplies, pharmaceuticals and critical medical care by the dictatorial regime of Azerbaijan.

We hear about human rights violations, yet from all the failed international negotiations and the February 22, 2023 International Court of Justice ruling in favor of Armenians, Azerbaijan has shown total disregard of this order. It has further constricted the “Road to Life” by installing a government checkpoint on the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor requiring native Armenians to have Azeri passports to go back and forth to the Republic of Armenia. Four villages within Artsakh are completely cut off from the outside world. Concerns for human rights violations are valid when there is subjugation, domination and exploitation of such people. 

The hidden reason behind why such crimes have been ongoing for so long has to do with the economic forces driving it. Why did Israel, a Holocaust surviving nation, continuously sell weapons to Azerbaijan which were used in the 2020 attack against Artsakh Armenians and continues to sell them weapons to this day as tracked by military cargo flights? Israel has established new bases in the newly-occupied, previously Armenian-inhabited villages, bordering Iran. This is a way to keep Iran in check.

The Pandora Papers, which unmasks the hidden owners of offshore companies, revealed on October 4, 2021 the extent of money laundering Ilham Aliyev and his family have been conducting in British real estate and institutions. The day before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Aliyev and Putin signed an Agreement of Cooperation. Russian gas is laundered through Azeri pipelines all the way to Turkey and Italy. Europe thinks there are sanctions on Russian oil and gas, but there really are not with actors like this.

Turkey sold military drones to Azerbaijan which were used for the first time on Armenians in the 2020 war. Their effectiveness opened the market for Turkish drones. Turkey and Azerbaijan are both trying to expand their lands and create physical connections at the expense of the Republic of Armenia. Azerbaijan has been attacking and taking land from the sovereign Republic of Armenia and taking over precious pasture lands where farm animals grazed, rerouting agricultural water flow and controlling precious mines that Armenia has for metals like gold, molybdenum and copper. Several of these mines belong to a US-based company, Anglo Asian Mining, which is partially owned by former Governor John H. Sununu, whose son may be interested in bidding for the 2024 US Presidency.

There is an economic benefit for the perpetrators of human rights violations, ethnic cleansing and genocides. That is why “Never Again” referring to the crime of genocide is just a slogan and not truly taken to heart by the human rights agencies. Artsakh has not received any concrete aid from the United States or Europe despite the billions of our tax dollars that are pouring into our government’s satellite war in Ukraine. It is not the knowledge of human rights violations that make people react but exposing the microeconomics that drive it.

Edna Antonian
New Jersey


Pashinyan visits Moldova for European Political Community Summit, EU-mediated talks with Azerbaijan

Save

 15:15,

YEREVAN, MAY 31, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, together with his wife Anna Hakobyan, has left for Moldova on a working visit from May 31 to June 2.

In Chisinau, PM Pashinyan will participate in the Second European Political Community Summit. The Armenian Prime Minister will also have bilateral meetings with international partners.

A five-sided meeting between the Armenian PM, French President, German Chancellor, President of the European Council and the Azerbaijani President is also scheduled.

PM Pashinyan, PACE’s Paul Gavan discuss Lachin Corridor

Save

 14:55,

YEREVAN, MAY 31, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has met with Paul Gavan, the First Deputy Chairman of the Committee on Migration, Refugees and Displaced Persons of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE).

Gavan is visiting Armenia as part of preparing a report on ensuring safe passage along Lachin Corridor.

Issues related to the humanitarian crisis in Nagorno Karabakh resulting from the illegal blockade of Lachin Corridor by Azerbaijan were discussed, the Prime Minister’s Office said in a readout.

The Armenian Prime Minister stated that Azerbaijan has cut off gas and electricity supply from Armenia to Nagorno Karabakh and food supplies are carried out only through peacekeepers. PM Pashinyan said that Azerbaijan seeks to commit ethnic cleansing and genocide in Nagorno Karabakh and called for an appropriate reaction by the international community.

Chidem Inch: May 28th

The bell-tower of the Sardarabad Memorial Complex at the site of one of the heroic battles of the First Republic of Armenia (Photo: Rupen Janbazian/The Armenian Weekly)

This week, we marked May 28the 105th anniversary of the establishment of the first Armenian Republic. It was the first Armenian ruled nation in 600 years. Given the devastation of the 1915 Genocide, it is remarkable that this country was even born. For once in our recent history of tragic luck, the alignment of the planets and stars was with us. The Russians were occupied with the Bolshevik revolution some seven months earlier. Turkey was in the last days of what was left of the Ottoman Empire and the end of World War I.

The Armenians faced the Turks for a battle for the future of the nation. Would the Turks deliver the final blow or would the Armenians be able to persevere? It came down to three battles from May 22-29, 1918. The battles were in Bash Abaran, Karakilise and Sardarabad. The ultimate battle, not to diminish the value of the other two, was Sardarabad. It was indeed the battle for survival. Armenian forces and citizens (armed with whatever they had) formed a fierce band and fought hard for the survival of the nation.

In his 1990 book Armenia: Survival of a Nation, historian Christopher Walker noted that if the Armenians lost the Battle of Sardarabad, “it is perfectly possible that the word Armenia would have henceforth denoted only an antique geographical term.”

The First Republic was improbable in both inception and being successful. After the horrors and tragedies of 1915, it was amazing that we even had a Republic. Those intrepid souls who established the Republic were burdened with a destitute land and people. It lasted two years until the Soviets and Armenian Bolsheviks made the Republic part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. There were plusses and minuses to being an SSR. The minuses were the loss of Nakhichevan and Artsakh to Azerbaijan. The major plus was that Armenia survived and thrived until 1991 when the current Republic of Armenia was established with the fall of the Soviet Union.

Without those three battles and the efforts of the brave Armenians who fought them, there would be no Armenia today. It was a pure existential time for the Armenians. We need to acknowledge, honor and celebrate those times, those victories and that first Republic.

We have to also acknowledge that our plight is still existential. This has been brought to the forefront by the 2022 war in Artsakh and the negotiations/threats by Turkey and Azerbaijan since then. It seems a Sardarabad-like victory with the rallying of all citizens armed with guns will not work against the well-armed Azeri/Turkish forces we faced in 2022. We, all Armenians, need to look to the future of the nation, where we are now and what we can do moving forward.

In the Diaspora, we also have to come to terms with our role in this. We are Armenians, but we are not citizens of the Republic of Armenia. We can support, advocate, influence, certainly provide funds, and even be strategists and thought leaders. But our roles are, de facto, secondary no matter how we view ourselves and the resolve with which we state we disagree or are upset by this or that. We have no seat at the negotiation table.

Of course, being a Diasporan Armenian, I think we should. But the world is not structured or wired that way unless we can somehow garner the needed influence. How might that be accomplished? Well, that is the big question. Money and power are the typical answers. Someone close to me reacted to one of my articles by saying, “But, you offered no solutions.”  That is absolutely true. I am stymied by the current Armenian predicament. It is a source of great angst and frustration. Yet, I see no one offering any solutions for the guaranteed safety and security of Armenia and Armenians in Artsakh. We have hope. We have righteousness. The only solutions that might work seem to require compromises that are so unacceptable to us, that no one but Pashinyan has uttered one.

We have to reach back and acknowledge the importance of those three victories in May of 1918. We need that unifying spirit inside each and every one of us. We also need a chance to keep our Republic and build it into an economic force that is capable of defending itself. That is my May 28th wish and vision. It is a grand vision and a huge challenge.

Getseh Hayastan yev Hayeruh.

Mark Gavoor is Associate Professor of Operations Management in the School of Business and Nonprofit Management at North Park University in Chicago. He is an avid blogger and oud player.


“Rights and Security…” Who is listening?

When a wild animal senses a wounded victim, there is no pacifying their appetite. While Armenia continues to double down on its concessions of accepting Azerbaijani territorial integrity that includes Artsakh, the Azeri response this week is hardly optimistic. Dictator Aliyev, who has committed war crimes and ignored the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling on Berdzor (Lachin), arrogantly declared that he will not negotiate with Artsakh. He said that the Armenians must accept Azerbaijani rule or leave and demanded a corridor through sovereign RoA territory (so-called Zangezur). He openly displays disdain for all Armenians, particularly those that he claims are his citizens in Artsakh. 

The West, obsessed with beating the Russians to the punch, continues to offer empty words that overstate the prospects of a peace agreement. Russia is only concerned with maintaining control in the South Caucasus and will turn on Armenia in a moment to serve that objective. Agreements, such as the lauded and often referenced November 2020 trilateral agreement after the war, mean nothing as Russia and Azerbaijan violate its content on a daily basis. Sadly, Armenia continues to point out the violations with a victim mentality. Azerbaijan taunts Armenia with brazen comments such as last week’s threat that it can carry out any military operations against Artsakh. Aliyev further demanded the resignation of the Artsakh government and the dissolution of the parliament. Even a casual observer would conclude that any “peace” agreement in this environment would be absurd. Azerbaijan is so confident in its position that it openly threatens military actions if its demands are not met. Why not? It’s not as though following rules and abiding by agreements got them here. It has been quite the opposite. They have violated every agreement and continuously committed acts of aggression. 

the objective of self-determination remains in the hearts and minds of our brethren

While Armenia has wasted time with unilateral concessions, its military needs drastic attention. What is the difference between standing up with self-interest in the diplomatic process with an Azeri threat of violence and the inevitability of Azeri military action even with a peace deal? Both carry the threat of conflict, but the latter contains the false assumption that the Azeris want peace. The former is focused on the interests of the Armenian people, while the latter inadvertently has encouraged Azeri aggression. Apparently Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan is sufficiently alarmed by Aliyev’s response that he publicly questions the latter’s commitment to recent agreements in Brussels. He has good reason to draw these conclusions. The Armenian strategy has been to use unilateral concessions to draw Azerbaijan into reciprocation or be identified as a non-committed party to be pressured by the mediators. Aliyev has not responded positively to any of the concessions. His comments have been focused on what remains, which is more of a surrender than a peace deal. The alternative of pressuring Azerbaijan is only viable if the mediators are willing to go to extremes such as sanctions and other economic mechanisms to influence Azerbaijan. They have been consistently unwilling to go down that path. Azerbaijan has committed war crimes, violated international laws, ignored agreements with their signature and failed to implement an ICJ ruling, yet the West and Russia have done nothing to enforce civility. Some blame it on the power of fossil fuel for addicted western nations. Do not underestimate the impact of the Israeli/Azerbaijani alliance as it relates to Iran and the United States. The western nations are operating as diplomatic mediators but are driven by countering Russia and are limited by the Turkey/NATO and Israel/Azerbaijan partnerships. This is the reality of geo-political alignments of self-interest, yet Armenia clings to the hope that continuous concessions will appeal to Azerbaijan’s sense of righteous relations. There is no such thing as a soul for that state. They are driven by a false sense of history, blind aggression fueled by racism and a series of profitable relationships.

In this context, the voices of Armenia speak of “rights and security” for Artsakh as a reciprocal agreement. What should we make of this “policy” statement? Probably the most important observation from a democratic perspective is that the people of Artsakh do not support this direction. On numerous occasions based on press statements from Stepanakert and political analysts, the objective of self-determination remains in the hearts and minds of our brethren. Before we criticize this as unrealistic, remember they are the only ones who live on the land, have sacrificed for their rights and will bear the consequences of alternatives. They understand what Azeri rule with its oppression and racism will mean. The Armenians in the Republic of Armenia don’t live there, and they have officially ended their long tenure as the security guarantor. Those of us in the diaspora don’t live there and certainly the non-Armenian, third party mediators do not reside in Artsakh. Moreover, Armenia is the only party that clearly states this as an objective. The Azeris display open disregard for this idea. In their view, the matter was resolved in 2020, and the Armenians of Artsakh either live under Azerbaijani rule (and its consequences) or leave. This is officially referred to as a deportation and is within the definition of genocide. The mediator parties have been intentionally vague on this matter. Without international guarantees (as Armenia has stated repeatedly), there will be no rights or security. 

What would be helpful in this process would be a general criteria of “rights and security.” Today, we have polar opposite views expressed by Artsakh and Baku. In Artsakh, it is defined as the ability to live in cultural, religious and political freedom. There has been a functioning government for over 30 years and a defensive military. If you ask our brethren in Artsakh, the only “rights and security” come from defending yourself to maintain freedom without Azeri oppression. It is not a new idea. They have articulated it and sacrificed for it since 1988. On the other side of the spectrum, we have a defiant and belligerent Azerbaijan that ignores all standards of justice and civility declaring that all current infrastructure must be dissolved and Artsakh “reintegrated” into Azerbaijan. That is a huge gap. Armenia’s definition of “rights and security” has been left vague in deference to the negotiating process. Thus far, it has become a unilateral concession and resulted in a stalemate. Aliyev, who ignores all sense of diplomatic decorum, will usually initiate military operations when his tolerance is exceeded. I would assume that attributes have been released privately in order to gain support from the mediators. To date, Azerbaijan continues to respond with an approach befitting the dictatorship and racist regime it has become.

What is particularly ironic in this sea of anarchy and uncertainty is Armenia’s role as a nation that refused to recognize Artsakh for 30 years and now feels empowered to negotiate the future of those they claim no governmental responsibility over. Armenia has stated that it advocated direct talks between Artsakh and Azerbaijan. Initially, Aliyev, in a ploy to neutralize Ruben Vardanyan, stated he would only work with people native to Artsakh. When his demand was met, he immediately reneged by stating there will be no direct talks, only compliance to Azerbaijani rule. As a result, the concept of “rights and security” remains unclear because the designated Armenian party is not being given voice. An absurd sequence at best.

The entire concept of “rights and security” for Artsakh (a policy downgrade from 30 years of self-determination) is dependent on international guarantees. This is code for an on-site multinational peacekeeping force. It would be expected that the Europeans, particularly France, would shoulder most of the burden. The hole in this argument is that if you have already declared recognition for the “territorial integrity” of the 86.6 thousand square kilometers of Azerbaijan, why would you advocate a peacekeeping force on their “sovereign” territory? It seems as if the decision to unilaterally announce “territorial integrity” needed to succeed (not precede) the “rights and security” dialogue. Granted, the reasoning was to take a major issue off the table, but until it is reciprocated, it is meaningless and complicates the “security” issue. If Armenia has declared the inclusion of Artsakh in the 86.6 thousand square kilometers of Azerbaijan, what mediating party will commit troops to keep peace in an area already ceded? With a belligerent Azerbaijan, Armenia needs to make it easier for third party intervention. This sequence complicates that move.

The current negotiating environment is very unstable despite the public relations statements by the mediating parties. The parallel process between Moscow sponsored, EU sponsored and US sponsored diplomatic activity seems like an endless game of musical chairs. Armenia may have an opportunity to reset the parameters with Azerbaijan rejecting everything. Armenia needs to position them as the bad guys in a process that at least three outside parties are invested in. If the mediators sincerely believe this process has possibilities, then the party consistently blocking progress should be exposed. This is logical, but when layering in the political implications, it is uncertain. Regardless, Armenia must do something to use Aliyev’s lack of commitment to their advantage. Perhaps Pashinyan’s recent statement about Aliyev is that opportunity. If we simply leave this as a static dialogue of unilateral concessions, the inevitable military intervention by the Azeris will create intolerable risk for Artsakh’s “rights and security.” With Russia’s duplicitous adventures in the region and essentially ignoring Armenia, they would love to see the western mediating efforts fail. The ball is in the court of the Armenians to adjust since we have the most to lose. If Aliyev keeps reacting with more racist and threatening responses, the Armenians need to be in a position to exploit their barbarism with actions from the mediating parties. Enough of trying to be good faith compromisers. Armenia and Artsakh are in danger. Self-interest is the priority.

Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.


Photography and installation explore issues of dislocation and cultural identity at Armenian Museum of America

Ara Oshagan features an individual looking out from among the bookshelves of a library that opens entirely onto a war-ravaged boulevard in Beirut.

WATERTOWN, Mass.The Armenian Museum of America (AMofA) has announced the opening of its next contemporary art exhibition, “Ara Oshagan: Disrupted, Borders.” The show follows the AMofA’s blockbuster exhibit, “On the Edge: Los Angeles Art 1970s-1990s from the Joan and Jack Quinn Family Collection,” which received rave reviews and was viewed by thousands of visitors. 

“Disrupted, Borders” at AMofA is an expanded version of what was previously exhibited at Stockton University Art Gallery in New Jersey. The show is being curated by Ryann Casey. “This exhibition connects many of the diasporic and homeland entanglements that have occupied me over the past decade or more, from Los Angeles to Beirut to Artsakh,” states Oshagan. “The works articulate a certain ‘diasporic liberation,’ as so well stated by Hyperallergic editor Hrag Vartanian in his introductory essay about the exhibit.”

The exhibition combines photography, collage, installation and film, the last of which runs in the AMofA’s Rose and Gregory A. Kolligian Media Room. “The installation at Stockton was quite impressive in person and we knew this was something we wanted to bring to our Adele and Haig Der Manuelian Galleries,” says executive director Jason Sohigian. “Ara’s photography is from the diaspora in Los Angeles and Beirut, as well as Armenia and Artsakh, so it connects many historical elements with contemporary issues facing Armenians today.”

More than 55 works are on display including a massive mural from Oshagan’s Beirut Memory Project, as well as six large medieval manuscripts printed on fabric and overlain with photographs of people from Shushi, Artsakh. Eighteen Armenian Hmayil prayer scrolls are also reproduced for an installation in the middle of the gallery space. The scrolls are created from the digitized collections of the Library of Congress and other institutions, and they are modified with “interventions” from Oshagan that reflect on travel, family, culture and politics. 

“Visitors will notice that some of the gallery walls are painted red. This color choice was intentional, and it is actually the color of the dye made by the Cochineal insect that is indigenous to the Ararat plain and Arax River Valley,” explains Sohigian. “Vordan Karmir is a familiar color in Armenian rugs, and Oshagan selected it with the curator to accent the exhibit. It adds another layer of meaning to the issues that Ara brings to this show around Armenian identity and culture.” 

The mural and manuscript portraits on fabric, which are part of Oshagan’s Shushi series, are some of the largest works that have ever been exhibited in the AMofA galleries. “Ara’s innovative style allowed us to bring these larger-than-life images into the space so this installation offers many surprises from color to scale to medium, and a mix of time and place that will resonate with visitors,” adds Sohigian. 

Ara Oshagan, Shushi portraits #1, 2021

“Oshagan manages to seamlessly weave together different geographies, historical sources, and a range of mediums to consider the impact of dislocation on our personal and collective history,” explains Casey. “Bringing the past to the present, Oshagan asks us to reflect on our connections to place and community while highlighting the importance of memory on our shared future.”

Oshagan is a multi-disciplinary artist, curator, and cultural worker whose practice explores collective and personal histories of dispossession, legacies of violence and identity. He works in photography, film, collage, installation, book art, public art and monument-making. Oshagan has published three books of photographs. He is currently an artist-in-residence at 18th Street Art Center in Santa Monica and a curator at ReflectSpace Gallery in Glendale.

Casey is a New Jersey-based artist and educator. She is an adjunct professor of photography, art history and critical theory at Stockton University. Her current photographic and curatorial projects focus on themes of loss, trauma and memory.

Disrupted, Borders” will be exhibited in the AMofA’s third floor contemporary galleries through October 29, 2023. The gallery hours are Thursday through Sunday from noon to 6 p.m. The Armenian Museum of America is located at 65 Main Street, Watertown, MA.

There will be an opening reception for the exhibit on Wednesday, June 7 from 6:30 p.m. to 8:30 p.m. This event is free and open to the public. Oshagan will be present. 

Ara Oshagan, displaced #36, Nor Marash, 2018

The Armenian Museum of America is the largest Armenian museum in the Diaspora. It has grown into a major repository for all forms of Armenian material culture that illustrate the creative endeavors of the Armenian people over the centuries. Today, the Museum’s collections hold more than 25,000 artifacts including 5,000 ancient and medieval Armenian coins, 1,000 stamps and maps, 30,000 books, 3,000 textiles and 180 Armenian inscribed rugs, and an extensive collection of Urartian and religious artifacts, ceramics, medieval illuminations and various other objects. The collection includes historically significant objects, including five of the Armenian Bibles printed in Amsterdam in 1666.


Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 31-05-23

Save

 17:01,

YEREVAN, 31 MAY, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 31 May, USD exchange rate up by 0.10 drams to 386.62 drams. EUR exchange rate down by 2.13 drams to 412.76 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate down by 0.01 drams to 4.77 drams. GBP exchange rate down by 2.47 drams to 477.94 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price up by 62.82 drams to 24269.19 drams. Silver price up by 1.44 drams to 289.06 drams.

Besieged Artsakh and Mental Health

My early morning coffee on my balcony in front of the Artsakh Foreign Office exposes sunlit green laces of acacia, chirping birds and aquamarine mountain ranges soaring to the gray of the sky on the horizon. But my small delight is unsettled with the first sip that pricks the split corners of my mouth and itchy nettle rash all over my cheeks. This is – as my doctor puts it – a vitamin deficiency induced by the blockade. 

The blockade has completely cut off our enclave from the rest of the world, already isolated by protracted conflict and recent defeat in war. This show of force of Azeri “environmentalists” has been the most “successful eco-friendly” action in the Caucasus with the most aggravated humanitarian outcomes. It not only managed to stop the exploitation of the mine, but to deprive 120,000 people from meeting their basic needs and fundamental rights.

Visible Impact of the Blockade

The edibles have disappeared from food stalls, leaving grains, local dairy and canned food on the rows, next to lonely-standing luxurious Armenian cognacs. Over months, I developed an instinct of buying almost any edible I saw without much discretion, rejoicing over every purchased bit of food like over a trophy. This eventually seemed to me degrading and humiliating. I quit foraging for food to develop an itchy and festering vitamin-deficient rash on my face and limbs.

The blockade has impeded the right to move freely. The Red Cross transports only the severely ill, those in need of medical intervention and children separated from parents. One may be stuck in Yerevan for months, like a student of mine, Sofi Abrahamyan. Many students from Artsakh, around 200, studying in Yerevan cannot come here to see their parents. Left high and dry in Yerevan are also people traveling back to Artsakh from abroad.

Artsakh students, who have now graduated, were having a hard time getting to university from different regions, due to haphazardly disconnected gas supply that fuels public transport. Their studies were further disrupted by regular rolling blackouts at home and university. 

The blockade has crippled big and small businesses due to lack of import of raw materials and goods. People are tending to their own vegetable gardens and cultivating every patch of land. The land, which is giving us all this trouble, is supplying us with fresh vitamins in the form of greens, mostly wild ones. Lavishly growing on slopes, they are generously sold at local bazaars. They are traditionally cooked as soup, with garlic, baked within thin sheets of dough. Over the course of history, sieges like this have taught us to make practical, healthy and creative use of nature.  

The positive sides of the blockade are that fuel shortages force drivers to exercise by walking to their destinations. Plastic is no longer thrown away, but carefully stored and reused. All in all, people have simplified their eating and attire. They are often delighted with a handful of pasta and a warm cup of tea. I, for one, have lost weight without much effort, which I could have hardly achieved by sticking to diets in the good old days.

My current experience incites a comparison with my first blockade, experienced as a 10 year old. The blockade of Artsakh in the ‘90s preceded the war. Now the blockaded people are exhausted by 30 post-war years of protracted conflict; people in the late 80s had a greater sense of security and greater vigor. The refugees of the ‘90s from Baku and Shahumyan were neglected by authorities, while IDPs from Hadrut and Shushi are now treated better. The ‘90s saw densely-populated and better off Artsakh villages, with little exposure to malnutrition and bombardment, as opposed to Stepanakert.

Comparison of Two Blockades

I can recall the start of bombardment in November 1991. We had just moved into a spacious and newly-renovated apartment. The classical dining room furniture sparkled. The bathrooms were beaming. The bedrooms were spacious. 

At a birthday party, town intelligentsia played chess, and women discussed Anna Akhmatova, while the children devoured creamy tarts. The next night, our family woke up to roaring blasts of multiple-launch rockets from an adjacent town. My mother told me that we were not going to school, which I was happy about, but also scared by all the racket. Neighboring families were clamorously sprinting into the basement under the building with infants, blankets and cots. The missiles designed to deliver anti-personnel devastation in an open battlefield were bludgeoning the civilian population, already blockaded and cut from all the land communications with Armenia since 1989, signaling the collapse of the Soviet empire. The next six months were turning the settlement into a ghost town. The buildings cut in half were leering at you with blackened holes and bathrooms. The roads were cramped with rooftops, and hearths on the streets reminded of once apartment stocks. In her book Modern Saints and MartyrsCaroline Cox, a deputy speaker of the House of Lords, recalls, “I used to count 400 Grad missiles every day pounding in on Stepanakert.”  

When the water supply was cut, my mum had to fetch water in buckets from the outskirts of town under cover of the night so as not to be easily targeted by snipers. One evening, we were supping with natural yogurt sent from our relatives from the village (the main supplier of groceries then), when distant blasts were rhythmically and increasingly growing closer and louder. Clobbered and horrified, my siblings and I were instructed to line up along the corridor wall in the center. Then came the ringing of the shattering glass and screams of our neighbors. The rocket, intended for our flat, sprawled back into a perennial linden tree in front; its scattering fragments flickered the walls and crashed into kitchen equipment. Our neighbor Mrs. Anja threw herself onto the bed, covered herself with a blanket and froze. Another lady was trembling so much that I thought she was rocking a baby. Then the news came that this salvo of rockets chopped our neighbor’s head at the entrance of a nearby house.

My classmate, struggling with cancer, having lost her leg at age 11 when her home was shelled in 1991 (Photo: Areg Balayan)

My parents were scared for us, and I was scared for my toddler sister, who had just started walking. I wanted all this to come to an end. The blockade of our town was lifted six months later, when the town of the impregnable medieval fortress, Shushi, fell.

Pressure on Mental Health and Ways to Nourish it

The biggest upshot of blockade is the grave pressure on mental health, its aptness to kill the soul and hopes of people, every third of whom is either displaced or bereaved. Stepanakert psychologists record high anxiety, depression, PTSD, increased fear and unexplainable stomach pains in children, aggression that is stronger among war veterans, trauma, often intergenerational, victimization and powerlessness. To nourish mental health, Natalia Bekhtereva, an eminent neurophysiologist and Leningrad blockade survivor, advises patients to counterweight negative emotions with positive ones (emotion vs. emotion principle) and to drive off oppressive thoughts by exercise (emotion vs. movement). 

The theatrical play, “While She Was Dying,” transforms the desolation and frenzy of the people and engulfs them into the story of a mother and daughter who take solace in their shabby neighborhood by cozy chats and reading Charles Dickens aloud to each other. One day, there’s an unexpected knock on the door. It is a gentleman with a fresh bouquet. The subsequent suspense delivered me from harsh reality for three hours in line with the emotion versus emotion principle. I went with a colleague, who was not captured by the play. Maybe she was too young and better spared from the calamities of life to feel empathy with the lonely lady. However, the performance was appealing to most, since it inferred that even though we may think the opportunity of life had passed, there may be greater chances that could open up.

Theatrical performance in blockaded town, December 2022

People are also cherishing their mental health by the emotion versus motion principle. They attend fitness ballet and barre workouts. A ballroom hosts ladies of various ages and backgrounds, assiduously performing a trainer’s instructions. This routs out their oppressive thoughts. But this blissful state is cut short when a gentle young lady with beautiful big eyes and luxurious hair, performing port de bras next to me, disrupted the flow of exercise: “My uncle, who was receiving intervention in the bigger capital, died. His family is here and doesn’t know what to do.” The rest of the ladies stood motionless for a while, then went on with gymnastics.

A most robust psychotherapeutic tool, according to Viktor Frankl, a Nazi camp survivor, is finding meaning in life. He states that human life, even in suffering and privation, never ceases to have a meaning, and even if we have nothing more to expect from life, life is still expecting something from us. One must not lose hope, but keep the courage that the hopelessness of our struggle does not distract us from the dignity of life and its meaning. The meaning of life may be “someone you look down to – a, friend, a wife, someone alive or dead, or God – and He would not expect us to disappoint him”[1], or else it may be a task to be fulfilled or a grip of some future purpose or actions.   

The blockade has tried to steal our meaning in life, our hopes and values, depriving us of human dignity, finding refuge in the past or simply waiting for the future. On the other hand, it has opened people to search for meaning and made them more receptive to it. Some find it in the growing fidelity to homeland and consider the blockade a sacrifice in its name. Others reconceptualize personal relations, attach significance to teaching or writing as therapy. Many find meaning in religion.

Voices in the Church

The deranged mental health of people drives them into the graceful tufa cathedral. The church counterbalances their pain and torment into joy, consolation and hope. At church, you hear voices of desperation, stories of loss and of miraculous salvation. The desperate voice belongs to a man kneeling in front of the altar, whose son was kidnapped from the military position two weeks ago. He is conversing with the universe: “Bring back my son. He is the reason I live.” The rear seats are taken by a gentleman and a young lady, who share their stories of loss and salvation and how they found meaning in life. One of them is my schoolmate, who lost her leg in the first war, when a Grad missile ‘entered’ her house. “God saved me from bowel cancer when my boy was three. God heard my cry, and I heard how my boy was praying for me.”

The other, Samvel, says that God preserved only him, unscathed out of 42 combatants in the squad. “Upon the defeat, we were retreating through a long road of dead bodies. I was praying for everyone – for friends and foes, dead and alive. Prayer has kept me sound in mind, and God has preserved my body unscathed, because I still have to serve people for His glory.”

The blockades are bludgeoning generations. Members of the elder generation are reactivating their coping mechanisms with decreasing strength. The younger have vigor, but no experienced scenarios of surviving the siege. Like hobbits, we are at the intersection of interests of too many powers and have assumed a mission too big for us to fulfill, our adventures being underway.

_____

[1] Viktor Frankl, Man’s Search for Meaning, p. 104

Lusine Vanyan is a lecturer at Artsakh State University. She also is currently working with Doctors Without Borders.


Providence ARF remembers and celebrates the Khanasor exhibition and Armenian independence

PROVIDENCE, R.I.—The Providence “Kristapor” Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) held its annual Khanasor and Armenian Independence Day picnic on Sunday at Sts. Vartanantz Armenian Apostolic Church.  

About 200 picnic supporters enjoyed delicious beef tip kebabs, losh kebab and chicken dinners prepared by ARF members and helpers. Those gathered at the Armenia Street parking lot were entertained by Hagop Garabedian (keyboard), Harry Alahverdian (oud), Malcolm Varadian (dumbeg) and Carl Goshgarian (vocals).

This annual event celebrates the historic Battle of Khanasor (Khanasor Expedition), which took place in 1897 and the Republic of Armenia’s First Independence in May 1918.

The Providence ARF proudly celebrates our fedayi heroes who stood against the enemy to defend our peoples’ right to live freely and practice their Christian faith. The fight for survival is still going on in Armenia and Artsakh today, and our heroes continue to put their lives on the line against the same enemy from more than 100 years ago, fighting to defend our right to live as Armenians in our sovereign land.